Argentina: Corruption Timeline
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Corruption Facts
facts_E.qxd 07/12/2005 14:12 Page 1 Corruption Facts Corruption causes reduced investment. • Investment in a relatively corrupt country compared to an uncorrupt one can be as much as 20 per cent more costly. [“Economic Corruption: Some Facts”, Daniel Kaufmann 8th International Anti-Corruption Conference 1997] • Nations that fight corruption and improve their rule of law could increase their national income • Each year, over US$ 1 trillion is paid in bribes by 400 per cent. worldwide. [“US$ 1 Trillion lost each year to bribery says World Bank”, UN Wire, 12 April 2004] [World Bank, www.worldbank.org] • Corruption reduces a government's ability to provide basic resources and services for Increasing evidence indicates widespread its citizens. corruption in the judiciary in many parts of the world. • Corruption and the transfer of illicit funds • Judicial corruption undermines the rule have contributed to capital flight in Africa, of law and government legitimacy. with more than US$ 400 billion having been looted and stashed away in foreign countries. • A corrupt judiciary cripples a society's Of that amount, around US$ 100 billion is ability to curb corruption. estimated to have come from Nigeria alone. • A report examining the judiciary in 48 • Former President of Zaire, Mobutu Sese Seko countries found that judicial corruption (in power 1965-1997) is believed to have looted was pervasive in 30 of them. the country's treasury of some US$ 5 billion— [Centre for Independence of Judges and Lawyers, an amount equal to the country's external Ninth annual report on Attacks on Justice, March 1997, February 1999.] debt at the time. -
Corruption from a Cross-Cultural Perspective
Corruption from a Cross-Cultural Perspective John Hooker Carnegie Mellon University October 2008 Abstract This paper views corruption as activity that tends to undermine a cultural system. Because cultures operate in very different ways, different activities are corrupting in different parts of the world. The paper analyzes real-life situations in Japan, Taiwan, India, China, North America, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, and Korea to distinguish actions that structurally undermine a cultural system from those that are merely inefficient or are actually supportive. Activities such as nepotism or cronyism that are corrupting in the rule-based cultures of the West may be functional in relationship-based cultures. Behavior that is normal in the West, such as bringing lawsuits or adhering strictly to a contract, may be corrupting elsewhere. Practices such as bribery that are often corrupting across cultures are nonetheless corrupting for very different reasons. This perspective provides culturally-sensitive guidelines not only for avoiding corruption but for understanding the mechanisms that make a culture work. Keywords – Corruption, cross-cultural ethics The world is shrinking, but its cultures remain worlds apart, as do its ethical norms. Bribery, kickbacks, cronyism, and nepotism seem to be more prevalent in some parts of the world, and one wants to know why. Is it because some peoples are less ethical than others? Or is it because they have different ethical systems and regard these behaviors as acceptable? As one might expect from a complicated world, the truth is more complicated than either of these alternatives. Behavioral differences result partly from different norms, and partly from a failure to live up to these norms. -
Beneath the Surface: Argentine-United States Relations As Perón Assumed the Presidency
Beneath the Surface: Argentine-United States Relations as Perón Assumed the Presidency Vivian Reed June 5, 2009 HST 600 Latin American Seminar Dr. John Rector 1 Juan Domingo Perón was elected President of Argentina on February 24, 1946,1 just as the world was beginning to recover from World War II and experiencing the first traces of the Cold War. The relationship between Argentina and the United States was both strained and uncertain at this time. The newly elected Perón and his controversial wife, Eva, represented Argentina. The United States’ presence in Argentina for the preceding year was primarily presented through Ambassador Spruille Braden.2 These men had vastly differing perspectives and visions for Argentina. The contest between them was indicative of the relationship between the two nations. Beneath the public and well-documented contest between Perón and United States under the leadership of Braden and his successors, there was another player whose presence was almost unnoticed. The impact of this player was subtlety effective in normalizing relations between Argentina and the United States. The player in question was former United States President Herbert Hoover, who paid a visit to Argentina and Perón in June of 1946. This paper will attempt to describe the nature of Argentine-United States relations in mid-1946. Hoover’s mission and insights will be examined. In addition, the impact of his visit will be assessed in light of unfolding events and the subsequent historiography. The most interesting aspect of the historiography is the marked absence of this episode in studies of Perón and Argentina3 even though it involved a former United States President and the relations with 1 Alexander, 53. -
