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Appendix 1

Demographics of : Ethnicity and Religion (By Region and Department in %)

ETHNICITY

Wolof Pulaar Jola Serer Mandinka Other

NATIONAL 42.7 23.7 5.3 14.9 4.2 13.4 : 66.7 6.9 0.2 24.8 0.2 1.2 Mbacke 84.9 8.4 0.1 8.4 0.1 1.1 Bambey 57.3 2.9 0.1 38.9 0.1 0.7 Diourbel 53.4 9.4 0.4 34.4 0.5 1.9 Saint-Louis: 30.1 61.3 0.3 0.7 0.0 7.6 Matam 3.9 88.0 0.0 1.0 0.0 8.0 Podor 5.5 89.8 0.3 0.3 0.0 4.1 Dagana 63.6 25.3 0.7 1.3 0.0 10.4 : 10.4 15.1 35.5 4.5 13.7 20.8 Ziguinchor 8.2 13.5 34.5 3.4 14.4 26.0 1.8 5.2 80.6 1.2 6.1 5.1 Oussouye 4.8 4.7 82.4 3.5 1.5 3.1 53.8 18.5 4.7 11.6 2.8 8.6 29.9 9.2 0.0 55.1 2.1 3.7 Kaolack 62.4 19.3 0.0 11.8 0.5 6.0 3.4 49.5 5.9 0.0 23.6 17.6 70.1 25.3 0.0 1.2 0.0 3.4 Tamba 8.8 46.4 0.0 3.0 17.4 24.4 Thies 54.0 10.9 0.7 30.2 0.9 3.3

Continued 232 Appendix 1

Appendix 1 (continued)

RELIGION

Tijan Murid Khadir Other Christian Traditional Muslim

NATIONAL 47.4 30.1 10.9 5.4 4.3 1.9 Diourbel: 9.5 85.3 0.0 4.1 0.0 0.3 Mbacke 4.3 91.6 3.7 0.0 0.0 0.2 Bambey 9.8 85.6 2.9 0.6 0.7 0.4 Diourbel 16.0 77.2 4.6 0.7 1.2 0.3 Saint-Louis: 80.2 6.4 8.4 3.7 0.4 0.9 Matam 88.6 2.3 3.0 4.7 0.3 1.0 Podor 93.8 1.9 2.4 0.8 0.0 1.0 Dagana 66.2 11.9 15.8 0.9 0.8 1.1 Ziguinchor: 22.9 4.0 32.0 16.3 17.1 7.7 Ziguinchor 31.2 5.0 17.6 16.2 24.2 5.8 Bignona 17.0 3.3 51.2 18.5 8.2 1.8 Oussouye 14.6 2.5 3.3 6.1 27.7 45.8 Dakar 51.5 23.4 6.9 10.9 6.7 0.7 Fatick 39.6 38.6 12.4 1.2 7.8 0.5 Kaolack 65.3 27.2 4.9 0.9 1.0 0.6 Kolda 52.7 3.6 26.0 11.1 5.0 1.6 Louga 37.3 45.9 15.1 1.2 0.1 0.5

Source: Republic of Senegal (1990) Appendix 2

Senegalese Presidential Election Results in the Four Case Studies, 1978–2000

1978 1983 1988 1993 2000-1st 2000-2nd

NATIONAL

Registered 1,556,742 1,888,444 1,932,265 2,549,699 2,624,762 2,624,762 Valid Votes (%) 62.5 57.9 58.6 50.9 62.0 61.5 PS (%) 82.3 83.6 73.2 58.4 41.3 41.2 PDS (%) 17.4 14.7 25.8 32.0 31.3 58.9 Other (%) 1.7 1.0 9.6 27.5 Mbacke Registered 53,605 62,342 56,362 72,107 78,054 78,055 Valid Votes (%) 82.0 45.0 67.2 28.4 48.6 49.4 National (%) 4.5 2.6 3.3 1.6 2.3 2.4 PS (%) 90.1 75.8 95.6 71.9 46.7 36.3 PDS (%) 9.9 23.6 4.3 21.3 33.1 63.3 Other (%) 0.7 0.1 6.8 20.2 Matam Registered 68,266 68,739 75,012 92,394 80,063 80,018 Valid Votes (%) 69.8 76.2 60.2 48.5 54.8 52.7 National (%) 4.9 4.8 4.0 3.5 2.7 2.6 PS (%) 98.6 93.5 93.9 88.9 60.5 71.1 PDS (%) 1.4 2.2 5.9 4.4 8.3 28.9 Other (%) 4.3 0.2 6.7 31.2 Ziguinchor Registered 29,463 35,999 37,596 46,521 50,331 50,094 Valid Votes (%) 66.7 51.9 64.3 50.2 60.4 59.6 National (%) 2.0 1.7 2.1 1.8 1.9 1.9

Continued 234 Appendix 2

Appendix 2 (continued)

PS (%) 90.9 81.0 67.4 56.1 34.9 32.2 PDS (%) 9.1 17.2 31.6 28.1 37.2 67.8 Other (%) 1.1 15.8 27.9 United States Registered NE NE NE 1,547 3,127 3,127 Valid Votes (%) 67.7 42.1 38.6 National (%) 0.1 0.1 0.1 PS (%) 46.4 18.2 23.5 PDS (%) 45.4 35.7 76.5 Other (%) 8.2 46.1

Notes: NE: Not Eligible to vote. Sources: Official results obtained from the Senegalese Ministry of the Interior (1978; 1983; 2000) and the official state newspaper Le Soleil (1988; 1993). Data were triangulated with statistics generously provided by Richard Vengroff and Shaheen Mozaffar. Appendix 3

Regional Electoral Support for PS Presidential Candidates, 1978–2000 (in %)

1978 1983 1988 1993 2000-1st 2000-2nd

NATIONAL 82.3 83.6 73.2 58.4 41.3 41.2 Diourbel: Mbacke 90.1 75.8 95.6 71.9 46.7 36.0 Bambey 66.1 77.4 80.5 59.5 49.8 38.0 Diourbel 80.5 77.9 85.5 61.4 44.4 39.1 Saint-Louis: Matam 98.6 93.5 93.9 88.9 60.5 71.1 Dagana 82.6 85.9 73.7 66.5 55.1 58.0 Podor 97.3 91.2 90.3 82.9 53.7 71.4 Saint-Louis 86.1 84.3 ND 56.3 42.4 39.0 Ziguinchor: Ziguinchor 90.9 81.0 67.4 56.1 34.9 32.2 Bignona 93.1 86.0 42.3 55.3 38.8 33.0 Oussouye 51.0 57.0 52.4 54.3 52.4 45.7 External: United States NE NE NE 46.4 18.2 23.5 Other Regions Dakar 70.4 78.2 58.2 41.2 23.8 25.1 Fatik 85.3 86.8 72.2 59.6 51.4 42.1 Continued 236 Appendix 3

Appendix 3 (continued)

Kaolack 70.7 81.9 73.9 57.8 44.8 44.8 Kolda 86.8 81.8 60.5 50.9 45.1 40.3 Louga 81.8 87.6 90.1 79.0 55.5 62.2 93.7 89.2 71.5 62.7 52.6 54.4 Thies 83.4 82.9 76.8 58.4 45.9 42.8

Notes: ND: No data; NE: Not eligible to vote. Sources: Official results obtained from the Senegalese Ministry of the Interior (1978; 1983; 2000) and the official state newspaper Le Soleil (1988; 1993). Data was triangulated with statistics generously provided by Richard Vengroff and Shaheen Mozaffar. Notes

Chapter 1 Clientelist Democracy in Comparative Perspective 1. On the anarchist critique of tyranny of the majority, see Alix Shulman’s work Red Emma Speaks (1998). 2. Two notable exceptions, though both on advanced industrialized democ- racies, are the recent work of Herbert Kitschelt and Steven Wilkinson (2007) on the transition from clientelist to programmatic linkages in Western and Japan, and Eleonara Pasotti’s doctoral dissertation (2003) on the transformation of Neopolitan municipal government. 3. The provision of material resources to a politician in exchange for his support of a particular government policy needs to be distinguished from the distri- bution of resources by a political patron to his/her clients. Depending on the laws and political norms in a given country, the former should be more appropriately categorized as political corruption as opposed to clientelism. 4. The argument for inclusion of clientelist democracy does not negate the possibility of other “structural deficits” discussed by Andreas Schedler that may warrant an additional category of “Advanced Democracy,” although the defining characteristic of “structural deficits” should be more clearly specified.

