The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999*
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EXPLAINING POPULIST PARTY ADAPTATION in LATIN AMERICA Environmental and Organizational Determinants of Party Change in Argentina, Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela
ARTICLE 10.1177/0010414003256112COMPARATIVEBurgess, Levitsky POLITICAL / POPULIST STUDIES PARTY LATIN / October AMERICA 2003 EXPLAINING POPULIST PARTY ADAPTATION IN LATIN AMERICA Environmental and Organizational Determinants of Party Change in Argentina, Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela KATRINA BURGESS Syracuse University STEVEN LEVITSKY Harvard University This article uses a two-level framework to explain variation in Latin American populist parties’ responses to the neoliberal challenge of the 1980s and 1990s. First, it examines the incentives for adaptation, focusing on the electoral and economic environments in which parties operated. Sec- ond, it examines parties’organizational capacity to adapt, focusing on leadership renovation and the accountability of office-holding leaders to unions and party authorities. This framework is applied to four cases: the Argentine Justicialista Party (PJ), the Mexican Institutional Revolu- tionary Party (PRI), the Peruvian APRA party, and Venezuelan Democratic Action (AD). In Argentina, the combination of strong incentives and substantial adaptive capacity resulted in radical programmatic change and electoral success. In Mexico, where the PRI had high adaptive capacity but faced somewhat weaker external incentives, programmatic change was slower but nevertheless substantial, and the party survived as a major political force. In Peru, where APRA had some capacity but little incentive to adapt, and in Venezuela, where AD had neither a strong incentive nor the capacity to adapt, populist parties achieved little programmatic change and suf- fered steep electoral decline. Keywords: Argentina; Mexico; Peru; Venezuela; populist parties; party change AUTHORS’NOTE: An earlier draft of this article was delivered at the 2001 meeting of the Latin American Studies Association in Washington, DC, September 6-8, 2001. -
Ma-Celo Cavarozzi Paper Prepared for the Meeting on "Political Parties and Redemocratization in in the World Congress of T
PERMNS AND PADICALISO: ARt ,,A' S TRANSrTIONS lT PESPECIVE Ma-celo Cavarozzi CEDES, Buenos Aires JulY1985 Paper prepared for the meeting on "Political Parties and Redemocratization in the Southern Cone" sponsored by the Latin American Program of The Wilson Center and the World Peace Foundation. Washington, D.C., September 9-12, 1985. A preliminary version was presented in the World Congress of the International Political Science Association (Paris, 15-20 July, 1985) at the Special Session on "Crisis and resurrection of political parties in democratization processes." Do not quote. 1 InrR0DLL'ICN Since 1955, the most visible feature of the Argentine political system has been a higher level of instability. Not only did military coups become more frequent, but the installation of each new regime was irnvariably followed by a repetition of the same cycle: the failure to develop an alternative political foraula, signs of the e gence of political, fragility, and the final collapse. 1bre significantly, beneath the tumultuous surface of political events, the key achanisms of the 1945-55 state were disrmntled without being replaced by alternative arrangements. Those mechanisms had been based upon the partial institutionalization of Perdn's own personal leadership. During those years, Perdn had not only been the head of government, he had also played two other key roles by channeling the political representation of the popular masses through himself and by pronting the subordination of the armed forces to the political institutions. Despite the ultimate failure to create alternative political mechanisms to replace those of the Peronist state, the course of post-1955 events was shaped by the unfolding of the successive projects. -
Piquetes, Cacerolazos Y El Motivo De La Madre Perturbada Alteridades, Vol
