Chapter 12 Argentina
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Piquetes, Cacerolazos Y El Motivo De La Madre Perturbada Alteridades, Vol
Alteridades ISSN: 0188-7017 [email protected] Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Iztapalapa México Pérez, Adrián Expresiones populares y cinematográficas del descontento con la nación argentina: piquetes, cacerolazos y el motivo de la madre perturbada Alteridades, vol. 14, núm. 28, julio-diciembre, 2004, pp. 75-89 Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Iztapalapa Distrito Federal, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=74702807 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto ALTERIDADES, 2004 14 (28): Págs. 75-89 Expresiones populares y cinematográficas del descontento con la nación argentina: piquetes, cacerolazos y el motivo de la madre perturbada* ADRIÁN PÉREZ MELGOZA** Resumen Abstract: Este trabajo estudia el universo simbólico de las protestas This paper studies the symbolic universe of current street callejeras argentinas en combinación con un análisis de cinco protests in Argentina in combination with five films from the películas de la postdictadura que contienen el motivo de la ma- post-dictatorship that contain the deranged mother motif. dre perturbada. Ambos fenómenos indican la existencia de Both phenomena indicate the existence of a profound cultural una profunda contradicción cultural en el país: mientras las contradiction in the country: while women and symbols of mujeres y los símbolos de la maternidad juegan un papel maternity are playing key roles in the articulation of effective central en la articulación de cambios políticos efectivos, muchas political change, many films include the character of the películas utilizan el personaje de la madre perturbada como deranged mother as a metaphor for the nation and displace metáfora de la nación desplazando sobre ella las responsabili- over her the responsibilities for the country’s crises. -
New Minimum Capital for Commercial Companies
CHEVRON AND YPF ANNOUNCED THEIR INTENTIONS TO DISCUSS A STRATEGIC ALLIANCE FOR THE EXPLORATION OF SHALE RESOURCES IN ARGENTINA Argentina's state-controlled oil company is holding important meetings with California-based Chevron Corp. to share strategies for developing the world's third-largest unconventional oil and gas reserves. YPF CEO Miguel Galuccio is calling his talks with Chevron's Latin America chief Ali Moshiri the first step toward a strategic alliance with Chevron, Latin America's leading private energy investor. He says YPF needs partners with Chevron's power and experience to develop Argentina's shale reserves, which trail only the U.S. and China in potential. The encounter between the two executives did not lead to any specific investment news, but sets the stage for Galuccio's formal presentation next Thursday August 30 of a five-year plan for the company Argentina expropriated from Spain's Grupo Repsol. YPF said Mr Moshiri had expressed interest “in associating with YPF on an unconventional cluster … in Vaca Muerta” and the talks with Chevron were “the first concrete step towards an alliance that will be strategic along the path that YPF’s president and CEO is leading”. Chevron said it would not comment “on any confidential discussions we hold with officials”. Mr Galuccio in June unveiled a taster of his five-year strategic plan that called for investment of $7bn a year to reverse falling production. Partnerships will be key to funding what he called the “ambitious but realistic” plan, which includes drilling 1,000 wells. Argentina is believed to be home to the world’s third-biggest reserves of unconventional oil and gas, largely in the Vaca Muerta formation in the western province of Neuquén. -
The Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina's And
www.ssoar.info Unpacking Patronage: the Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina's and Uruguay's Central Public Administrations Larraburu, Conrado Ricardo Ramos; Panizza, Francisco; Scherlis, Gerardo Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Larraburu, C. R. R., Panizza, F., & Scherlis, G. (2018). Unpacking Patronage: the Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina's and Uruguay's Central Public Administrations. Journal of Politics in Latin America, 10(3), 59-98. https:// nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-11421 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-ND Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-ND Licence Keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NoDerivatives). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/deed.de Journal of Politics in Latin America Panizza, Francisco, Conrado Ricardo Ramos Larraburu, and Gerardo Scherlis (2018), Unpacking Patronage: The Politics of Patronage Appointments in Argentina’s and Uruguay’s Central Public Administrations, in: Journal of Politics in Latin America, 10, 3, 59–98. URN: http://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-11421 ISSN: 1868-4890 (online), ISSN: 1866-802X (print) The online version of this article can be found at: <www.jpla.org> Published by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of Latin American Studies and Hamburg University Press. The Journal of Politics in Latin America is an Open Access publication. -