Chapter 2 The Rise of Senegal’s Clientelist Democracy 1. The literature on neo-patrimonialism or “personal rule” in sub-Saharan is extensive. See inter alia Bayart (1993); Bratton and van de Walle (1997); Ekeh (1975); Jackson and Rosberg (1982); Joseph (1987); Lémarchand (1977; 1988); and Médard (1991). 2. In the 1988 census, the highly Wolofized Lébou of the Cap Vert penin- sula (Dakar) were grouped with the Wolof, while the various Pulaar- speakers were categorized by their shared language, including groups commonly referred to as Tukulor and Peul based on their primary occu- pation and region. Senegal has updated its 1988 census based primarily on statistical projects rather than household surveys. However, percent- ages vary little and the publicly available data are less comprehensive. Therefore, this study relies on the older census. 238 Notes

3. Since Paul Marty’s Études sur l’ au Sénégal (1917), there have been innumerable studies on Islam and the Sufi brotherhoods in Senegal, in particular the Muridiya. The classic work in English on the Murids remains Donal Cruise O’Brien’s The of Senegal (1971). 4. The title Shaikh is italicized with Anglicized spelling to distinguish it from the Senegalese name “Cheikh,” which is often incorrectly used in association with . 5. There is an extensive literature on the history of Islam and colonial rule in Senegal, inter alia: Babou (2002); Klein (1968); Marty (1917); Monteil (1964); Robinson (1988; 1991; 2000); and Searing (2002). 6. This discussion of early electoral and party politics in the Senegalese col- ony is based primarily on several sources: Clark and Phillips (1994); Crowder and O’Brien (1987); Foltz (1966); Gellar (1995); Johnson (1971); Morganthau (1964); Nzouankeu (1984); and Zuccarelli (1988). 7. Whereas the PDS and PIT were generally applauded in 1991 for joining the government during a period of heightened domestic and international tension, the decision by the PIT, LD-MPT, and ultimately the PDS to join the PS-led government after the 1993 elections was met with greater skepticism. These parties were seen as choosing to join the government not only to influence public policy and demonstrate their capacity to rule but also to gain access to the state’s clientelist resources to promote their popularity among their supporters and broaden their electoral base (Beck 2002). 8. During an interview with Babacar Touré (August 21, 2001), the director general of Sud-Communications, Senegal’s largest independent media organization, he claimed that repeated requests for authorization of a radio station were rebuffed until the PS-state finally agreed with the sti- pulation that they could not go on the air until after the 1993 elections.

Chapter 3 Influential Brokers: The Murid of Central Senegal 1. The term taalibe is derived from the word taalib (student), but is used by Senegalese to refer to disciples of a , a Sufi cleric, derived from murabit, a Muslim who spreads or defends Islam (Robinson 2000: 241). 2. All references to statements made by informants are anonymous unless made by a public figure who has not requested anonymity. Every effort has been made to provide relevant demographic information without revealing the identity of the informant. 3. Murid daara (schools in Arabic) are agricultural work groups of young boys who are sent by their parents to live, study, and work with a mara- bout. 4. Amadou Bamba is often referred to as “Sereigne ,” which literally means the head or chief of Touba. Notes 239

Chapter 4 Dependent Brokers: Tukulor Nobles in Northern Senegal 1. Tukulor is derived from Takruur, the Arabic word for the middle Valley, which was also the name for an eleventh-century empire in the region. 2. The various names for Pulaar speakers have created a great deal of con- fusion. Dialects of Pulaar or Fulfulde are spoken throughout the by pastoralist groups who are collectively known as the Fulbe or Fula from fullude (to disperse). In Francophone Africa, the Fulbe pastoralists are referred to as the Peul, derived from the singular of Fulbe, or pullo (Kane and Robinson 1984: 1–5). In addition to the Tukulor and Peul in the northern Fuuta Tooro region, Pulaar speakers are found throughout Senegal with another large concentration in the southern region of Kolda (Upper ). 3. Also absent from table 4.1 are the Fulbe pastoralists, who have been more recently incorporated into a broader Haalpulaar’en schema of social stratification in Fuutanke society (Dilley 2004; Kyburz 1994; Schmitz 1986; 1994). Although they have been highly integrated into Tukulor society, economic activities, and politics, the Fulbe have a dis- tinct ethno-cultural identity (Peul) with their own system of stratifica- tion that prevents their incorporation as single status group. 4. Only the origin myths regarding fishermen, who were believed to have inherited mystical powers to tame the waters of the river, are distinctive to Tukulor society. Accounts of the mystical feats of their ancestors remain prevalent in Tukulor fishing villages. 5. Bouteiller et al. (1962: 54) provided statistical estimates on the relative size of Tukulor status groups: 45 percent toorobe nobles, 26 percent other rimbe (warriors and fishermen), 21.5 percent captives, and 7.5 per- cent artisans. These statistics basically correspond to those offered by Dilley (2004: 27). 6. This summary of Tukulor history is based on a number of prominent sources: Diagne (1967); Hanson (1996); Kane (1987); Kane and Robinson (1984); Klein (1972); Robinson (1975; 1988); Schmitz (1990); and Soh (1913). 7. Coulon (1981) offers a succinct overview of the various reformist marabouts of the Fuuta Tooro. On the life of Abdul Bokar Kane, see Robinson (1975). 8. On the French policy toward “dissidents” and the selection of reliable political allies, see M.M. Kane (1987: 103–146). On the conversion of the precolonial rulers into administrators for the colonial state in the Fuuta and other regions, see Klein (1968) and Zucarelli (1973). 9. Tukulor artisans seldom cultivated until irrigated agriculture spread in the region at the end of the twentieth century. 10. On the history of irrigation in the Senegal River Valley, see Adrian Adams (1981; 1985; 2000); Adams and Jaabe So (1996); and Bernard Crousse et al. (1991). 240 Notes

11. Catherine Elkins (1997) and Brett O’Bannon (2004) offer insightful analyses of land tenure, decentralization, and agricultural reform in the Senegal River Valley. 12. According to Yaya Wane (1969: 80), the Tukulor at the time of indepen- dence were “quasi-unanimous” in their opposition to Western-style democracy, and derisively referred to it as “dembacratie,” allegedly because they did not trust someone from an inferior caste such as a common “Demba.” 13. In 1991, Delville claimed that emigrants sent remittances of up to FCFA30,000–50,000 per month to their families (Delville 1991b: 16). This estimate was confirmed by interviews conducted in Matam during the mid-1990s. More recent discussions with Haalpulaar’en emigrants in the United States indicate, however, that this amount has tripled if not quadrupled over the last decade, though the Amériquobe (emigrants to the United States) are reputedly among the wealthiest emigrants due to the relative strength of the U.S. economy. 14. Abdoulaye Kane (2001) offers an insightful and empirically rich study of the particularly vibrant Thilogne AVR. 15. As with previous grandes familles, the political power of the Basse family became a source of greater economic power. For example, the indepen- dent paper Walfadjri reported that the Basse family was able to use its political clout to prevent a couple dozen traditional bakeries from selling bread after the creation of industrial bakeries in Ourroussougui by the Basse family (Walfadjri, June 1, 1994: 6). 16. Kane’s nickname is “Mathiara,” which helps avoid confusion with the author of the renowned novel L’Adventure Amibigue (1961). Cheikh Hamidou Kane “Le Grand,” as the latter is known, did serve briefly as head of the PS coordination in Matam, but was “parachuted” in by the national PS leadership in response to a particularly divisive factional dis- pute in the 1980s. 17. In contrast, Jean Schmitz (2000) offers an account of a dispute over the successor to a village chief in the in which emigrants from the village played a key role in resolving the dispute and protecting the distinction between the toorobe families who are electable as village chief and those who are merely electors. 18. The other possible exception is the 1999 ban on excision that was widely criticized by religious leaders in the Fuuta Tooro. Although sev- eral local politicians claimed that presidential candidate Djibo Ka (a Peul) and other Haalpulaar’en politicians opposed the law, it was never mentioned as a basis for critiquing the PS-state. Instead, a local oppo- sition leader claimed that “the law had nothing to do with anything other than the PS attempting to increase its funds,” a reference to its lack of implementation and pressure for the ban by foreign donors (Beck 2001). Notes 241

19. Dia was later joined by Mathiara after the defeat of the PS in 2000, along with Abdourahmane Toure, who left the URD when Djibo Ka decided to support President Diouf in the second round of the presiden- tial elections.

