Argentina: a Change of Course
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55 130516 Informe Especial El Congreso Argentino.Indd
SPECIAL REPORT The Argentinian Congress: political outlook in an election year Buenos Aires, May 2013 BARCELONA BOGOTÁ BUENOS AIRES LIMA LISBOA MADRID MÉXICO PANAMÁ QUITO RIO J SÃO PAULO SANTIAGO STO DOMINGO THE ARGENTINIAN CONGRESS: POLITICAL OUTLOOK IN AN ELECTION YEAR 1. INTRODUCTION 1. INTRODUCTION 2. WHAT HAPPENED IN 2012? 3. 2013 OUTLOOK On 1st March 2013, the president of Argentina, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, opened a new regular sessions’ period in the Argentinian 4. JUSTICE REFORM AND ITS Congress. POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES 5. 2013 LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS In her message, broadcasted on national radio and television, the 6. CONCLUSIONS head of state summarized the main economic indicators of Argentina AUTHORS and how they had developed over the last 10 years of Kirchner’s LLORENTE & CUENCA administration, a timeframe she called “a won decade”. National deputies and senators, in Legislative Assembly, attended the Presidential speech after having taken part in 23 sessions in each House, which strongly contrasts with the fi gure registered in 2011, when approximately a dozen sessions were held. The central point of her speech was the announcement of the outlines of what she called “the democratization of justice”. The modifi cation of the Judicial Council, the creation of three new Courts of Cassation and the regulation of the use of precautionary measures in lawsuits against the state were, among others, the initiatives that the president promised to send to Congress for discussion. Therefore, the judicial system reform became the main political issue in the 2013 public agenda and had a noteworthy impact on all areas of Argentinian society. -
The Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina's And
www.ssoar.info Unpacking Patronage: the Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina's and Uruguay's Central Public Administrations Larraburu, Conrado Ricardo Ramos; Panizza, Francisco; Scherlis, Gerardo Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Larraburu, C. R. R., Panizza, F., & Scherlis, G. (2018). Unpacking Patronage: the Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina's and Uruguay's Central Public Administrations. Journal of Politics in Latin America, 10(3), 59-98. https:// nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-11421 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-ND Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-ND Licence Keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NoDerivatives). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/deed.de Journal of Politics in Latin America Panizza, Francisco, Conrado Ricardo Ramos Larraburu, and Gerardo Scherlis (2018), Unpacking Patronage: The Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina’s and Uruguay’s Central Public Administrations, in: Journal of Politics in Latin America, 10, 3, 59–98. URN: http://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-11421 ISSN: 1868-4890 (online), ISSN: 1866-802X (print) The online version of this article can be found at: <www.jpla.org> Published by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of Latin American Studies and Hamburg University Press. The Journal of Politics in Latin America is an Open Access publication. -
La Congruencia Aliancista De Los Partidos Argentinos En Elecciones Concurrentes (1983- 2011) Estudios Políticos, Vol
Estudios Políticos ISSN: 0185-1616 [email protected] Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México México Cleric, Paula La congruencia aliancista de los partidos argentinos en elecciones concurrentes (1983- 2011) Estudios Políticos, vol. 9, núm. 36, septiembre-diciembre, 2015, pp. 143-170 Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Distrito Federal, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=426441558007 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto La congruencia aliancista de los partidos argentinos en elecciones concurrentes (1983 -2011) Paula Clerici* Resumen El presente artículo ofrece un estudio sobre la congruencia de las alianzas electorales en Argen- tina entre 1983 y 2011. Lo anterior a partir de dos acciones: primero, ubicando empíricamente el fenómeno; segundo, conociendo el nivel de congruencia que los partidos han tenido en su política aliancista en los distintos procesos electorales que se presentaron durante el período considerado. La propuesta dedica un apartado especial al Partido Justicialista (PJ) y a la Unión Cívica Radical (UCR), por su importancia sistémica. Palabras clave: alianzas partidistas, partidos políticos, congruencia aliancista, procesos electorales, .Argentina. Abstract This article presents a study on the consistency of the electoral alliances in Argentina between 1983 and 2011. From two actions: first, locating empirically the phenomenon; and second, knowing the level of consistency that the parties have had in their alliance policy in the different electoral processes that occurred during the period. -