Anti-Bribery and Corruption Compliance Frequently Asked Questions
Anti-Bribery and Corruption Compliance Frequently Asked Questions Question: What is the FCPA? Answer: The U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) makes it a crime to pay or offer to pay with corrupt intent anything of value (either directly or indirectly) to any “government official” in order to obtain or retain business, or to secure an improper advantage. It also requires that publicly traded companies, like Huron, maintain a system of internal controls and books and records that accurately reflect every transaction. _ Question: What is anything of value? Answer: Anything of value may include, but is not limited to, cash, cash equivalents, discounts, donations, travel expenses, entertainment, stock or gifts. Question: Can I make a payment to expedite the performance of a routine governmental action such as the obtainment of a required license or visa? Answer: No, payments to expedite the performance of a routine governmental action, known as facilitating or “grease” payments, are prohibited by Huron. Question: Can I pay for a client’s travel expenses that are directly related to the promotion or demonstration of Huron products or services; or the execution or performance of a contract? Answer: Yes, as long as these expenses are reasonable and pre-approved by your Managing Director and the Anti-Bribery and Corruption Compliance Officer. Question: Can Huron or I be prosecuted under the FCPA and other anti-bribery statutes, if a bribe is made by a third-party, such as a business finder or agent? Answer: Yes, legal liability is not limited to those who actively participate in illegal conduct. -
El Neoliberalismo (1989-1999)
SINDICAL POLITICO FORMACION FORMACION POLITICO SINDICAL POLITICO FORMACION a caída del mUro de Berlín en 1989 • Ley de Reforma del Estado jeros fijaran sUs ojos en estas tierras permi- L abría paso a Un mUndo en el qUe Una tiría de este modo financiar las inversiones sola potencia, los Estados Unidos, ejercía • Ley de Emergencia Económica necesarias en obras de “modernización”, Una hegemonía militar indiscUtible, administrar “eficazmente” (lo qUe se con- acompañada de Un poder económico for- En 1989 se sancionaron dos leyes fUnda- traponía a la corrUpción, la bUrocracia y midable. mentales qUe crearon el marco jUrídico de lentitUd con qUe se caracterizaba a las em- las transformaciones qUe iban a tener presas estatales) y finalmente bajo el pos- En ese contexto el 14 de mayo de 1989 lUgar a lo largo de la década: la Ley de Re- tUlado aqUel de qUe el “mercado manda” Carlos Menem, el candidato del Frente forma del Estado (Nº 23.696) y la Ley de provocaría Una competencia qUe permi- JUsticialista PopUlar (FrejUpo) y Una coali- Emergencia Económica (Nº 23697). tiría el mejoramiento de los servicios. ción con diversos partidos, se impUso ante el candidato radical EdUardo Angeloz, con Se trataba de leyes aprobadas por el Con- AlgUnos de esos argUmentos se basaban el 49,3% de los votos. greso Nacional, tanto por el radicalismo en qUe las empresas estatales daban pér- como por el jUsticialismo. Esta legislación didas, eran ineficientes y fUente de co- El 8 de jUlio, ante la delicada sitUación y en particUlar la de la Reforma del Estado, rrUpción. -
REPUBLIC of ARGENTINA Form 18-K Filed 2017-06-19
SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION FORM 18-K Annual report for foreign governments and political subdivisions Filing Date: 2017-06-19 | Period of Report: 2016-12-31 SEC Accession No. 0001193125-17-206386 (HTML Version on secdatabase.com) FILER REPUBLIC OF ARGENTINA Mailing Address Business Address 1800 K STREET NW SUITE 1800 K STREET NW SUITE CIK:914021| IRS No.: 000000000 | Fiscal Year End: 1231 924 924 Type: 18-K | Act: 34 | File No.: 033-70734 | Film No.: 17917424 OFFICE OF FINANCIAL REP OFFICE OF FINANCIAL REP SIC: 8888 Foreign governments OF ARGENTINA OF ARGENTINA WASHINGTON DC 20006 WASHINGTON DC 20006 202-466-3021 Copyright © 2017 www.secdatabase.com. All Rights Reserved. Please Consider the Environment Before Printing This Document Table of Contents UNITED STATES SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION Washington, D.C. 20549 FORM 18-K For Foreign Governments and Political Subdivisions Thereof ANNUAL REPORT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ARGENTINA (Name of Registrant) Date of end of last fiscal year: December 31, 2016 SECURITIES REGISTERED* (As of the close of the fiscal year) Amounts as to Names of which registration exchanges on Title of Issue is effective which registered N/A N/A N/A Name and address of person authorized to receive notices and communications from the Securities and Exchange Commission: Andrés de la Cruz Cleary Gottlieb Steen & Hamilton LLP One Liberty Plaza New York, NY 10006 * The Registrant is filing this annual report on a voluntary basis. Copyright © 2017 www.secdatabase.com. All Rights Reserved. Please Consider the Environment Before Printing This Document Table of Contents The information set forth below is to be furnished: 1. -
The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999*