Chapter 5 Limited Brokers: Casamançais “Sons of the Soil” in Southern Senegal 1. In the mid-1980s, I served as a Peace Corps volunteer in a village south of Ziguinchor. Unfortunately, political problems in the village stem- ming from the led the inhabitants to abandon the village shortly after my departure. To date, continued fighting and land mines have prevented them from returning to the village, although some brave and desperate individuals who have sought refuge in the regional capital of Ziguinchor continue to cultivate the rice fields sur- rounding the hamlet seven kilometers away. 2. According to the legend, the twin sisters Aguène and Diambogne were separated by an evil genie who forced Aguène to head south creating Jola society while Diambogne headed north of the Gambian River form- ing Serer society. Although there is no evidence of shared lineages or socioeconomic or political institutions, the legend clearly resonates with both ethnic groups, leading to the creation of the Association Culturelle Aguène-Diambogne, which has sought to contribute to the resolution of the Casamance conflict (ACAD 1999). 3. Conversely, I have also repeatedly heard northern Senegalese, specifi- cally ethnic Wolofs, use pejorative terms such as naq (a primitive person from the bush) in reference to the Jola and Casamançais in general. Though this has typically been said in jest, various ethnic Jolas have described this as a common ethnic slur. 4. See Max Weber’s distinction between the theological doctrine of the charismatic founder and the “practical religion of the converted” in his study The Sociology of Religion (1978). 5. Egalitarianism does not refer here to gender equality. Although women in these societies have held positions of religious leadership (Girard 1969), only men can serve as a member of the gerontocracy of village elders, thus they dominate the political leadership in the region as else- where in Senegal (Beck 2003). 6. In postcolonial Africa, the only recognized claim to self-determination has been based on the right of colonized peoples to independence rather than the right of ethnic, religious, or other cultural groups or “nations” to form their own state. Given the incredible cultural diversity of African countries, it is not surprising that the former, more restricted definition of self-determination became a governing principle of the Organization for African Unity (Young 1991). 242 Notes

7. My analysis of Casamance politics has significantly evolved since an earlier discussion in my doctoral thesis (Beck 1996), which was based on second- ary research and limited interviews with Casamançais residing outside the region. This was necessary because the conflict in the mid-1990s pre- vented me from doing field research in Ziguinchor at the time. Since then, I have conducted interviews in the region in 1997 and 2001, supple- mented by on-going communications with key informants in the region. 8. This summary of Casamance’s early party and electoral history is based primarily on several prominent sources: Darbon (1988); Foucher (2002 ); Morganthau (1964); and Zucarelli (1970; 1988). In particular, Chapter Three of Vincent Foucher’s doctoral thesis provides a wonder- fully detailed and well-documented history of the internal struggles and alliances during the pre- and post-independence period of Ziguinchor politics (Foucher 2002: 120–168). 9. According to Seck, his grandfather had come to Casamance to flee the French colonial invasion only to ironically become a chef de canton in the colonial administration (July 8, 1997). 10. The results from the 1959 election reported in the -Dakar news- paper on March 23 of that year and the partial results presented by Zucarelli (1988: 131) are not identical with those reported by William Foltz (and Deutsch 1966), a problem that unfortunately is not uncom- mon with early electoral results, requiring some sleuthing and often interpretation of conflicting data. In this case, the overall percentage of votes for each party vary little, although the statistics reported in the Paris-Dakar indicated that the Senegal River Valley (74.8%) not Casamance (78.0%) had the lowest level of support for Senghor’s UPS. 11. This discussion of the origins of the secessionist movement draws on the large literature on the topic, in particular: Barbier-Wiesser (1994); de Benoist (1991); de Jong (1979); Foucher (2002); Hesseling (1992); Lambert (1998); Marut (1999); and Trincaz (1984). 12. Although some observers claim that Sy colluded with Kane in this land grab, according to Gerti Hesseling they headed competing commissions, often resulting in two titleholders for the same parcel as reported in the Senegalese daily Sud Hebdo (August 16, 1991: 6). Vincent Foucher (2002) provides a detailed analysis of the ethno-politics behind the factional dis- pute between Sy and Carvalho in Chapter Six of his dissertation. 13. Although Sanga’s entourage claims that there is a special relationship between Brinn and Thionk Esil, there is no known historical tie between them unlike various other Jola villages in the region (de Jong 2002: 208).

Chapter 6 Autonomous Brokers: The MBËRU GOX among the SÉNÉGALAIS D’A MÉRIQUE 1. The Sénégalais d’Amérique are not representative of a larger of Senegalese expatriates because the diaspora operates in disparate socio- economic and political contexts. Consequently, there was significant Notes 243

variation in support for the PS among Senegalese living abroad, ranging from over 90 percent in to less than 20 percent in the United States during the 2000 presidential elections. In general, electoral results reflect a pattern of relatively lower levels of support for the PS among Senegalese voters residing in Western countries in contrast with those residing in other African countries. This disparity may be attributable to various fac- tors, including greater access to information and a political environment in Western democracies that promotes political opposition, two factors that were frequently cited by U.S.-based informants. Further comparative research on the Senegalese diaspora is required to consider these and var- ious other potential factors, such as age, education, and regional origin, as well as the degree to which national politicians campaign in particular diasporic communities such as the United States for reasons discussed later in this chapter. 2. The category of “Special Agricultural Workers” was a last minute adden- dum to the legislation, creating a loophole for undocumented immigrants who could not prove that they met the requirement of U.S. residency since 1982. 3. The census statistics are based on data from the Public Use Microdata Series provided by the Minnesota Population Center at the University of Minnesota. INS data were provided by the Department of Planning of the City of New York. 4. According to a serial report on immigration published by the City of New York (1999: 23), the diversity pool program was introduced because citizens from “certain countries were unable to obtain visas for entry to the United States as a result of the family reunification provi- sions of the 1965 Immigration Amendments.” The diversity lottery, which distributes 55,000 visas for immigration from countries that received less than 50,000 visas the preceding year, is intended to rectify this situation by breaking the generational chain and providing new “seed” immigrants. 5. For example, in his article on Murids in New York, Cheikh Anta Babou (2002) cites both an estimate by the Senegalese Ministry of Foreign Affairs that puts the Senegalese community in New York at 11,000 in 1994, and another from the U.S. embassy in Dakar that estimates the number of Senegalese for the entire United States five years later at 10,000. 6. Dame Babou offered this insight on the impact of devaluation on the migration of Senegalese students. A college financial aid officer con- firmed that international students in the United States can work part- time on campus for up to 20 hours per week and may request permission to work off campus from the Office of Citizenship and Immigration Services, formerly the Immigration and Naturalization Service. 7. According to various informants, the relatively lax border and internal controls in have also been an important factor in making it another newly preferred destination among Senegalese immigrants (see also Carter 1997; Riccio 2002; and Schmidt di Friedberg 1993). 244 Notes

8. There is some debate over the origins of the term modou-modou, which is repeated twice similar to regional identities such as -Baol and Walo-Walo that are associated with precolonial Wolof states of the same name. Mamadou Diouf (2000), for example, claims that modou-modou refers to Mamadou Moustapha Mbacke, the first Murid Khalif-Général. 9. As in the case of the Murids, there are smaller Halpulaar’en enclaves scattered across the United States, in urban areas such as Philadelphia, Columbus, and Memphis. Although the Senegalese Halpulaar’en in New York are by and large Tukulors from the Senegal River Valley, they self-identify as Halpulaar’en, a more encompassing term that reflects the diversity of the Halpulaar community in Brooklyn. 10. In 1993, there were polling stations in Atlanta, Boston, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York City, San Francisco, Washington D.C., and Wilberforce, Ohio. In 2000, additional polling stations were added in Providence, Columbus, and Cincinnati. 11. Although there are no survey data from the 1993 presidential elections, there is little reason to believe that there would have been any significant change in the political influence of Murid marabouts by 2000, a view confirmed by various Murid informants. 12. A weaker Sufi identification was evident in the first exit poll in which most Halpulaar’en respondents self-identified simply as Muslims with slightly less than a third asserting a Tijan affiliation. 13. For example, there were numerous allegations that a former PSA presi- dent who played host to President Diouf’s son Pedro while he visited New York had received a large envelope to mobilize support in the Halpulaar’en community. However, there was no evidence to substanti- ate this claim given his lack of a public endorsement for Diouf let alone voting instructions to members of the PSA prior to the election. 14. In addition to attending various social functions and conferences orga- nized in the community, I volunteered as an instructor in English as a Second Language at the PSA from 2001 to 2003. 15. There are toorobe women who are nevertheless involved in braiding, including one who is the owner of a hair salon in Brooklyn. 16. The exit poll also included a question about who they voted for in 1993. Among the Halpulaar’en voters who responded to this question, 48.8 percent supported Diouf, closely followed by 44 percent who voted for Wade. Again, this was in stark contrast to the overwhelming support for President Diouf in the Fuuta Tooro during the 1993 elections when he received 88.9 percent of the vote in Matam. Bibliography