This Thesis Comes Within Category D
* SHL ITEM BARCODE 19 1721901 5 REFERENCE ONLY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THESIS Degree Year i ^Loo 0 Name of Author COPYRIGHT This Is a thesis accepted for a Higher Degree of the University of London, it is an unpubfished typescript and the copyright is held by the author. All persons consulting the thesis must read and abide by the Copyright Declaration below. COPYRIGHT DECLARATION I recognise that the copyright of the above-described thesis rests with the author and that no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. LOANS Theses may not be lent to individuals, but the Senate House Library may lend a copy to approved libraries within the United Kingdom, for consultation solely on the .premises of those libraries. Application should be made to: Inter-Library Loans, Senate House Library, Senate House, Malet Street, London WC1E 7HU. REPRODUCTION University of London theses may not be reproduced without explicit written permission from the Senate House Library. Enquiries should be addressed to the Theses Section of the Library. Regulations concerning reproduction vary according to the date of acceptance of the thesis and are listed below as guidelines. A. Before 1962. Permission granted only upon the prior written consent of the author. (The Senate House Library will provide addresses where possible). B. 1962 -1974. In many cases the author has agreed to permit copying upon completion of a Copyright Declaration. C. 1975 -1988. Most theses may be copied upon completion of a Copyright Declaration. D. 1989 onwards. Most theses may be copied. -
El Neoliberalismo (1989-1999)
SINDICAL POLITICO FORMACION FORMACION POLITICO SINDICAL POLITICO FORMACION a caída del mUro de Berlín en 1989 • Ley de Reforma del Estado jeros fijaran sUs ojos en estas tierras permi- L abría paso a Un mUndo en el qUe Una tiría de este modo financiar las inversiones sola potencia, los Estados Unidos, ejercía • Ley de Emergencia Económica necesarias en obras de “modernización”, Una hegemonía militar indiscUtible, administrar “eficazmente” (lo qUe se con- acompañada de Un poder económico for- En 1989 se sancionaron dos leyes fUnda- traponía a la corrUpción, la bUrocracia y midable. mentales qUe crearon el marco jUrídico de lentitUd con qUe se caracterizaba a las em- las transformaciones qUe iban a tener presas estatales) y finalmente bajo el pos- En ese contexto el 14 de mayo de 1989 lUgar a lo largo de la década: la Ley de Re- tUlado aqUel de qUe el “mercado manda” Carlos Menem, el candidato del Frente forma del Estado (Nº 23.696) y la Ley de provocaría Una competencia qUe permi- JUsticialista PopUlar (FrejUpo) y Una coali- Emergencia Económica (Nº 23697). tiría el mejoramiento de los servicios. ción con diversos partidos, se impUso ante el candidato radical EdUardo Angeloz, con Se trataba de leyes aprobadas por el Con- AlgUnos de esos argUmentos se basaban el 49,3% de los votos. greso Nacional, tanto por el radicalismo en qUe las empresas estatales daban pér- como por el jUsticialismo. Esta legislación didas, eran ineficientes y fUente de co- El 8 de jUlio, ante la delicada sitUación y en particUlar la de la Reforma del Estado, rrUpción. -
YPF Luz Canadon Leon SLIP COMPILED FINAL 27Jun19
Supplemental Lenders Information Package (SLIP) Cañadon Leon Windfarm 27 June 2019 Project No.: 0511773 The business of sustainability Document details Document title Supplemental Lenders Information Package (SLIP) Document subtitle Cañadon Leon Windfarm Project No. 0511773 Date 27 June 2019 Version 03 Author ERM Client Name YPF Luz Document history ERM approval to issue Version Revision Author Reviewed by Name Date Comments Draft 01 ERM Camille Maclet For internal review Draft 02 ERM Camille Maclet C. Maclet 12/06/2019 For client comments Final 03 ERM Camille Maclet C. Maclet 27/06/2019 Final issue www.erm.com Version: 03 Project No.: 0511773 Client: YPF Luz 27 June 2019 Signature Page 27 June 2019 Supplemental Lenders Information Package (SLIP) Cañadon Leon Windfarm Luisa Perez Gorospe Camille Maclet Project Manager Partner in Charge ERM Argentina S.A. #2677 Cabildo Ave. C1428AAI, Buenos Aires City Argentina © Copyright 2019 by ERM Worldwide Group Ltd and / or its affiliates (“ERM”). All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form, or by any means, without the prior written permission of ERM www.erm.com Version: 03 Project No.: 0511773 Client: YPF Luz 27 June 2019 SUPPLEMENTAL LENDERS INFORMATION PACKAGE (SLIP) YPF LUZ Cañadon Leon Windfarm TABLE OF CONTENTS ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................................................... A EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................... -