Alteridades ISSN: 0188-7017 [email protected] Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Iztapalapa México Pérez, Adrián Expresiones populares y cinematográficas del descontento con la nación argentina: piquetes, cacerolazos y el motivo de la madre perturbada Alteridades, vol. 14, núm. 28, julio-diciembre, 2004, pp. 75-89 Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Iztapalapa Distrito Federal, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=74702807 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto ALTERIDADES, 2004 14 (28): Págs. 75-89 Expresiones populares y cinematográficas del descontento con la nación argentina: piquetes, cacerolazos y el motivo de la madre perturbada* ADRIÁN PÉREZ MELGOZA** Resumen Abstract: Este trabajo estudia el universo simbólico de las protestas This paper studies the symbolic universe of current street callejeras argentinas en combinación con un análisis de cinco protests in Argentina in combination with five films from the películas de la postdictadura que contienen el motivo de la ma- post-dictatorship that contain the deranged mother motif. dre perturbada. Ambos fenómenos indican la existencia de Both phenomena indicate the existence of a profound cultural una profunda contradicción cultural en el país: mientras las contradiction in the country: while women and symbols of mujeres y los símbolos de la maternidad juegan un papel maternity are playing key roles in the articulation of effective central en la articulación de cambios políticos efectivos, muchas political change, many films include the character of the películas utilizan el personaje de la madre perturbada como deranged mother as a metaphor for the nation and displace metáfora de la nación desplazando sobre ella las responsabili- over her the responsibilities for the country’s crises. -
La Congruencia Aliancista De Los Partidos Argentinos En Elecciones Concurrentes (1983- 2011) Estudios Políticos, Vol
Estudios Políticos ISSN: 0185-1616 [email protected] Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México México Cleric, Paula La congruencia aliancista de los partidos argentinos en elecciones concurrentes (1983- 2011) Estudios Políticos, vol. 9, núm. 36, septiembre-diciembre, 2015, pp. 143-170 Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Distrito Federal, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=426441558007 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto La congruencia aliancista de los partidos argentinos en elecciones concurrentes (1983 -2011) Paula Clerici* Resumen El presente artículo ofrece un estudio sobre la congruencia de las alianzas electorales en Argen- tina entre 1983 y 2011. Lo anterior a partir de dos acciones: primero, ubicando empíricamente el fenómeno; segundo, conociendo el nivel de congruencia que los partidos han tenido en su política aliancista en los distintos procesos electorales que se presentaron durante el período considerado. La propuesta dedica un apartado especial al Partido Justicialista (PJ) y a la Unión Cívica Radical (UCR), por su importancia sistémica. Palabras clave: alianzas partidistas, partidos políticos, congruencia aliancista, procesos electorales, .Argentina. Abstract This article presents a study on the consistency of the electoral alliances in Argentina between 1983 and 2011. From two actions: first, locating empirically the phenomenon; and second, knowing the level of consistency that the parties have had in their alliance policy in the different electoral processes that occurred during the period. -
El Neoliberalismo (1989-1999)
SINDICAL POLITICO FORMACION FORMACION POLITICO SINDICAL POLITICO FORMACION a caída del mUro de Berlín en 1989 • Ley de Reforma del Estado jeros fijaran sUs ojos en estas tierras permi- L abría paso a Un mUndo en el qUe Una tiría de este modo financiar las inversiones sola potencia, los Estados Unidos, ejercía • Ley de Emergencia Económica necesarias en obras de “modernización”, Una hegemonía militar indiscUtible, administrar “eficazmente” (lo qUe se con- acompañada de Un poder económico for- En 1989 se sancionaron dos leyes fUnda- traponía a la corrUpción, la bUrocracia y midable. mentales qUe crearon el marco jUrídico de lentitUd con qUe se caracterizaba a las em- las transformaciones qUe iban a tener presas estatales) y finalmente bajo el pos- En ese contexto el 14 de mayo de 1989 lUgar a lo largo de la década: la Ley de Re- tUlado aqUel de qUe el “mercado manda” Carlos Menem, el candidato del Frente forma del Estado (Nº 23.696) y la Ley de provocaría Una competencia qUe permi- JUsticialista PopUlar (FrejUpo) y Una coali- Emergencia Económica (Nº 23697). tiría el mejoramiento de los servicios. ción con diversos partidos, se impUso ante el candidato radical EdUardo Angeloz, con Se trataba de leyes aprobadas por el Con- AlgUnos de esos argUmentos se basaban el 49,3% de los votos. greso Nacional, tanto por el radicalismo en qUe las empresas estatales daban pér- como por el jUsticialismo. Esta legislación didas, eran ineficientes y fUente de co- El 8 de jUlio, ante la delicada sitUación y en particUlar la de la Reforma del Estado, rrUpción. -