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Note: Page numbers with letters “t” and “f” such as 32t, 41t, 68f, 118f indicate tables and figures, respectively

Abdou Khadir; see Mbacke, Abdou authority; see social authority Khadir autonomous brokers, 197–219; see Achebe, Chinua, 37 also mbèru gox; Sénégalais Adams, Adrian, 133, 135 d’Amérique Agne, Abdourahim, 144 autonomy conflict with Ousmane Tanor associational, 10 Dieng, 148 of clients, 25 Agne, Abdourahmane, 150 continuum of, 17–18 Aidara, Cherif Boubacar, 158 of local brokers, 15–17 Aidara, Khalife Younouss, 158 taalibe, 91, 112 Aidira, Ben, 216 Auyero, Javier, 6, 27, 35 Alliance des Forces de Progrès, 148–149 formation of, 66 Ba, Mabba Jaxu, 51 Alliance Jëf Jël, 146 Ba, Mamadou Saidou, 51 Amar, Moustapha, 209 Babou, Cheikh Anta, 243n5 Ambedkar, B.R., 144 Babou, Dame, 201, 243n6 Andd-Jëff, 66, 149, 192–193 Badiane, Angrand, 190 in 1998 elections, 147 Badiane, Emile, 169, 172–173, Casamance support for, 190 176, 180 in Tukulor politics, 150 Badji, Cheikh Ousmane Sountou assimilationism, French, 52 Badji, 158 associational autonomy, 10 Bal, Souleyman, 125 Associations d’Intérêt Rural, 180 Bamba, Amadou, 51, 52, 73, 76, 83 Associations Villageoises des descendents of, 114 Ressortissants, 139 importance among New York Athie, Arame, 210 Murids, 209 Atika, creation of, 62 marabout spiritual authority and, authoritarian backlash, potential 84–85 for, 21 mother of, 112 authoritarianism Muridiya founded by, 51 bureaucratic, 40 supernatural powers of, 71 in continuum of regimes, 40–41 Basse, Djiby, 140 versus democracy, 40–41, 41t PDS and, 149–150 versus semi-clientelism, 9–10 Basse, Yero, 140 264 Index

Basse family, political power of, political autonomy of, 15–17 240n15 social authority of, 11–15 Bassène, Marcel, 188–189 social authority-political Bates, Robert, 37 autonomy continuum of, Bathily, Abdoulaye, 228 17–18 Baye Fall sect, 71–72 socioeconomic power of, 221 BDS; see Bloc Démocratique typology of, 17, 17f Sénégalais brotherhoods Berman, Bruce, 28–29 Muridiya, 7, 50 Bloc Démocratique Sénégalais Qadiriya, 50, 159 founding of, 52–53 Tijan, 50, 104 support in Ziguinchor, 172–173 Bukut initiation, 193–195 Bloc des Masses Sénégalais, 74 bureaucratic authoritarianism, 40 Bloc Populaire Sénégalais, 174 founding of, 53 Camara, El Hadj Arfang Bakary, Bloc Progressiste de Cercle Matam, 158 127 Carothers, Thomas, 19, 23, 29–30 Bloch, Peter, 133 Carpot, François, 52 Boone, Catherine, 119, 169, support for Murid leaders, 72 171, 174 Carvalho, Etienne, 184 on economic development in Casamançais, 2, 153–196 Casamance, 178–179 human rights violations against, on Jola social organization, 162 187–188 risk aversion thesis of, 171, as limited brokers, 20 179–180, 183 neo-traditionalism and, 194–195 study of state-building in West political opposition by, 170–171 Africa, 129–130 power base of, 155–156 on variation in rural authority, and pursuit of social authority, 10–11 193–195 Boussou, Abdou Rahman, 112 Casamance, Senegalese colonization Boussou, Mame Diarra, 112, 204 of, 182–186 Boussou Dieng, Modou; see Casamance conflict, 53, 153, 241n1 Mbacke, Modou Boussou origin myth and, 239n2 Dieng persistence of, 222 Bratton, Michael, 3–5 Casamance region; see also Lower brokers; see also autonomous Casamance; Ziguinchor brokers; dependent brokers; early party and electoral politics influential brokers; limited in, 171–177 brokers economic particularism of, defined, 6 177–182 identity and status of, 9 versus Fuuta Tooro, 153 influence on political process, historical regions of, 154–155 2–3, 9–11 lack of hierarchy in, 156 influential, 69–116 (see also particularism of, 156–165 Murid marabouts) patron-client relations in, 156 “parachuted,” 14 political violence in, 175 Index 265

PS neglect of, 177–178 erosion of, 2 PS support in, 8 lack of economic alternatives to, 5 secessionist movement in (see mobilization of electoral support secessionist movement) in, 11 Senegalese “colonization” of, 182 as political subordination versus caste system, 16 equalizing force, 33–34 absence in Jola society, 163 potential demise of, 5, 21 attitudes toward, 150–151 in the “primordial” public, 38, characteristics of, 122 237n2 Tukulor emigration and, rational choice theory and, 28 139–140 resilence in Senegalese politics, in Tukulor society, 117, 120–122, 223 121t rule of law and, 44 in U. S. Halpulaar’en community, subnational variations in, 6 212–215 transition to citizenship, 26 Wolof society and, 122 typology of, 34 Centre International du Commerce in U. S. party machines, 33 Extérior du Sénégal, 148 clientelist democracy; see also CFA franc, devaluation of, 144, 201 Senegalese clientelist Chandra, Kanchan, 4, 28 democracy Charpy, Jacques, 165 assumptions about evolution of, Chehabbi, H.E., 4 42–43 Cheikh Amadou Bamba House, 209 versus authoritarian and semi- Cheikh Mbacke, 216–217, 223 democratic regimes, 1–2 , in Lower Casamance, comparative perspectives on, 158–159 23–48 Cissé, Bassirou, 190 conditions fostering, 2 (see also Cissé, Ibou, 172 Senegalese clientelist Citizen and Subject, 10 democracy) civic public, versus primordial countries characterized as, 29 public, 21–22, 37–38 criteria for, 43 client-broker relationships defined, 4 deference in, 13–14 examples of, 4–5 reciprocity versus inequality in, 25 fragility of, 221–230 withdrawal from, 14 and inappropriate application of clientelism transition paradigm, 29–30 authoritarianism and, 26 versus liberal democracies, 33 as basis of political authority, operationalizing, 44–46 44–45 as oxymoron, 28–29 coercive form of, 26 political equality and, 32–35 definitions of, 25, 26 public interest in, 37 democracy and, 1, 3–7, 18, 34, as subtype versus diminished 47, 221 form, 4, 18, 23–24 dimensions of, 34–35 client-patron relations economic versus sociological in Casamance, 156 approaches to, 27–28 studies of, 6–7 266 Index