The Year in Elections, 2013: the World's Flawed and Failed Contests
The Year in Elections, 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martinez i Coma. 2014. The Year in Elections 2013: The World's Flawed and Failed Contests. The Electoral Integrity Project. Published Version http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/ Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:11744445 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 THE WORLD’S FLAWED AND FAILED CONTESTS Pippa Norris, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma February 2014 THE YEAR IN ELECTIONS, 2013 WWW. ELECTORALINTEGRITYPROJECT.COM The Electoral Integrity Project Department of Government and International Relations Merewether Building, HO4 University of Sydney, NSW 2006 Phone: +61(2) 9351 6041 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.electoralintegrityproject.com Copyright © Pippa Norris, Ferran Martínez i Coma, and Richard W. Frank 2014. All rights reserved. Photo credits Cover photo: ‘Ballot for national election.’ by Daniel Littlewood, http://www.flickr.com/photos/daniellittlewood/413339945. Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 6 and 18: ‘Ballot sections are separated for counting.’ by Brittany Danisch, http://www.flickr.com/photos/bdanisch/6084970163/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. Page 8: ‘Women in Pakistan wait to vote’ by DFID - UK Department for International Development, http://www.flickr.com/photos/dfid/8735821208/ Licence at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0. -
Piqueteros Al Gobierno: Un Experimento Populista Argentino, 2003-2007 Carlos Escudé CONICET – CEIEG, Universidad Del CEMA
Piqueteros al gobierno: un experimento populista argentino, 2003-2007 CARLOS ESCUDÉ CONICET – CEIEG, Universidad del CEMA En este trabajo realizaremos un seguimiento cronológico de un experimento político poco frecuente: la incorporación de parte de la dirigencia de las organi- zaciones de protesta social argentinas al gobierno del presidente Néstor Kirchner. Durante su gestión, dirigentes asimilables del movimiento piquetero, constituido por diversas organizaciones de “trabajadores desempleados”, ingresaron siste- máticamente como funcionarios a los diversos niveles del Estado nacional y de los gobiernos provinciales y municipales. Mediante esta estrategia, que se vio favorecida por altas tasas de crecimiento económico y vino acompañada de una importante reducción del desempleo, durante el período 2003-07 aumentaron la gobernabilidad y la paz social en un país que en 2002 se había encontrado al borde de la anarquía. Por cierto, a fines de la gestión de Kirchner parecía que se había alcanzado un éxito considerable en el control de la protesta social. “Para muchos piquete- ros ya no sirve cortar calles”, proclamaba un título de un periódico opositor en septiembre de 2007. Según el cronista: Agosto de 2005 fue la última vez que una unión clara de fuerzas sociales pudo poner en aprietos al presidente Néstor Kirchner en uno de sus flancos sensibles: la reacción frente a la protesta callejera. Después de las elecciones de aquel año, se redujeron drásticamente los planes comunes de lucha. Tanto, que se desdibujó el liderazgo piquetero: en sólo seis meses, el promedio mensual de cortes de rutas y de calles bajó a la mitad. Comenzaba lo que muchos denominaron “el repliegue táctico”.1 [email protected] E.I.A.L., Vol. -
Argentina | Freedom House Page 1 of 5
Argentina | Freedom House Page 1 of 5 Argentina freedomhouse.org Popular support for President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner continued its decline in 2014, due primarily to inflation and insecurity. Officials devalued the peso by 19 percent in January in order to shore up international currency reserves (which fell to a seven-year low in 2014), prompting a surge in inflation. An estimated 24 to 30 percent annual inflation rate during the year eroded the purchasing power of Argentines and increased the incentive to buy black market dollars. Inflation rose in spite of the government’s price watch agreement—Precios Cuidados (“protected prices”)—which mandated reduced prices on more than 150 products sold in the largest supermarket chains. Argentina also struggled with declining public safety in 2014 as the country played an increasing role in the international drug trade. In April, a 24-hour general strike by labor unions brought large portions of the country to a standstill, affecting public transportation and government offices, and threatening the movement of the soybean harvest. Strikers demanded higher pay, lower taxes, and an increase in living standards amid the rising inflation. The Fernández administration attempted to meet the country’s persistent economic uncertainty with pragmatism. By agreeing to a $5 billion settlement, the government resolved a two-year dispute with Repsol, a Spanish company whose controlling stake in an Argentine oil firm had been nationalized in 2012. The national statistics agency made efforts to increase transparency by reporting more credible inflation data, and the government exercised fiscal restraint by cutting expensive and unsustainable water and natural gas subsidies. -