FROM LABOR POLITICS TO MACHINE POLITICS: The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983–1999* Steven Levitsky Harvard University Abstract: The Argentine (Peronist) Justicialista Party (PJ)** underwent a far- reaching coalitional transformation during the 1980s and 1990s. Party reformers dismantled Peronism’s traditional mechanisms of labor participation, and clientelist networks replaced unions as the primary linkage to the working and lower classes. By the early 1990s, the PJ had transformed from a labor-dominated party into a machine party in which unions were relatively marginal actors. This process of de-unionization was critical to the PJ’s electoral and policy success during the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989–99). The erosion of union influ- ence facilitated efforts to attract middle-class votes and eliminated a key source of internal opposition to the government’s economic reforms. At the same time, the consolidation of clientelist networks helped the PJ maintain its traditional work- ing- and lower-class base in a context of economic crisis and neoliberal reform. This article argues that Peronism’s radical de-unionization was facilitated by the weakly institutionalized nature of its traditional party-union linkage. Although unions dominated the PJ in the early 1980s, the rules of the game governing their participation were always informal, fluid, and contested, leaving them vulner- able to internal changes in the distribution of power. Such a change occurred during the 1980s, when office-holding politicians used patronage resources to challenge labor’s privileged position in the party. When these politicians gained control of the party in 1987, Peronism’s weakly institutionalized mechanisms of union participation collapsed, paving the way for the consolidation of machine politics—and a steep decline in union influence—during the 1990s. -
Corruption Perceptions Index 2020
CORRUPTION PERCEPTIONS INDEX 2020 Transparency International is a global movement with one vision: a world in which government, business, civil society and the daily lives of people are free of corruption. With more than 100 chapters worldwide and an international secretariat in Berlin, we are leading the fight against corruption to turn this vision into reality. #cpi2020 www.transparency.org/cpi Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this report. All information was believed to be correct as of January 2021. Nevertheless, Transparency International cannot accept responsibility for the consequences of its use for other purposes or in other contexts. ISBN: 978-3-96076-157-0 2021 Transparency International. Except where otherwise noted, this work is licensed under CC BY-ND 4.0 DE. Quotation permitted. Please contact Transparency International – [email protected] – regarding derivatives requests. CORRUPTION PERCEPTIONS INDEX 2020 2-3 12-13 20-21 Map and results Americas Sub-Saharan Africa Peru Malawi 4-5 Honduras Zambia Executive summary Recommendations 14-15 22-23 Asia Pacific Western Europe and TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE European Union 6-7 Vanuatu Myanmar Malta Global highlights Poland 8-10 16-17 Eastern Europe & 24 COVID-19 and Central Asia Methodology corruption Serbia Health expenditure Belarus Democratic backsliding 25 Endnotes 11 18-19 Middle East & North Regional highlights Africa Lebanon Morocco TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL 180 COUNTRIES. 180 SCORES. HOW DOES YOUR COUNTRY MEASURE UP? -
2020 Fighting Fraud: a Never-Ending Battle Pwc’S Global Economic Crime and Fraud Survey
2020 Fighting fraud: A never-ending battle PwC’s Global Economic Crime and Fraud Survey www.pwc.com/fraudsurvey Turn on the news or leaf through a newspaper and chances are you’ll find a story about economic crime or fraud. Bribery suspected in building collapse…Medical records and financial data of millions hacked… Corporate malfeasance to blame in product failure…Share price plummets as whistleblower alleges fraudulent accounting practices… Fraud and economic crime rates remain at record highs, impacting more companies in more diverse ways than ever before. With this in mind, businesses should be asking: Are we assessing threats well enough…or are gaps leaving us dangerously exposed? Are the fraud-fighting technologies we’ve deployed providing the value we expected? When an incident occurs, are we taking the right action? These are some of the provocative questions that lie at the heart of the findings in this year’s Global Economic Crime and Fraud Survey. With fraud a greater – and more costly – threat than ever, it’s essential to assess your readiness, deploy effective fraud-fighting measures, and act quickly once its uncovered. Fraud For over 20 years PwC’s Global Economic Crime and Fraud Survey looked at a number of crimes, including: • Accounting/Financial Statement Fraud • Deceptive business practices • Anti-Competition/Antitrust Law Infringement • Human Resources Fraud • Asset Misappropriation • Insider/Unauthorised Trading • Bribery and Corruption • Intellectual Property (IP) Theft IP • Customer Fraud • Money Laundering and Sanctions • Cybercrime • Procurement Fraud • Tax Fraud 2 | 2020 PwC’s Global Economic Crime and Fraud Survey Our survey findings When fraud strikes: Incidents of fraud With nearly half of the more than 5,000 respondents reporting a fraud in the past 24 months, we have timely insights on what types of frauds are occurring, who’s perpetrating the crimes, and what successful companies are doing to come out ahead. -
The Constitutionality of Bank Deposits Pesification, the Massa Case