Club Med, conflict over, 182–183 constraints on political Collier, David, 23 competition and, 25–26 colonial rule; see French colonial deferential relationships, 13–14 rule Deh, Yero, 136 Coly, Demba, 173 Delville, Phillippe Lavigne, 137 Coly, Ousmane, 192 dembacratie, 222 common good, defining, 36–37 establishment of, 150 competition; see political evidence for, 151 competition lack of, 137 constituency politics, versus in U. S. Halpulaar’en community, programmatic politics, 44–45 213–214 constitutional crisis, 1962, 54 democracy(ies) constitutional reform, 1975, 57 advancement of, rule of law Copans, Jean, 75 and, 42 Cote d’Ivoire, coup d’état in, 66 alternative, as pathologies, 30 Coulibaly, Abou Latif, 228–229 versus authoritarianism, 40–41, Coulon, Christian, 59, 89, 119, 41t 129, 131, 137–138 categorizing, 46 Central American hybrid regimes Da Costa, Louis, 173 of, 25–26 daahira religious self-help “classical” subtypes versus organizations, 81–84 “democracies with and changes in marabout-disciple adjectives,” 24–29 relations, 80–84, 86 clientelism and, 1, 3–7, 18, 34, 47 in diaspora, 208–210, 212 consolidated, 29–30 Murid, in New York, 209 deepening, 31 and remittances from abroad, 86 diversity among, 224–225 versus Tukulor village electoral versus liberal versus associations, 139 advanced, 31–32, 32t Daahiratoul Moustarchidine wal liberal (see liberal democracy) Moustarchidaty, 83, 104 procedural versus substantive daara definitions of, 47 defined, 238n3 required components of, 31 in marabout-taalibe relations, 81 rule of law in, 40–43 taalibe socialization in, 75–76 subtypes of, 23 Dagana, contrast with Matam and Western, 18–19 Podor, 119 with and without adjectives, Dahl, Robert, 223 46–47 on polyarchy, 24–25, 46–47 Democracy in Senegal, 221 rule of law and, 40 democratic consolidation Dansokho, Amath, 63, 228 controversy over, 224 Darbon, Dominique, 161, 171, influences on, 225 179, 181, 190 rule of law and, 41–42 Darou Mousty, 107 Democratic Experiments in Africa, decentralized despotism, 10 3–4 Index 267 democratic reform Diop, Majhemout, 57 in African politics, 1 PAI founding by, 53 clientelism’s constraints on, 3 Diop, Momar Coumba, 66, 86, 158 democratic transition, 237n2 on daahira’s role in Murid social criteria for, 223–224 relations, 82–83 democratization Diouf, Abdou, 97 impact of clientelism, 221 in 1993 election, 65 teleological aspects of, 42–43 in 2000 election, 2, 67, 110 varying patterns in, 6 appointed as prime minister, 57 dependent brokers, 117–152; see also assumption of power, 58–59, Tukulor nobles; Tukulor 79–80 society Boussou Dieng’s support for, 113 and erosion of landownership as departure of, 230 source of power/status, electoral support for, by region, 129–132 113, 235–236 despotism, decentralized, 10 internal/external conflicts and, 62 political competition and, 25–26 marabout power and, 85 Dia, Mamadou, 54 ndigels supporting, 70–71, arrest and imprisonment of, 54 79–80, 91–94 crisis with Senghor, 74, 180 ndougals and, 95 political reversals of, 57 rapprochment with Lahatt, Dia, Ousmane Khasoum, 148–149 79–80 Diagne, Atou, 83 semi-democracy under, 59–62 Diagne, Blaise, 52, 72–73 technocracy and, 140–141 Diahkate, Mewndou, 111 Tukulor religious identity and, Diallo, Alison Fodou, 215 119 Diallo, Amadou Djibril, 137, 150 Diouf, Galandou, 73 Diallo, Ibou, 169 Diouf, Makhtar, 156–158, 169 Diallo, Samba Aissata, 172 on PS development projects, Diatta, Aliin Sitoe, 167–169, 182 177–178 Diaw, Aminata, 66, 178 Diouf, Mamadou, 86, 141, 158, Diemer, Geert, 134 163–164, 178 Dieng, Madieng Khary, 97 , administrative Dieng, Ousmane Tanor, 65, 110, map of, 68f 148, 192, 216, 225, 227 disciples; see taalibes Dijiba, Alexandre, 229 dissidents; see also opposition Dilley, Roy, 121 parties; secessionist movement Diop, Abdoulaye Bara, 119, 122, French policy toward, 239n8 137–138 diversity pool program, 200, 243n4 Diop, Alioune Badara, 141, 147, dominant power politics, 30 148–149 Dumont, Louis, 122 Diop, Cheikh Anta, 54, 78 and founding of BMS, 74 economic conditions, Senegalese; political reversals of, 57 see also peanut economy Diop, Jor, 51 in Casamance, 177–182 268 Index economic conditions—continued emigrants, role in Fuuta Tooro economic reforms and, 131–132 economy, 137–141 in Fuuta Tooro region, 129–130, emigration; see also Sénégalais 137–141 d’Amérique impact on marabout influence, 69 and impacts on caste, 139–140 remittance economy and, prestige and, 138–139 137–141, 219 equality; see political equality 1980s, 79 ethnic groups, 50, 237n2; see also economic development, in specific groups Casamance, 177–179 by department and region, economic wealth, social authority 231–232 and, 12 ethnic/religious identities, education, social authority and, emotional charge of, 28 12–13 egalitarianism Fagerburg-Diallo, Sonja, 161 distinct from gender equality in Fall, Cheikh Baye Gor, 105 Casamance, 241n5 Fall, Cheikh Ndigel, 105–106 in Lower Casamance social Fall, Ibra, 71–72, 97 structures, 188 Fall, Modou Aminata, 98, 105 in precolonial Jola society, Fall, Ousseynou, 111 162–165, 162t Fattahists, 83, 104 Ekeh, Peter, 21, 37 Fatton, Robert, 57 elections; see presidential elections Faty, Dame, 107 electoral code feccere Fuuta, 125 and boycott of 1990 elections, feckless pluralism, 29 30, 59, 63 fergo Umar, 126 limitations of, 61–63 Foucher, Vincent, 167, 171, 175 opposition parties and, 60, Fox, Jonathan, 9–10, 26 104 French colonial rule, Casamance political equality and, 33 particularism and, 165–169 presidential succession and, 146 French colonialism and Senegal’s democratic in Fuuta Tooro, 126–127, 130 transition, 7 marabout resistance to, 51 U. S.-based voters and, 197–199, Fuuta Tooro region, 51, 53, 117, 205–206 239n2; see also Tukulor electoral code commission, agricultural economy of, formation of, 62–63 129–130 electoral politics versus Casamance, 153 religious identity in, 72–73 caste politics in, 150, 206 Senegalese history of, 52 emigrants’ economic role, electoralism, defined, 31 137–141 elites, rural; see brokers; French colonialism and, 126–127 Casamançais; Murid Halpulaar’en of, 117 (see also marabouts; rural elites; Tukulor Halpulaar’en) nobles invasions of, 125–126 Index 269

irrigation as equalizing force in, social structure of, 139 132–137 subaltern caste revolution in Islam and, 124–125 U. S., 212–214 Ka support in, 147 U. S. communities of, 244n9 marabouts of, 95, 158 Herbst, Jeffery, 3, 23 precolonial Islamic state in, Hesseling, Gerti, 184–185, 242n12 123–124 High Council of Radio and as remittance economy, 138 Television, formation of, 63 rural councils in, 130–132 Hizbut Tarqiyya, 83–84 socioeconomic changes, 119 Homo Hierarchus, 122 sources of status and power in, human rights violations 120–124 against Casamançais, 187–188 Fuutanke politics, 239n3; see also in Senegal-Mauritania conflict, dembacratie 142–143 competitive, 145–151 history of, 120–124 Immigration Act of 1990, 200 irrigation and, 135 Immigration Reform and Control Islam and, 124–125 Act of 1986, Senegalese Tukulor nobles in, 120 amnesty and, 200 influential brokers, 69–116; see also Gadiaga, Awa, 101 Murid marabouts Gadio, Cheikh Tidiane, 203, 217 irrigation Gasser, Genviève, 189 abandonment of, 136 Gellar, Sheldon, 54, 221, 230 as equalizing force, 132–137 Gramsci, Antonio, 57 irrigated agricultural projects, Grand Magal pilgrimage, 97 130–131 grands électeurs, Murid marabouts Islam as, 69 brotherhoods of, 50 griots, 121t, 124f, 150, 163, 164, establishment in Senegal River 213, 214 Valley, 125 Guèye, Fallou, 202–203 reformist, impact on marabout Guèye, Lamine, 73, 127, 172 influence, 69 Guèye, Mbaye, 106 Senegalese, Khomeni regime Guisse, Abou, 137, 150 and, 85 Gunther, Richard, 29 spread of, 51 syncretic form in Lower Halpulaar’en, 33, 117 Casamance, 159 in 1998 elections, 146–147 Tukolor social stratification and, in 2000 elections, 205–206, 211 124–129 candidates supported by, 244n16 Wolof society and, 123 caste system and, 121–122 Islamic and Caste Knowledge among in New York, 205–206, 211–215: Haalpulaar’en, 121 ethnic factors in politics of, Islamic reformism 215 impact on marabout-taalibe social stratification of, 239n3 relations, 86 270 Index

