Annex H. Summary of the Early Grade Reading Materials Survey in Senegal

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Annex H. Summary of the Early Grade Reading Materials Survey in Senegal Annex H. Summary of the Early Grade Reading Materials Survey in Senegal Geography and Demographics 196,722 square Size: kilometers (km2) Population: 14 million (2015) Capital: Dakar Urban: 44% (2015) Administrative 14 regions Divisions: Religion: 95% Muslim 4% Christian 1% Traditional Source: Central Intelligence Agency (2015). Note: Population and percentages are rounded. Literacy Projected 2013 Primary School 2015 Age Population (aged 2.2 million Literacy a a 7–12 years): Rates: Overall Male Female Adult (aged 2013 Primary School 56% 68% 44% 84%, up from 65% in 1999 >15 years) GER:a Youth (aged 2013 Pre-primary School 70% 76% 64% 15%,up from 3% in 1999 15–24 years) GER:a Language: French Mean: 18.4 correct words per minute When: 2009 Oral Reading Fluency: Standard deviation: 20.6 Sample EGRA Where: 11 regions 18% zero scores Resultsb 11% reading with ≥60% Reading comprehension Who: 687 P3 students Comprehension: 52% zero scores Note: EGRA = Early Grade Reading Assessment; GER = Gross Enrollment Rate; P3 = Primary Grade 3. Percentages are rounded. a Source: UNESCO (2015). b Source: Pouezevara et al. (2010). Language Number of Living Languages:a 210 Major Languagesb Estimated Populationc Government Recognized Statusd 202 DERP in Africa—Reading Materials Survey Final Report 47,000 (L1) (2015) French “Official” language 3.9 million (L2) (2013) “National” language Wolof 5.2 million (L1) (2015) de facto largest LWC Pulaar 3.5 million (L1) (2015) “National” language Serer-Sine 1.4 million (L1) (2015) “National” language Maninkakan (i.e., Malinké) 1.3 million (L1) (2015) “National” language Soninke 281,000 (L1) (2015) “National” language Jola-Fonyi (i.e., Diola) 340,000 (L1) “National” language Balant, Bayot, Guñuun, Hassanya, Jalunga, Kanjaad, Laalaa, Mandinka, Manjaaku, “National” languages Mankaañ, Mënik, Ndut, Noon, __ Oniyan, Paloor, and Saafi- Saafi Note: L1 = first language; L2 = second language; LWC = language of wider communication. a Source: Lewis et al. (2015). b Most languages go by several different names; several languages have the same name. In case of confusion, refer to the Ethnologue at www.ethnologue.com (Lewis et al., 2015). c Source: Lewis et al. (2015). The dates for the speaker population estimates vary by language and are provided (when available) in parentheses. d Source: Article 1, Section 1 of the Republic of Senegal Constitution; RTI International (2015). Senegal Findings in Brief: The Government of Senegal has supported the use of national languages in education in experimental programs and may be moving toward a more explicit policy prescribing bilingual education at the early primary level. The study surveyed 460 titles in Senegal. The inventories for each language were not necessarily proportional to the language group size because some of the larger languages had few or no titles, whereas some of the smaller languages had many. Most of the surveyed titles (85 percent) were copyrighted, with only 14 (three percent) granting permissions for reuse under specific conditions. The Senegalese data were exceptional with the striking dominance of nongovernmental organization publishers (409 titles [89 percent]). However, similar to other countries in the survey, the Senegalese materials were characterized by a greater number of supplementary materials than textbook-related (at a slightly more than 2:1 ratio), with student textbooks and narrative texts the most numerous in each category. The results of the study also revealed a high percentage of supplementary texts with greater than 75 words per page, and a low incidence of potentially sensitive content or gender and ethnic/religious imbalance. In addition, people with disabilities were rarely featured. The Senegalese inventory was fairly recent, with 253 titles (55 percent) having been 1. Language in Education Policy in Senegal Article 1, Section 1 of the 2001 Constitution of the Republic of Senegal assigns official language status to French and “national” language status to Diola (Jola-Fonyi), Malinke, Pulaar, Serer, Soninke, Wolof, “and any other national language [that] has been codified.” Codification is a lengthy and rigorous process whereby a language’s orthography is developed and standardized, its grammar is analyzed and documented, it obtains official status as a “national” language on equal footing with all other national languages, and it is sanctioned for use in the media, courts, DERP in Africa—Reading Materials Survey Final Report 203 and schools. As of 2015, 22 languages in Senegal had been codified, including Balant, Bayot, Guñuun, Hassanya, Jalunga, Joola, Kanjaad, Laalaa, Mandinka, Manjaaku, Mankaañ, Mënik, Ndut, Noon, Oniyan, Paloor, Pulaar, Sooninke, Saafi-Saafi, Seereer, and Wolof (RTI International, 2015; Bathily Toure and Badiane, personal communication, December 10, 2015). An explicit policy does not exist in Senegal regarding the use of languages in education, though as of this writing, a government working group is in the process of finalizing a proposal for a new official policy (A. Niang, personal