Engineering Growth: Innovative Capacity and Development in the Americas∗
Engineering Growth: Innovative Capacity and Development in the Americas∗ William F. Maloneyy Felipe Valencia Caicedoz July 1, 2016 Abstract This paper offers the first systematic historical evidence on the role of a central actor in modern growth theory- the engineer. We collect cross-country and state level data on the population share of engineers for the Americas, and county level data on engineering and patenting for the US during the Second Industrial Revolution. These are robustly correlated with income today after controlling for literacy, other types of higher order human capital (e.g. lawyers, physicians), demand side factors, and instrumenting engineering using the Land Grant Colleges program. We support these results with historical case studies from the US and Latin America. A one standard deviation increase in engineers in 1880 accounts for a 16% increase in US county income today, and patenting capacity contributes another 10%. Our estimates also help explain why countries with similar levels of income in 1900, but tenfold differences in engineers diverged in their growth trajectories over the next century. Keywords: Innovative Capacity, Human Capital, Engineers, Technology Diffusion, Patents, Growth, Development, History. JEL: O11,O30,N10,I23 ∗Corresponding author Email: [email protected]. We thank Ufuk Akcigit, David de la Croix, Leo Feler, Claudio Ferraz, Christian Fons-Rosen, Oded Galor, Steve Haber, Lakshmi Iyer, David Mayer- Foulkes, Stelios Michalopoulos, Guy Michaels, Petra Moser, Giacomo Ponzetto, Luis Serven, Andrei Shleifer, Moritz Shularick, Enrico Spolaore, Uwe Sunde, Bulent Unel, Nico Voigtl¨ander,Hans-Joachim Voth, Fabian Waldinger, David Weil and Gavin Wright for helpful discussions. We are grateful to William Kerr for making available the county level patent data. -
Figure A1 General Elections in Argentina, 1995-2019 Figure A2 Vote for Peronists Among Highest-Educated and Top-Income Voters In
Chapter 15. "Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019" Oscar BARRERA, Ana LEIVA, Clara MARTÍNEZ-TOLEDANO, Álvaro ZÚÑIGA-CORDERO Appendix A - Argentina Main figures and tables Figure A1 General elections in Argentina, 1995-2019 Figure A2 Vote for Peronists among highest-educated and top-income voters in Argentina, after controls Table A1 The structure of political cleavages in Argentina, 2015-2019 Appendix Figures - Structure of the Vote for Peronists Figure AA1 Vote for Peronists by income decile in Argentina Figure AA2 Vote for Peronists by income group in Argentina Figure AA3 Vote for Peronists by education level in Argentina Figure AA4 Vote for Peronists by age group in Argentina Figure AA5 Vote for Peronists by gender in Argentina Figure AA6 Vote for Peronists by marital status in Argentina Figure AA7 Vote for Peronists by employment status in Argentina Figure AA8 Vote for Peronists by employment sector in Argentina Figure AA9 Vote for Peronists by self-employment status in Argentina Figure AA10 Vote for Peronists by occupation in Argentina Figure AA11 Vote for Peronists by subjective social class in Argentina Figure AA12 Vote for Peronists by rural-urban location in Argentina Figure AA13 Vote for Peronists by region in Argentina Figure AA14 Vote for Peronists by ethnicity in Argentina Figure AA15 Vote for Peronists by religious affiliation in Argentina Figure AA16 Vote for Peronists by religiosity in Argentina Figure AA17 Vote for -
Piqueteros Al Gobierno: Un Experimento Populista Argentino, 2003-2007 Carlos Escudé CONICET – CEIEG, Universidad Del CEMA