Islamic reformism—continued Kane, Thierno Seydou, 127–128, influence of, 85–86 145 and religious-secular separation, Kante, Babacar, 62 87 Kara, Modou, 110 Islamization, in Senegalese state Karambenor, 185–186 formation, 158 Karl, Terry Lynn, 25, 31 Islamo-Wolof model, Casamance Khadir, Modou Mbacke Abdou, 97 particularism and, 158–162 khalifs, noninvolvement in politics, 112 jeyaabe (captives), 120, 121t Khalifs-Générals Jola ethnic majority, 50, 153–155 1983 ndigels of, 60–61 bukut initiation and, 193–194 silence of, 67 Casamance politics and, 171–173 Kitschelt, Herbert, 4, 44–45 Diatta and, 167–169 , 155 egalitarianism and, 170–171 administrative map of, 152f marabouts and, 159 comparison of politics in MFDC and, 187 Halpulaar’en regions of, 160 northern relations with, 167 political opposition by, 153–154 Lahatt, Abdou; See Mbacke, Abdou precolonial egalitarianism of, Lahatt 162–165 land tenure practices resistance to French, 8, 165–168 in Lower Casamance, 182–185 Jong, Ferdinand de, 191 in Senegal River Valley, 130–131, judiciary, independence of, 58 134–136, 240n11 Levitsky, Steven, 23 Ka, Djibo, 65, 119, 146–147, liberal democracy 206, 240n18 versus clientelist democracy, 24, in 2000 elections, 67 28–38 Sénégalese d’Amérique support end of transition to, 29–30 of, 212 political authority in, 36–37 Kane, Abdou Diaf, 104 liberalization Kane, Abdul Bokar, 127, 239n7 impact on marabout influence, 69 Kane, Abdul Kadir, 125 imposition by Senegalese ruling Kane, Aly Bocar, 136 party, 57–58 Kane, Baydalaye, 138 Ligue Démcratique, 66 Kane, Cheikh Amadou, 146, limited brokers, 153–196; see also 191–192 Casamançais Kane, Cheikh Hamidou in Lower Casamance, 20 “Mathiara,” 140, 148, 240n16 Linz, Juan, 4 Kane, Elimane, 148, 150 Little Senegal (Little Touba), Kane, Fadel, 128 203–204 Kane, Mamadou, 212, 215 local elites, French incorporation Kane, Mathiara, 148 of, 51 Kane, Momodou Alpha, 172, 215 Locke, John, 32 Kane, Moustapha, 184 , PS support in, 118, Kane, Pape, 210, 216–217 118f Index 271

Lower Casamance; see also marabout-taalibe relations, 76 Casamance; Ziguinchor challenging stereotypes of, 70 cultural particularism of, 157–162 changes in, 76–84 under French colonial rule, economic factors in, 77–84 165–169 factors affecting, 113 and French imposition of Islamic reformism and, 86 northern administrators, Lahatt’s ndigel and, 96–97 166–167 political factors in, 79–80 lack of broker authority in, 184 religious component of, 88 lack of social hierarchy in, 222 Villalòn’s analysis of, 88–89 northern “invasion” of, 182–186 Mark, Peter, 158, 163 sociopolitical differences of, , 8 181–182 deference to Tukulor nobles in, 19 Ly, Abdoulaye, 174 emigrant economic impact in, 140 machine politics PS decline in, 145–151 U. S., ethnic dimension of, 11, 33 PS support in, 118, 118f Ziguinchor’s land tenure crisis Mbacke, Abdou Fatta, 78, 104–106 and, 182–186 Mbacke, Abdou Khadir, 96 Mamdani, Mahmood, 10 Mbacke, Abdou Lahatt Man of the People, A, 37 criticism of, 110 marabouts; see also Murid pious example of, 85 marabouts; Tall, Umar; political ndigels of, 91, 93–96, Toorodo Revolution; Wolof 99, 104, 107 marabouts rapprochement with Diouf, absence of authority in Lower 79–80 Casamance, 158–159 support for peasants’ cause, changing role of, 67, 75, 80–84, 77–78 222 Mbacke, Abdoulaye Dieng, PDS defined, 7 and, 149–150 and Golden Age of state- Mbacke, Boussou Dieng, ndigel for marabout collaboration, Diouf, 101–102 73–76 Mbacke, Cheikh Anta, 73, 78, 98, influence on U. S. Murid 99, 104 community, 206–211, 207t Mbacke, Dame Faty, candidacy petit, 67 of, 93 reformist, in Fuuta Tooro, Mbacke, Falilou, 80, 100, 104, 126–127 112–113, 173 resistance to French colonialism, 51 influence of, 74, 102 support for independence relationship with Senghor, 74, referendum, 53 80, 100 Tijan, versus Murid marabouts, 71 successor to, 77, 104 Tukulor, versus Wolof Mbacke, Khadim, 93 counterparts, 128 Mbacke, Koussou, 107 in Ziguinchor, 158 Mbacke, Mamadou Mortade, 99 marabouts mondains, 98 Mbacke, Modo Kara, 86 272 Index

Mbacke, Modou Boussou Dieng, 81 Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques mystical powers of, 101 de la Casamance, 153, 169, spiritual authority of, 84 177 support for Diouf, 113 Casamançais support for, 189 Mbacke, Modou Kara, 67 and criticism of PS Mbacke, Modou Mactar, 111 Jola and, 162–163 Mbacke, Mourtada, 209 origins of, 172–173 Mbacke, Moustapha Bassirou, protests by, 186–189 93 secessionist movement by, 62 (see Mbacke, Mustapha, in U. S., also secessionist movement) 208–209 Mouvement Républicain Sénégalais, Mbacke, Salilou, 97 founding of, 57 silence of, 98–99, 109–110, multipartyism, establishment of, 57 113 Murid disciples, political defiance withdrawal from ndigel politics, of, 61 70–71 Murid Islamic Community in Mbacke, Sidy, 111 America (MICA), 205, 206 Mbacke, Soxna Lo, 98, 99, 104 a political stance of, 210 Mbacke district, 7 Murid marabouts, 2, 69–116 electoral support in, 19 changing relations with taalibes, mbèru gox, 2; see also autonomous 80–84 brokers; Sénégalais d’Amérique changing role of, 75, 222 defined, 197 contribution to Sopi, 109–115 family backgrounds of, 214–215 future role of, 114 limited social authority of, 215 and Golden Age of state- search for, 216–219 marabout collaboration, Sénégalais d’Amérique politics 73–76 and, 216–219 increasing independence of, 80 media, 55 influence in elections, 113 in 2000 elections, 66–67 as influential brokers, 71–72 under Diouf, 60 loss of influence, 110 Mende, Paul, 192 opposition parties and, 103–104 MFDC; see Mouvement des Forces as political brokers in colonial Démocratiques de la Casamance state, 72–73 migration; see also Sénégalais as politicians, 111–112 d’Amérique rapproachment with state, 79–80 and marabout-taalibe relations with central state, 72 relationship, 82 relationship with taalibes, 76 and Tukulor political elites, religious authority of, 69 137–141 silence of, 97–98 modou-modou succession struggle, 107 heterogeneity of, 202–204 support for opposition parties, origins of, 244n8 110 Mouvement Autonome de support for UPS, 74–75 Casamance, origins of, transformation of clientelist 173–174 relations of, 76–79 Index 273