The Year in Elections, 2013: the World's Flawed and Failed Contests
The Year in Elections, 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma. 2014. The Year in Elections 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests. The Electoral Integrity Project. Published Version http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11744445 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 THE WORLD’S FLAWED AND FAILED CONTESTS Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma February 2014 THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 WWW. ELECTORALINTEGRITYPROJECT.COM The Electoral Integrity Project Department of Government and International Relations Merewether Building, HO4 University of Sydney, NSW 2006 Phone: +61(2) 9351 6041 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com Copyright © Pippa Norris, Ferran Martínez i Coma, and Richard W. Frank 2014. All rights reserved. Photo credits Cover photo: ‘Ballot for national election.’ by Daniel Littlewood, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daniellittlewood/413339945. Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 6 and 18: ‘Ballot sections are separated for counting.’ by Brittany Danisch, http://www.flickr.com/photos/bdanisch/6084970163/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 8: ‘Women in Pakistan wait to vote’ by DFID - UK Department for International Development, http://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/8735821208/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. -
Figure A1 General Elections in Argentina, 1995-2019 Figure A2 Vote for Peronists Among Highest-Educated and Top-Income Voters In
Chapter 15. "Social Inequalities, Identity, and the Structure of Political Cleavages in Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru, 1952-2019" Oscar BARRERA, Ana LEIVA, Clara MARTÍNEZ-TOLEDANO, Álvaro ZÚÑIGA-CORDERO Appendix A - Argentina Main figures and tables Figure A1 General elections in Argentina, 1995-2019 Figure A2 Vote for Peronists among highest-educated and top-income voters in Argentina, after controls Table A1 The structure of political cleavages in Argentina, 2015-2019 Appendix Figures - Structure of the Vote for Peronists Figure AA1 Vote for Peronists by income decile in Argentina Figure AA2 Vote for Peronists by income group in Argentina Figure AA3 Vote for Peronists by education level in Argentina Figure AA4 Vote for Peronists by age group in Argentina Figure AA5 Vote for Peronists by gender in Argentina Figure AA6 Vote for Peronists by marital status in Argentina Figure AA7 Vote for Peronists by employment status in Argentina Figure AA8 Vote for Peronists by employment sector in Argentina Figure AA9 Vote for Peronists by self-employment status in Argentina Figure AA10 Vote for Peronists by occupation in Argentina Figure AA11 Vote for Peronists by subjective social class in Argentina Figure AA12 Vote for Peronists by rural-urban location in Argentina Figure AA13 Vote for Peronists by region in Argentina Figure AA14 Vote for Peronists by ethnicity in Argentina Figure AA15 Vote for Peronists by religious affiliation in Argentina Figure AA16 Vote for Peronists by religiosity in Argentina Figure AA17 Vote for -
Argentina | Freedom House Page 1 of 5
Argentina | Freedom House Page 1 of 5 Argentina freedomhouse.org Popular support for President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner continued its decline in 2014, due primarily to inflation and insecurity. Officials devalued the peso by 19 percent in January in order to shore up international currency reserves (which fell to a seven-year low in 2014), prompting a surge in inflation. An estimated 24 to 30 percent annual inflation rate during the year eroded the purchasing power of Argentines and increased the incentive to buy black market dollars. Inflation rose in spite of the government’s price watch agreement—Precios Cuidados (“protected prices”)—which mandated reduced prices on more than 150 products sold in the largest supermarket chains. Argentina also struggled with declining public safety in 2014 as the country played an increasing role in the international drug trade. In April, a 24-hour general strike by labor unions brought large portions of the country to a standstill, affecting public transportation and government offices, and threatening the movement of the soybean harvest. Strikers demanded higher pay, lower taxes, and an increase in living standards amid the rising inflation. The Fernández administration attempted to meet the country’s persistent economic uncertainty with pragmatism. By agreeing to a $5 billion settlement, the government resolved a two-year dispute with Repsol, a Spanish company whose controlling stake in an Argentine oil firm had been nationalized in 2012. The national statistics agency made efforts to increase transparency by reporting more credible inflation data, and the government exercised fiscal restraint by cutting expensive and unsustainable water and natural gas subsidies. -