Piqueteros al gobierno: un experimento populista argentino, 2003-2007 CARLOS ESCUDÉ CONICET – CEIEG, Universidad del CEMA En este trabajo realizaremos un seguimiento cronológico de un experimento político poco frecuente: la incorporación de parte de la dirigencia de las organi- zaciones de protesta social argentinas al gobierno del presidente Néstor Kirchner. Durante su gestión, dirigentes asimilables del movimiento piquetero, constituido por diversas organizaciones de “trabajadores desempleados”, ingresaron siste- máticamente como funcionarios a los diversos niveles del Estado nacional y de los gobiernos provinciales y municipales. Mediante esta estrategia, que se vio favorecida por altas tasas de crecimiento económico y vino acompañada de una importante reducción del desempleo, durante el período 2003-07 aumentaron la gobernabilidad y la paz social en un país que en 2002 se había encontrado al borde de la anarquía. Por cierto, a fines de la gestión de Kirchner parecía que se había alcanzado un éxito considerable en el control de la protesta social. “Para muchos piquete- ros ya no sirve cortar calles”, proclamaba un título de un periódico opositor en septiembre de 2007. Según el cronista: Agosto de 2005 fue la última vez que una unión clara de fuerzas sociales pudo poner en aprietos al presidente Néstor Kirchner en uno de sus flancos sensibles: la reacción frente a la protesta callejera. Después de las elecciones de aquel año, se redujeron drásticamente los planes comunes de lucha. Tanto, que se desdibujó el liderazgo piquetero: en sólo seis meses, el promedio mensual de cortes de rutas y de calles bajó a la mitad. Comenzaba lo que muchos denominaron “el repliegue táctico”.1 [email protected] E.I.A.L., Vol. -
La Unión Cívica Radical Intransigente De Tucumán (1957-1962)
Andes ISSN: 0327-1676 ISSN: 1668-8090 [email protected] Instituto de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades Argentina EL PARTIDO COMO TERRENO DE DISPUTAS: LA UNIÓN CÍVICA RADICAL INTRANSIGENTE DE TUCUMÁN (1957-1962) Lichtmajer, Leandro Ary EL PARTIDO COMO TERRENO DE DISPUTAS: LA UNIÓN CÍVICA RADICAL INTRANSIGENTE DE TUCUMÁN (1957-1962) Andes, vol. 29, núm. 1, 2018 Instituto de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, Argentina Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=12755957009 Esta obra está bajo una Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional. PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto ARTÍCULOS EL PARTIDO COMO TERRENO DE DISPUTAS: LA UNIÓN CÍVICA RADICAL INTRANSIGENTE DE TUCUMÁN (1957-1962) THE PARTY AS A FIELD OF DISPUTES: THE INTRANSIGENT RADICAL CIVIC UNION OF TUCUMÁN (1957-1962) Leandro Ary Lichtmajer [email protected] Instituto Superior de Estudios Sociales (UNT/CONICET) Facultad de Filosofía y Letras (UNT)., Argentina Resumen: Los interrogantes sobre el derrotero del radicalismo en la etapa de Andes, vol. 29, núm. 1, 2018 inestabilidad política y conflictividad social comprendida entre los golpes de Estado de 1955 y 1962 se vinculan a la necesidad de desentrañar la trayectoria de los partidos Instituto de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, Argentina en una etapa clave de la historia argentina contemporánea. En ese contexto, el análisis del surgimiento y trayectoria de la Unión Cívica Radical Intransigente en la provincia Recepción: 18/10/17 de Tucumán (Argentina) procura poner en debate las interpretaciones estructuradas Aprobación: 26/12/17 alrededor de la noción de partido instrumental. -
ARGENTINE WORKER COOPERATIVES in CIVIL SOCIETY: a CHALLENGE to CAPITAL–LABOR RELATIONS Wusa 273 77..106
Workingusa The Journal of Labor and Society ARGENTINE WORKER COOPERATIVES IN CIVIL SOCIETY: A CHALLENGE TO CAPITAL–LABOR RELATIONS wusa_273 77..106 Peter Ranis The worker-recuperated enterprise and worker cooperative movements in Argentina raise fundamental theoretical and practical questions that not only implicate the Argentine political economy but also redound on workers confronted with outsourcing, downsizing, and arbitrary decisions by owners and managers of capitalist enterprises. The Argentine workers so engaged represent a dramatic confrontation between the rights of private property and the labor rights of the working class faced with unemployment and poverty. These examples of worker autonomy have demonstrated significant departures in terms of social formations. By their capacity to form alliances with progressive legal, community, political, and