urban influences on power of, absence in Lower Casamance, 81–82 160–161 withdrawal from politics, 70–71, competing among Murid 84–87, 112, 115, 117 marabouts, 98–109 Muridism, 7, 50 criteria for following, 89–90 influence of, 69 declining authority of, 100 modern, 69–70, 91–97: grounds for ignoring, 90 contribution to clientelist influence of, in 1983 election, democracy, 97–98; in New 60–61 York, 206–211 from petits marabouts, 67 mysticism associated with, 71 political, 87: attitudes toward, studies of, 238n3 114–115; debate over, Muridiya brotherhood, 7, 50 95–96; decline of, 91–97; influence of, 69 diminished practice of, 222; Murids; see Muridism future of, 113–114; “modern” interpretation of, 112–113; versus other Casamançais positions in, religious commands, 88–90 176–177, 179 PS pursuit of, 98–99 centralized decision-making public (see public ndigels) by, 55 rejection by New York Murids, constitutional reforms passed 206–207 by, 57 in support of Diouf, 70–71 Dame Faty’s election to, 93 for Wade, 92 Dia-Senghor crisis and, 74, 180 ndougals, versus ndigels, 95 during Diouf administration, ñeeñbe (Halpulaar’en artisans), 120, 59, 61 121t Mamadou Mortada Mbacke’s ñeeños (Wolof artisans), 150, 213, candidacy and, 99 214 PDS control of, 225 neo-patrimonialism, 5 as presidential rubber stamp, 55 of African regimes, 33 National Domain Law, 131–132, as basis for authority, 49 135, 182 New Agricultural and Industrial National Electoral Census Programs, 62 commission, 64 “New Agricultural Policy,” 81 Ndao, Bassirou, 96 New Agricultural Program, 81, Ndiaye, Ibrahima, 134 135 Ndiaye, Sada, 141 Niane, Souleymane Nasser, 141, Ndiaye, Sereigne Mbacke, 209 148 ndigels Niasse, Ahmed, 86 in 1983 election, 60–61, Niasse, Ibrahim, 51 79–80 Niasse, Moustapha, 66, 148, in 1988 election, 67, 70, 96 190, 225 in 1993 election, 102–115 in 2000 election, 67 in 2000 election, 67, 109–110 in 2007 election, 227 Abdou Lahatt’s, 92–96, 99, 107 Niasse, Sidy Lamine, 85 274 Index

O’Brien, Donal Cruise, 55, 81–82, Casamance support for, 8, 20, 88, 160 101, 153–154, 171, O’Donnell, Guillermo, 4, 35–36, 173–174, 190 38–39, 40, 224 caste politics and, 151 Office National de Coopération et decline in Matam politics, Assistance au Développement, 77 145–151 dissolution of, 80–81 declining Murid support for, 117: ONCAD; see Office National de marabouts and, 67 Coopération et Assistance au defeat among Senegalese in Développement U. S., 20 opposition parties; see also specific dissatisfaction with, 60–62, 79 parties and economic development in Murid marabouts and, Casamance, 177–178 103–104, 108–109, 111 electoral process distortion by, 64 radicalization of, 61–62 erosion of clientelist support support for, 8–9, 79–80, for, 2 142–143, 190 formation of, 57 Organisation pour la Mise en Fuuta Tooro versus Casamance Valeur, 133 support for, 153, 154f Organization of the Islamic ndgels and, 61, 67, 79–80, 98–99, Conference, 79 108 origin myths, 122–123, 239n4 neglect of Casamance, 177–178, and Casamance conflict, 182 239n2 opposition party collaboration Ottoway, Marina, 223 with, 238n7 Oussouye politics, 155 renouvellements of, 65 Owolu, Dele, 10 Sénégalais d’Amérique and, 197–198, 198f “parachuting,” 14, 191 support by Tukulor, 8 Parti Africain de l’Indépendence, 53 Tukulor and, 118–120, 118t, as official Marxist-Leninist 142–144 party, 57 Ziguinchor and, 192 Parti de Regroupement Africain- “passive revolution,” 56–59 Sénégal, 53 Gramsci’s concept of, 57 in Casamance, 174–176 patrimonialism Parti Socialiste; see also Bloc versus authoritarianism, 40–41 Démocratique Sénégalais; in precolonial Senegal, 49–51 Bloc Populaire Sénégalais; in Senegalese bureaucracy, 55 Union Progressiste patronage resources, uses of, 26–27 Sénégalaise patron-client relations; see client- in 1978 election, 57 patron relations in 1983 election, 60–61, 79 PDS; see Senegalese Democratic in 1988 election, 70, 70f Party in 1988 versus 1993 elections, peanut economy 102 revolt against state monopoly of, in 2000 elections, 2 77–78 Index 275

state monopoly over, 77 1978, 57–59, 78–79 state-marabout collaboration and, 1978–2000, 233–234 56, 75–76 1978–2000, regional electoral “peasant malaise,” 77 support for candidates, Peul pastoralists, 117 235–236 Piattoni, Simona, 27, 28, 34 1983, 79–80 Pole de Gauche, 66 1988, 102: fraud and political change; see Sopi intimidation in, 94–95; PS political competition support in, 70; social unrest clientelism and, 5 and, 61–62 conditions fostering, 2 1993, 64–65, 101–102: marabout constraints on, 25–26 influence in, 113; ndigels in, development in African 102–115; Tukulor countries, 5 preferences in, 142–144 political equality 2000, 1–2, 21, 65–67: clientelist democracy and, 32–35 democratic transition in, in theory versus practice, 32–35 223–224; marabout political liberalization, African influence in, 113; results in experiences with, 23 Matam, 149–150; themes of, political opposition; see opposition 109–110; transfer of power parties; specific parties in, 2; Tukulor preferences in, political reform 144–145 economic/social justice and, 19 2007, 225–229, 226t in “passive revolution,” 56–59 primordial public, versus civic Political Topographies of the African public, 21–22, 37–38 State, 10–11 privatization, 148 politics, programmatic versus ONCAD and, 77–80, 135–136 constituency, 44–45 SAED and, 132–136, 142 politique de distance, 77–78, 79 programmatic politics, versus politique de proximité, 150 constituency politics, 44–45 politique des races Przeworski, Adam, 30 French adoption of, 51–52 PS; see Parti Socialiste in Fuuta Tooro, 127 PSA; see Pulaar Speaking in Lower Casamance, 167 Association polyarchy public interest, in clientelist controversy over, 224 democracy, 37 Dahl’s definition of, 24–25, public ndigels, 79–80 46–47, 224–225 public resources, distribution of, 44 republicanism as, 36 Pulaar literacy campaign, 161 typology of, 39 Pulaar speakers, 117 Ponty, William, 167 names for, 239n2 “pork-barreling,” public interest Pulaar Speaking Association, 205 and, 36 formation and expansion, 211–212 presidential elections 1951, 73–74 Qadiriya brotherhood, 50 1959, 54, 174, 242n10 majority in Lower Casamance, 159 276 Index

Rassemblement Démocratique rural councils, in Fuuta Tooro, Africain, 172 130–132 rational choice theory, 28 rural elites; see also brokers Rechtsstaat, role in democracy, 41 power variations among, 10 refondateurs, 65 relationship with central state, debate with renouveauteurs, 146 10–11 regimes revised typology of, 42–43, 43t Sabine, George, 32 Schedler’s typology of, 31–32, 32t Sadio, Salif, 188, 194 typology of, 40–41, 41t SAED; see Société d’Aménagement et religion, indigenous, in Lower d’Exploitation des Terres du Casamance, 158 Delta du Fleuve Sénégal religious groups, by department and , Robert, 186, 187, 190–192 region, 231–232 in 2007 election, 225–226 religious leaders; see marabouts Bukut initiation of, 193–195 renouveauteurs, 65 St. Louis region, administrative debate with refondateurs, 146 map of, 116f renouvellements (primaries), and PS Saints and Politicians, 55 destabilization in Matam, Sall, Adama, 141, 148, 151 145–146 Sane, Landing, 186, 190–192 republicanism Sarr, Djibril, 173 defined, 35–36 Savane, Landing, 187, 194 public versus private spheres in, Schaffer, Fredric, 23 35–38 Schedler, Andreas, 31–32, 224 rule of law and, 40 Schmitz, Jean, 139, 240n17 resource distribution, in clientelist secessionist movement, 153–155, versus liberal democracy, 45–46 170–171 rimbe (freeborn), 120, 121t criticism of PS, 177–178 technocracy and, 141 origins of, 182–183, 242n11 Wolof geer and, 122 state’s failure to suppress, risk aversion thesis, 171, 179–180, 186–189 183 Seck, Assane, 173–174, 176, 180, Robinson, David, 126 186, 242n9 Roche, Christian, 166 Seck, Idrissa, 110, 167, 225 Roth, Gunther, 40 in 2007 election, 226t, 227–228 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 32 conflict with Wade, 228 Rudolph, Lloyd, 27 Section Française de l’Internationale Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber, 27 Ouvrière, 52, 73–74, 172 rule of law self-determination, in postcolonial definition and role, 40 Africa, 241n6 democratic consolidation and, semi-democracy, under Diouf, 59–62 41–42 , Senegalese in programmatic versus clientelist creation of, 66 politics, 44 recreation of, 229 role in democracies, 40–43 Senegal; see also specific regions Index 277