The Role of Political Parties in Promoting Women in Politics - Upla Women's Network Contribution
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN PROMOTING WOMEN IN POLITICS - UPLA WOMEN'S NETWORK CONTRIBUTION INTRODUCTION The Women's Network of the Union of Latin American Parties (UPLA) is a political platform that seeks to promote and strengthen the participation and positioning of women in public decision-making roles in Latin America and the Caribbean. We believe that the practices, policies and values of political parties can have a profound impact on women's political participation and representation. That is why the Network decided to join the iKNOW Politics e-discussion on “The Role of Political Parties in Promoting Women in Politics” to exchange knowledge on the role of political parties in promoting women’s participation and political representation. We prepared our contribution and discussed these important topics more widely during online discussions among members of the UPLA Women’s Network in August and September 2019. COUNTRIES THAT PARTICIPATED IN THE PREPARATION OF THIS DOCUMENT (COUNTRY, NAME OF REPRESENTATIVE(S) AND POLITICAL PARTY): Argentina Congresswoman Sofía Brambilla (PRO) Bolivia Local Assemblywoman Cinthya Mendoza (Demócratas) Chile Former Congresswoman Claudia Nogueira (UDI), Congresswoman Catalina del Real MP (RN) Colombia Senator Nadya Blel (PCC), Gina Segura (PCC) Costa Rica Mariana Fernández (PRSC) Dominican Republic Daysi Sepúlveda (FNP) El Salvador Congresswoman Martha Evelyn Batres (ARENA), Claudia Alas de Ávila, Member of PARLACEN (ARENA) Honduras Congresswoman Johana Bermúdez (PNH) Panama Gina Correa (CD) Peru Nadia Ramos (PPC), Gisela Tipe (AP), Milagros López (AP) 1. DO POLITICAL PARTIES IN YOUR COUNTRY PUBLICLY EXPRESS COMMITMENT TO GENDER EQUALITY? IF SO, IS THIS COMMITMENT REFLECTED IN THEIR ACTIONS (E.G. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999*
FROM LABOR POLITICS TO MACHINE POLITICS: The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999* Steven Levitsky Harvard University Abstract: The Argentine (Peronist) Justicialista Party (PJ)** underwent a far- reaching coalitional transformation during the 1980s and 1990s. Party reformers dismantled Peronism’s traditional mechanisms of labor participation, and clientelist networks replaced unions as the primary linkage to the working and lower classes. By the early 1990s, the PJ had transformed from a labor-dominated party into a machine party in which unions were relatively marginal actors. This process of de-unionization was critical to the PJ’s electoral and policy success during the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–99). The erosion of union influ- ence facilitated efforts to attract middle-class votes and eliminated a key source of internal opposition to the government’s economic reforms. At the same time, the consolidation of clientelist networks helped the PJ maintain its traditional work- ing- and lower-class base in a context of economic crisis and neoliberal reform. This article argues that Peronism’s radical de-unionization was facilitated by the weakly institutionalized nature of its traditional party-union linkage. Although unions dominated the PJ in the early 1980s, the rules of the game governing their participation were always informal, fluid, and contested, leaving them vulner- able to internal changes in the distribution of power. Such a change occurred during the 1980s, when office-holding politicians used patronage resources to challenge labor’s privileged position in the party. When these politicians gained control of the party in 1987, Peronism’s weakly institutionalized mechanisms of union participation collapsed, paving the way for the consolidation of machine politics—and a steep decline in union influence—during the 1990s. -
Boletin Observatorio Trabajo Y Ddhh 1.Indd
