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Migrant Smuggling in the Casamance Area of Senegal August 2019

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Migrant Smuggling in the Casamance Area of Senegal August 2019 Migrant Smuggling in the Casamance Area of Senegal August 2019 Migrant Smuggling in the Casamance Area of Senegal A marabout from a village in the Kolda region holding a rosary. The telephone connects him with migrants or their families. Next to it is a book and against the wall a tablet called a ‘Halwaa’, on which are written holy verses. Photo: Malika Diagana Key lessons • The criminalisation of migrant smuggling has not succeeded in eliminating the practice. • Risk-awareness campaigns do not deter irregular migrants as there are complex socio- cultural reasons for migrating. • Efforts need to be made to open up more channels for legal migration and labour circulation. in the Senegalese city of Touba) and the Wolof ethnic The phenomenon of group. In the decade between those studies and irregular migration this research, there has been a diversification both In the mid 2000s, Senegalese nationals accounted of routes and of the ethnicities of people migrating for the largest proportion of irregular migrants from Senegal, in response to the changing policy intercepted in the Mediterranean. These irregular context and the emergence of a more established boat migrants, who risked their lives to reach migration industry. Accounts show that overland Europe, were described as young single men journeys via Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger and onwards between 20 and 29 years of age belonging to the to Morocco or Libya are just as important as the sea Mouride brotherhood (a branch of Islam originating route via Mauritania towards Spain, if not more so. http://migratingoutofpoverty.dfid.gov.uk/ 1 Migrant Smuggling in the Casamance Area of Senegal The last decade also saw the intensification of A high-risk decision border controls through sea patrols as well as As routes and migrant profiles have diversified, so measures such as the United Nations Office on have the infrastructures of migration mediation. Drugs and Crime’s Regional Strategy to Combat This research provides an up-to-date account of Trafficking in Human Beings and Smuggling of the structure and functioning of the Senegalese Migrants in West and Central Africa (2015–20). migration industry: the functions of actors at However, the investment and effort that have gone different levels and in different spaces, the social into in these control measures have not resulted in relations between them and the transactions a concomitant drop in irregular migration, as the they carry out, whether and how they relate to migration industry has adapted to new controls, and each other and what the implications are for ‘victims of trafficking’ are notoriously difficult to migrant welfare. The research was conducted identify on the ground. Another aim of the research by the University of Assane Seck in Ziguinchor was therefore to show how irregular migration in collaboration with the University of Sussex, in is organised against this backdrop of tightening the Casamance area of Senegal. Casamance is an controls on migration to Europe. important point of origin for migrants travelling towards Libya and also a transit point for migrants The research was conducted in four regions: from neighbouring Guinea-Bissau, Guinea Conakry Kolda region (Medina Yoro Foulla, Vélingara and and The Gambia. Kolda departments), Sédhiou region (Goudomp Figure 1 Route used by migrants travelling from Senegal to the Libyan Coast Portugal Spain I taly Greece Turkey Gibraltar Malta Cyprus Syria Tunisia Lebanon Morocco I srael Jordan Algeria Saudi Arabia Libya Egypt Western Sahara SAHARA DÉSERT Mauritania Mali Niger Chad Eritrea Senegal Sudan Gambia, The Burkina Faso Guinea-Bissau Guinea Benin Nigeria Ethiopia Sierra Leone I vory Coast Ghana Togo Central African Republic Liberia Cameroon MRoauinte Rso Pardinscipales Seéneégal Democractic Republic of Congo Kenya Uganda Equatorial Guinea 0 3 6 9 12 km Congo Sao Tome and Principe Gabon Reitumetse Selepe Reitumetse © http://migratingoutofpoverty.dfid.gov.uk/ 2 Migrant Smuggling in the Casamance Area of Senegal department and Tanaf locality), Ziguinchor region (Oussouye department, Elinkine locality) and The structure of the Tambacounda region (Tambacounda city). Although migration industry not part of Casamance, the latter was included The migration industry in Kolda is characterised by because many brokers are located there. Interviews a plurality of actors who work either together or were conducted with aspiring migrants (18), independently and who may have fluid roles depending returned and deported migrants (26), the families on the need of the moment and their capacity to find of migrants (12), six smugglers and four civil society innovative solutions to a particular problem. Thus, organisations. All the interviewees were male. understanding how they come together in assemblages Although the plan was to interview equal numbers of functioning is probably more helpful than viewing