Documentos De Trabajo
UNIVERSIDAD DEL CEMA Buenos Aires Argentina Serie DOCUMENTOS DE TRABAJO Área: Ciencia Política LOS UNITARIOS Y LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE UNA FACCIÓN POLÍTICA EN EL ÁMBITO DE LA CAMPAÑA BONAERENSE, 1820-1830 Ignacio Zubizarreta Mayo 2012 Nro. 489 ISBN 978-987-1062-80-5 Queda hecho el depósito que marca la Ley 11.723 Copyright – UNIVERSIDAD DEL CEMA www.cema.edu.ar/publicaciones/doc_trabajo.html UCEMA: Av. Córdoba 374, C1054AAP Buenos Aires, Argentina ISSN 1668-4575 (impreso), ISSN 1668-4583 (en línea) Editor: Jorge M. Streb; asistente editorial: Valeria Dowding <[email protected]> Zubizarreta, Ignacio Los unitarios y la construcción de una facción política en el ámbito de la campaña bonaerense 1820-1830. - 1a ed. - Buenos Aires : Universidad del CEMA, 2012. 25 p. ; 22x15 cm. ISBN 978-987-1062-80-5 1. Ciencias Políticas. 2. Historia Política Argentina. I. Título CDD 320.982 Fecha de catalogación: 11/09/2012 Los unitarios y la construcción de una facción política en el ámbito de la campaña bonaerense, 1820-1830 1 Ignacio Zubizarreta Introducción: En 1829 la facción unitaria –con su líder Juan Lavalle a la cabeza- fue derrotada por los federales, liderados por Juan Manuel de Rosas. Los integrantes del primer movimiento político aludido debieron partir al exilio – principalmente al reciente creado estado uruguayo-, desde donde comenzaron a tramar estrategias para recuperar el influjo perdido. Empero, ninguna expedición unitaria organizada desde el exterior podía laurearse de éxito sin el apoyo fundamental de quienes residían aquende el Plata y contaban -
Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty Of
Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile A dissertation presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Brad T. Eidahl December 2017 © 2017 Brad T. Eidahl. All Rights Reserved. 2 This dissertation titled Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile by BRAD T. EIDAHL has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Patrick M. Barr-Melej Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT EIDAHL, BRAD T., Ph.D., December 2017, History Writing the Opposition: Power, Coercion, Legitimacy and the Press in Pinochet's Chile Director of Dissertation: Patrick M. Barr-Melej This dissertation examines the struggle between Chile’s opposition press and the dictatorial regime of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990). It argues that due to Chile’s tradition of a pluralistic press and other factors, and in bids to strengthen the regime’s legitimacy, Pinochet and his top officials periodically demonstrated considerable flexibility in terms of the opposition media’s ability to publish and distribute its products. However, the regime, when sensing that its grip on power was slipping, reverted to repressive measures in its dealings with opposition-media outlets. Meanwhile, opposition journalists challenged the very legitimacy Pinochet sought and further widened the scope of acceptable opposition under difficult circumstances. Ultimately, such resistance contributed to Pinochet’s defeat in the 1988 plebiscite, initiating the return of democracy. -
Doc CADAL 16 English
The Political Origins of the Argentine Crisis By Mauricio Rojas The ills that afflict Argentina are not simple or superficial, and the solutions to its problems require a more serious diagnosis than the one given by those who look for a scapegoat to blame this one-time promising country’s woes on. Understanding this today is more D important than ever, because the country is going through a characteristic period of recovery and hope that appears from time to time, like a pause between violent swells of crises. Now is the O time to start facing these long-standing problems, before they overwhelm us again. C U This document is a revised version of the preface to the second Spanish edition of «History of the Argentine Crisis». The book was originally published in Swedish and M later translated and published in English and Portuguese. The first Spanish edition was published by CADAL and TIMBRO in December 2003. E N T Mauricio Rojas was born in Santiago de Chile in 1950 and lives in Sweeden since 1974. He is a Member of the Sweeden Parlament, Associate Professor in the Department of Economic O History at Lund University, Vice President of Timbro and Director of Timbro’s Center for Welfare Reform. He is author of a dozen books, among them, The Sorrows of Carmencita, Argentina’s crisis in a historial perspective (2002), Millennium Doom, Fallacies about the end of work (1999). Beyond the S welfare state. Sweden and the quest for a post-industrial Year II Number 16 welfare model (2001) and The rise and fall of the swedish May 21st., 2004 model (1998).