Trabajo y Derechos Humanos / Número 1 / Marzo 2016 / 3 Trabajo y Derechos Humanos / Número 1 / Marzo 2016 / 4 Trabajo y Derechos Humanos Publicación del Observatorio de Trabajo y Derechos Humanos Facultad de Ciencias Sociales - Universidad de Buenos Aires Año 1 - Número 1 - Marzo 2016 Trabajo y Derechos Humanos / Número 1 / Marzo 2016 / 5 Trabajo y Derechos Humanos Publicación del Observatorio de Trabajo y Derechos Humanos Facultad de Ciencias Sociales - Universidad de Buenos Aires Año 1 - Número 1 - Marzo 2016 STAFF Director: Daniel Cieza Comité de Redacción: Daniel Giorgeƫ , Herbert Pineda, Walter Bosisio, Emiliano AgosƟ no y Verónica Beyreuther. Consejo Asesor: Ramón Torres Molina (Universidad Nacional de La Plata), Rogelio Mendoza Molina (Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Azcapozalco, México), José Miguel Candia (Universidad Nacional Autonónoma de México), Julio Gaitán Bohorquez (Universidad del Rosario, Colombia), Patrick Staelens (Universidad de Perpignan, Francia), Anders Neergard (Universidad de Lincoping, Suecia), Juan Montes Cató (Universidad de Buenos Aires, CONICET), Octavio Maza Diaz Cortes (Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, México), Virgilio Acuña Peralta (Universidad de Lambayeque, Perú). Edición y diseño: Florencia Lance Corrección: Herberth Pineda M. T. de Alvear 2230, ofi cina 208, CABA, (C1122AAJ) ArgenƟ na [email protected] ISSN: 2469-1542 Se terminó de imprimir en MulƟ graphic a los 15 días del mes de marzo de 2016. Los arơ culos fi rmados expresan la opinión de los autores y no refl ejan necesariamente -
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: an Approach to the Relationship
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism 67 “Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism and Government Employment during the Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Administration in Argentina Melina Vázquez* Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET); Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani; Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Abstract This article explores the relationship between employment in public administration and militant commitment, which is understood as that which the actors themselves define as “militant management.” To this end, an analysis is presented of three groups created within three Argentine ministries that adopted “Kirchnerist” ideology: La graN maKro (The Great Makro), the Juventud de Obras Públicas, and the Corriente de Libertación Nacional. The article explores the conditions of possibility and principal characteristics of this activism as well as the guidelines for admission, continuing membership, and promotion – both within the groups and within government entities – and the way that this type of militancy is articulated with expert, professional and academic capital as well as the capital constituted by the militants themselves. Keywords: Activism, expert knowledge, militant careers, state. * Article received on November 22, 2013; final version approved on March 26, 2014. This article is part of a series of studies that the author is working on as a researcher at CONICET and is part of the project “Activism and the Political Commitment of Youth: A Socio-Historical Study of their Political and Activist Experiences (1969-2011)” sponsored by the National Agency for Scientific and Technological Promotion, Argentine Ministry of Science, Technology and Productive Innovation (2012-2015), of which the author is the director. -
Argentina's 2015 Presidential Election
CRS INSIGHT Argentina's 2015 Presidential Election October 26, 2015 (IN10378) | Related Author Mark P. Sullivan | Mark P. Sullivan, Specialist in Latin American Affairs ([email protected], 7-7689) Argentines went to the polls on October 25, 2015, to vote in the first round of a presidential race to succeed President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, who hails from the Peronist party's leftist faction known as the Front of Victory (FPV). The close results set up a second round on November 22, 2015, between Daniel Scioli, governor of Buenos Aires province running under the banner of President Fernández's FPV, and Mauricio Macri, mayor of Buenos Aires, heading the Let's Change coalition that includes center-right and center-left opposition parties. In the first round, with 97% of the votes counted, Scioli received 36.86% of the vote, Macri received 34.33%, and Sergio Massa, a deputy in Argentina's Congress who heads a centrist dissident Peronist faction known as United for a New Alternative (UNA), received 21.34%. A second round is required since no candidate received 45% of the vote or 40% of the vote with a 10- point lead. The contest is significant since it is the first time in 12 years that a Kirchner will not be president. Fernández is serving her second term since 2007, when she succeeded her husband, the late Néstor Kirchner, who served one term beginning in 2003. Fernández is ineligible to run for a third consecutive term, although she would be eligible to run again in 2019. Going into the first round, many observers believed that any of the leading candidates for president would espouse more market-friendly policies than those of the current government, which include currency and price controls and import restrictions.