labor forces available to them, they represent an alternative path to economic development that is predicated on worker solidarity and democracy in the workplace. These conflictual visions of civil society are contested in the legal-constitutional, political-institutional, and ideological-cultural arenas. Contemporary Argentine industrial and enterprise worker cooperatives were essentially born in the run up to and during the massive popular societal demonstrations of December 2001. They owe much of their momentum to the social and economic crisis that offered little alternative to laborers and employ- ees but unemployment and poverty. Factory and enterprise bankruptcies and employer abandonment of places of work forced the laborers and employees to seek the redress of their grievances. One of the measures to which they turned, inspired by two prominent worker organizations, was the formation of worker cooperatives that are sanctioned by historical Argentine law. -
Social Mobilization and Political Decay in Argentina
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1986 Social Mobilization and Political Decay in Argentina Craig Huntington Melton College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the Latin American Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Melton, Craig Huntington, "Social Mobilization and Political Decay in Argentina" (1986). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625361. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-413n-d563 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SOCIAL MOBILIZATION AND POLITICAL DECAY IN ARGENTINA A Thesis Presented to The faculty of the Department of Government The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Craig Huntington Melton 1986 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts raig Huntington Melton Approved, August 19(ff6 Geor, s on Donald J !xter A. David A. Dessler DEDICATIONS To the memory of LEWIS GRAY MYERS a poet always following the sun. Thanks to Darby, Mr. Melding, Rich & Judy, and my parents for their encouragement and kind support. h iii. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page DEDICATION.............................................. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS................................................... V LIST OF T A B L E S ........................................... vi ABSTRACT............................................... -
Building Parties on the Ground: Explaining Grassroots Party Activism in Buenos Aires
01/08/2019 – please do not cite without permission from author - [email protected] Building parties on the ground: Explaining grassroots party activism in Buenos Aires Dr Sam Halvorsen (Queen Mary University of London) Abstract What can explain the ongoing persistence of grassroots party activism? Despite multiple studies demonstrating the decline in “party on the ground” organisation, recent literature indicates grassroots activism remains alive in both theory and practice. This paper examines a new Argentine political party, Nuevo Encuentro, which, in a short period of time, built a large grassroots organisation of local branches and activists, and argues that the role of territory is a key explanatory factor. Based on a qualitative analysis of Nuevo Encuentro in Buenos Aires it demonstrates that a territorial organisation strategy helped the party: accumulate already mobilised activists; sustain and further motivate activists through a local branch structure; and recruit new members via linkages with urban communities. In so doing the paper extends literature on party-building and high-intensity activism and also contributes to the dismantling of methodological state-centrism in party scholarship by highlighting the significance of local organisational strategies. Keywords Party organisation; activism; territory; local branches; Argentina Introduction What can explain the ongoing persistence of grassroots party activism in the 21st century? For nearly three decades political party scholars have cited evidence for the decline in what Katz and Mair (1993) term the “party on the ground”, consisting of grassroots activists and supporters who have traditionally operated through local organisational structures (Dalton and Wattenberg, 2000; Scarrow et al, 2017; Whiteley, 2010).