of men and women, the research team did not them as separate and discretely identifiable entities succeed in speaking to any female migrants, and all with clear-cut hierarchies. Profit-making and altruistic the male interviewees denied the existence of any motives may overlap, but we classify actors as altruistic female migrants at all. The independent migration or transactional depending on their predominant of women to foreign countries is stigmatised in motivation. Altruistic migration actors are found at the Kolda because of the belief that they must sell sex place of origin and include returnees, deportees, friends in order to survive. These stereotypes about female and family members, who offer advice on where to cross migration were reinforced by radio broadcasts the border, which modes of transport to use, how to about the vulnerability of women to being trafficked prepare for the journey, what to carry on one’s person, for sex. Interviews with smugglers do indicate how to avoid being robbed and exploited on the way, that women may use sex transactionally to obtain and where to stay en route. These actors usually do not protection for a safe passage; however these expect financial remuneration, but the migrant may run activities are not necessarily forced. up ‘cultural debts’ in social systems of reciprocity, which ought to be repaid at an unspecified point in the future. The interviews at the point of origin show that the decision to migrate was taken in spite of the high Transactional actors includemarabouts (spiritual risks, as migration was seen as the only way out leaders); cokseurs, who are found in bus depots and of a life with no future. It was regarded as key to at various transit points picking out migrants with realising dreams and visions of a more prosperous an eagle eye to recruit them for particular drivers; border police; and in the case of sea migrations, also future. This is wrapped up with masculinities and the pirogue captains and the fishermen who help the desire to be a good family provider and/or construct boats. The migration project often starts son but migration is also seen as an escape from with the aspiring migrant working to save money or dishonourable ways of making a living locally. As selling land or animals to finance the journey. Families one father said, he would prefer his son to migrate may or may not be involved at this stage and several rather than sell timber illegally and bring shame migrants said they left without informing anyone, upon himself and the family: for fear of being stopped. Parents are reluctant to Either he migrated or he would have got into support irregular migration because the dangers are complicated situations like for example selling well known. Some support the project and consult [wood] and trafficking between Senegal and marabouts or other psychics to seek protection for Gambia. Imagine the shame I would have their wards; they can pay 100,000–150,000 CFA felt towards my relatives if he had fallen into francs for this service. The marabout might also ask delinquency. He had to go. for offerings of other kinds: a rooster, or a goat which http://migratingoutofpoverty.dfid.gov.uk/ 3 Migrant Smuggling in the Casamance Area of Senegal is killed to prepare a meal for the whole community. This is a way of earning good fortune through good High costs but no guarantee deeds. Gris-gris (amulets or lucky charms) and magic of safety potions are given in preparation for the journey Once the migrants are in the vehicle, the drivers take to ‘force fate’ to prevent deportation, which is the them to particular ghettos which they have a personal ultimate failure. Forcing fate also means seeking connection with through the managers. Ghettos are protection against theft, scams and all the other staging posts and are typically organised on the basis hazards that could occur along the way. There are of nationality. To enter the ghetto, migrants must pay thus enormous hopes for the migrant and his success. the cokseurs there an entrance fee of 20,000–100,000 CFA francs. These cokseurs belong to Peulh, Wolof, A long and complicated Mandingue and Jola ethnic groups and cater to journey migrants from those groups. The conditions inside After this point the migrant is passed on from one are cramped and mercenary. All sense of a cohesive transactional actor to another, starting with agencies community breaks down in these locations and who advertise themselves as specialists in delivering there is a complete lack of trust or mutual help. As one migrant remarked, ‘Everyone for himself and migrants to Europe. These can be tour operators God for us all.’ Those without money must work to whose operations have gone underground since the survive, otherwise they will starve. Migrants work as criminalisation of migration facilitation. Many smugglers coffee-sellers, clothes-washers, hairdressers and petty are based in Tambacounda. The last one to trade openly traders as well as doing unpaid work such as cooking was charging each migrant 150,000 CFA francs for and cleaning to maintain the ghetto.
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