Law and Business Review of the Americas Volume 14 Number 1 Article 4 2008 Bank Crisis in Argentina: The Constitutionality of Bank Deposits Pesification, the Massa Case Ignacio Hirigoyen Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra Recommended Citation Ignacio Hirigoyen, Bank Crisis in Argentina: The Constitutionality of Bank Deposits Pesification, the Massa Case, 14 LAW & BUS. REV. AM. 53 (2008) https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra/vol14/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at SMU Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law and Business Review of the Americas by an authorized administrator of SMU Scholar. For more information, please visit http://digitalrepository.smu.edu. BANK CRISIS IN ARGENTINA: THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF BANK DEPOSITS PESIFICATION, THE MASSA CASE Ignacio Hirigoyen* I. INTRODUCTION RGENTINA experienced its biggest bank crisis in history from 2000 to 2002. The financial crisis was so severe that it is re- garded as one of the most severe to ever occur during a peace- time period. At one point during such economic turmoil, Argentina went through five presidents in eight days. The fifth President, Eduardo Duhalde,1 declared a state of economic emergency 2 and made executive decisions, taking economic measures that were the source of much con- troversy and litigation. This paper will address the Massa case,3 which arose out of a challenge to the constitutionality of such executive deci- sions and went all the way through to Argentina's Corte Suprema de Jus- ticia de la Naci6n (Supreme Court). -
PERONISM and ANTI-PERONISM: SOCIAL-CULTURAL BASES of POLITICAL IDENTITY in ARGENTINA PIERRE OSTIGUY University of California
PERONISM AND ANTI-PERONISM: SOCIAL-CULTURAL BASES OF POLITICAL IDENTITY IN ARGENTINA PIERRE OSTIGUY University of California at Berkeley Department of Political Science 210 Barrows Hall Berkeley, CA 94720 [email protected] Paper presented at the LASA meeting, in Guadalajara, Mexico, on April 18, 1997 This paper is about political identity and the related issue of types of political appeals in the public arena. It thus deals with a central aspect of political behavior, regarding both voters' preferences and identification, and politicians' electoral strategies. Based on the case of Argentina, it shows the at times unsuspected but unmistakable impact of class-cultural, and more precisely, social-cultural differences on political identity and electoral behavior. Arguing that certain political identities are social-culturally based, this paper introduces a non-ideological, but socio-politically significant, axis of political polarization. As observed in the case of Peronism and anti-Peronism in Argentina, social stratification, particularly along an often- used compound, in surveys, of socio-economic status and education,1 is tightly associated with political behavior, but not so much in Left-Right political terms or even in issue terms (e.g. socio- economic platforms or policies), but rather in social-cultural terms, as seen through the modes and type of political appeals, and figuring centrally in certain already constituted political identities. Forms of political appeals may be mapped in terms of a two-dimensional political space, defined by the intersection of this social-cultural axis with the traditional Left-to-Right spectrum. Also, since already constituted political identities have their origins in the successful "hailing"2 of pluri-facetted people and groups, such a bi-dimensional space also maps political identities. -
Presidential Systems in Stress: Emergency Powers in Argentina and the United States
Michigan Journal of International Law Volume 15 Issue 1 1993 Presidential Systems in Stress: Emergency Powers in Argentina and the United States William C. Banks Syracuse University Alejandro D. Carrió Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, National Security Law Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation William C. Banks & Alejandro D. Carrió, Presidential Systems in Stress: Emergency Powers in Argentina and the United States, 15 MICH. J. INT'L L. 1 (1993). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjil/vol15/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Journal of International Law at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEMS IN STRESS: EMERGENCY POWERS IN ARGENTINA AND THE UNITED STATES William C. Banks* Alejandro D. Carri6** INTROD UCTION ............................................... 2 I. PRECONSTITUTIONAL AND FRAMING HISTORY ............. 7 A. PreconstitutionalInfluence .......................... 7 1. A rgentina ....................................... 7 2. U nited States .................................... 10 3. C onclusions ..................................... 11 B. The Framing Periods and the Constitutions .......... 11 1. A rgentina ....................................... 11 2. U nited States .................................... 14 II. THE DECLINE OF THE TETHERED PRESIDENCY .............. 16 A. Argentina, 1853-1930 ............................... 16 B. United States, 1787-1890 ............................ 19 III. THE TRANSFORMATION OF EMERGENCY POWERS IN THE M ODERN ERA ....................................... 24 A. Argentina, 1930-Present............................. 25 1.