administrative map of, interdistrict comparisons of, 7–8 1984–2002, 48f local brokers’ roles in, 2–3 (see democratic status of, 1–2, also brokers; specific brokers; 223–224 specific groups) demographics of, 231–232 modern Muridism and, 97–98 ethnic groups in, 50, 237n2 potential for authoritarian as exceptional case (see Senegalese backlash, 21 clientelist democracy) potential trajectories of, 20–21 northern (see dependent brokers; rise of, 49–68 Tukulor nobles) significance of, 7–9 precolonial, patrimonialism in, Wade’s impact on, 225 49–51 Senegalese Democratic Party southern (see Casamançais; in 1983 election, 59 limited brokers) in 1988 election, 95 Sénégalais d’Amérique; see also in 1993 election, 64–65, 93, mbèru gox 104–108 attitudes toward caste, 212–215 in 1998 election, 65 as autonomous brokers, 20 in 2000 election, 66–67, bipolar demographics of, 204–206 114, 189, 191, 215, 217, clientelism and, 198–199, 222–223, 225–229 210–211 Abdoulaye Dieng and, 149–150 democratic advantages of, 222–223 in Casamance politics, 189 economic significance of, 219 Casamance support for, 190 finding mbèru gox among, caste politics and, 151 216–219 marabouts and, 107–108, 111 history of, 199–202 in Matam 2001 election, 151 influence of clientism and, 8 Tukulor support of, 19 and low support for PS, 197–198, Wade’s candidacy and, 2 198f Senegal-Mauritania conflict, 1993 murid influence and, 206–211, elections and, 142–143 207t Senghor, Abbé Augustin other Senegalese expatriates and, Diamacoune, 175, 187 242n1 Senghor, Léopold Sédar, 47, 54 political impacts of radio 1951 candidacy of, 73 programs, 212 Abdou Diouf’s succession to, and right to vote, 197–199, 58–59 205–206, 211–212, 215, BDS formed by, 52–53 217, 223 crisis with , 74, symbolic influence of, 218 180 Senegalese clientelist democracy and distribution of patronage economic versus ethno-political resources, 26–27 explanations of, 2 election to French National explanations of, 2–3 Assembly, 53 and insights into African MFDC and, 172–173 democratic transition, 221 one-party rule under, 54–56 278 Index

Senghor, Léopold Sédar—continued structural adjustment program, response to unrest, 57 80–81, 135 succession to, 58–59 1998 elections and, 148 Tukulor alliances with, sub-Saharan Africa 127–128 democratization of, actor- separatists; see secessionist centered theories of, 3 movement neopatrimonial basis for authority Seye, Babacar, assassination of, in, 49 64–65 suffrage SFIO, Section Française de French, 52 l’Internationale Ouvrière in rural areas of Casamance, Shaiykh Amadou Bamba Day, 171–172 209 universal, 73 , absence among Jola and, Sufi ideology, taalibe devotion in, 71 163–164 Sufi Muslim leaders; see marabouts social authority Sy, Cheikh Tidiane, 81, 110 basis for, in sub-Saharan Sy, Malik, 51 Africa, 49 Sy, Mamadou Abdoulaye, 184, 186, of brokers, 11–15 242n12 Bukut initiation and, 193–195 Sy, Moustapha, 104 democratic participation and, Sylla, Salifou, 59 14–15 Sylla, Talla, 228 gender and, 12 precolonial structures of, 49 taalibes roles as party officials and, 15–16 autonomy of, 90–91, 112 social hierarchy, absence in Lower categorization of, among Casamance, 161, 222 Murids, 89 social structure, regional variations changing attitudes of, among in, 161–162 Murids, 69–70 Société d’Aménagement et dependence of, peanut economy d’Exploitation des Terres du and, 75 Delta du Fleuve Sénégal, derivation of term, 238n1 132–136 in Harlem’s Murid community, sons of the soil; see Casamançais as 209–210 limited brokers relationships with marabouts (see Sopi, 67 marabout-taalibe relations) and changes in marabout-taalibe state-marabout collaboration relations, 76–84, 86 and, 75 Murid contributions to, submission of, 87–91 109–115 Tall, Sedou Nourou, 127 sous-préfets, 181, 184 Tall, Umar, 51, 126–127, 148 Soxna Lo; see Mbacke, Soxna Lo technocracy, social impacts of, 141 spiritual authority, changing basis Thiam, Samba Dioulde, 136 for, 84–87 Thompson, Phillip, 33 state-building, Islamo-Wolof versus Tijan brotherhood, 50 clientelist model, 161–162 support for Wade, 104 Index 279

Tijan marabouts, versus Murid Tukulor society marabouts, 71 attitudes toward Western-style al-Tijani, Ahmad, 50 democracy, 240n12 Toliver-Diallo, Wilmetta, 169 inequality in, SAED and, toorobe; see Tukulor nobles 134–135 Toorodo Revolution, 120, and Islam as source of power and 123–124, 125, 129 status, 124–129 Touba, 69 origin myths, 239n4 infrastructure investment in, 91 precolonial, social orders in, pilgrimage to, 83 120–122, 121t Toure, Abdourahmane, 140–141, religious-political separation 147, 148, 241n19 in, 126 Toure, Babacar, 238n8 versus Wolof society, 122–123 Toure, Cheikh, 85 Toure, Mamadou, 145 Union Culturelle Musulmane, 85 Toure, Moustapha, 128, 136 Union des Associations des trade unions, 55 Ressortissants due Fuuta, 143 transition paradigm, inappropriate Union Générale des Originaires de application of, 29–30 la Vallée du Fleuve, 127 Tukulor ethnic minority, 8 Union pour le Renouveau caste system and, 16 Démocratique, 65, 146 factors in political integration Union Progressiste Sénégalaise, 174 of, 159 Casamance support for, 175 inequality among, 123–124 domination after independence, Tukulor immigrants, 20 54 Tukulor nobles, 2; see also founding of, 53 dependent brokers Murid support for, 74–75 basis of social status, 128–129 renaming of, 57 broadening of, migration and, SFIO merger with, 73–74 137–141 U. S. Agency for International dominant dynasties of, 125 Development, irrigation project economic reforms and, 131–132 of, 133–134 electoral uncertainty and, 222 United States political competition among, machine politics in, 33: ethnic 127–128 dimension of, 11 political deference to, 19 Senegalese community in (see politics as source of power and Sénégalais d’Amérique) status, 142–145 power and status sources, 129–130 van de Walle, Nicholas, 3–5 religious and political authority van der Laan, Ellen, 134 of, 120–124 Velingara department, 155 versus Wolof counterparts, 128 Villalòn, Leonardo, 64, 85–89 Tukulor politicians, caste status voting process, lack of secrecy in, 61 of, 150 Tukulor religious leaders, a political Wade, Abdoulaye, 57, 96 role of, 118 in 1978 election, 58 280 Index

Wade, Abdoulaye—continued relations with Jolas, 167 in 1983 election, 61 versus Tukulor society, in 1993 election, 103–106 122–123 in 2000 election, 67 Wolof immigrants, 20 in 2007 election, 227 , spread of, 160, Cheikh Mbacke and, 78 160f conflict with , 228 Wolof marabouts, 51; see also Murid democratic impacts of presidency, marabouts 225 collaboration with French, 51 on electoral abuses, 58 electoral mobilization by, 19 marabout support for, 107–108 Wolofization mbèru gox and, 215 resistance to, 160–161 ndigel for, 92 in Senegalese state formation, opposition support for, 2 158–160 Pole de Gauche and, 66 Woodhouse, Philip, 134 and restoration of clientelist Wunch, James, 10 relationships, 113 separatist conflict and, 189 Young, Crawford, 62 victory in 2000, 109 Wane, Yaya, 120 Zapatista uprising, 189 Weber, Max, 241n4 Ziguinchor; see also Lower on legitimate domination by Casamance rulers, 49 administrative map of, 152f rule of law and, 40 cultural particularism of, Weingrod, Alex, 26 156–165 Western democracies, lack of social hierarchy in, 222 recategorization of, land tenure crisis in, 182–185, 18–19 242n12 Wolf, Eric, 6 marabouts of, 158 Wolof “parachuted” politicians in, caste system and, 122 191 economic and political PS support in, 153–154 dominance of, 7 secessionist movement and marabout influence on, 69 (see secessionist precolonial, versus Tukulor movement) society, 123 Seneghor support in, 173