communication, December 16, 2015). Several official documents have been favorable to the use of national languages in education, including the following: • Article 22, Section 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Senegal, which compels all institutions to develop literacy in the national languages. • The Lettre de politique générale pour le secteur de l’éducation et la formation (General Policy Letter for the Education and Training Sector), which promotes the gradual development of the use of national languages in the education system (Government of Senegal, 2013). • The Assises de l’Education du Sénégal (2014; the Annual Conference on Education of Senegal), which supports the use of national languages as integral to a successful school. The government has supported several experimental projects in bilingual education that use French and one of six codified national languages. The largest project was implemented in 465 classrooms between 2002 and 2008 (RTI International, 2015). An evaluation of this program found that its effectiveness was hampered by poor execution and a lack of quality materials in the national languages (Couralet, 2009). Since then, the government has partnered with Ecole et Langues Nationales en Afrique (ELAN, Education in African Languages), the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (OIF, International Organisation of the Francophonie) in a program that uses national languages and French in 30 classrooms. In addition, some nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and faith-based organizations (FBOs) have developed bilingual education programs with the consent of the Ministry of Education (MOE). One example is a program by the NGO Associates in Research and Education for Development (ARED) currently operating in more than 200 classrooms in French and Wolof or Pulaar (M. Ly, personal communication, December 15, 2015). Another example is Education Multi-Langue (EMiLe), which uses French and Serer-Sine in 12 public or Catholic schools and is operated by the Office National des Examens et Concours du Superieur (ONECS, National Office of the Catholic Teaching of Senegal) with support from SIL Senegal. Moreover, some NGOs, such as Tostan, which is focused on community empowerment, have performed extensive work in adult literacy in national languages. All of these NGOs have developed their own instructional materials (RTI International, 2015). Outside of these relatively isolated efforts, French remains as the primary language of instruction (LOI) in the formal education sector, and the official curriculum provides only for French beginning from Primary Grade 1 (Leclerc, 2015; RTI International, 2015; DeStefano et al., 204 DERP in Africa—Reading Materials Survey Final Report 2009). A 2009 study based on classroom observations in 50 schools in 11 regions found that teachers used French as the LOI more than 95 percent of the time (Varly, 2010). Although a variety of languages are spoken in each region, individual schools typically have only one predominant language used by children in and out of school. This language is usually Wolof in multilingual or urban environments and a smaller regional language is used in rural settings. However, literacy campaigns in Wolof among nonnative speakers have met with some resistance because the dominance of Wolof is perceived as a threat to the other languages that have, in principle, the same legal status and rights (Fall, 2014). 2. Data Collection During the planning stage, it was confirmed that any materials carried by publishers’ subsidiaries located outside the capital could also be accessed within the capital, thereby making visits to these subsidiaries unnecessary, with rare exceptions. A total of 460 titles were surveyed, mostly in Dakar. The data collectors obtained an overwhelming majority of books (437 [95 percent]) from the publishers, most often at the offices of FBOs with well-maintained libraries. 3. Findings A. Availability of Materials for Early Grade Reading in Senegalese Languages Materials by Language In Senegal, 460 titles were surveyed in 18 known Senegalese languages and two European languages (French and English). Table H-1 shows the number of titles surveyed by language. The data collectors found the greatest number of titles (122 [27 percent]) in Serer-Sine, with an estimated 1.4 million first language speakers and the third largest language group after Wolof and
Recommended publications
  • A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Kyoli (Cori) [Cry] Language of Kaduna State, Nigeria
    DigitalResources Electronic Survey Report 2020-012 A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Kyoli (Cori) [cry] Language of Kaduna State, Nigeria Ken Decker, John Muniru, Julius Dabet, Benard Abraham, Jonah Innocent A Sociolinguistic Profile of the Kyoli (Cori) [cry] Language of Kaduna State, Nigeria Ken Decker, John Muniru, Julius Dabet, Benard Abraham, Jonah Innocent SIL International® 2020 SIL Electronic Survey Report 2020-012, October 2020 © 2020 SIL International® All rights reserved Data and materials collected by researchers in an era before documentation of permission was standardized may be included in this publication. SIL makes diligent efforts to identify and acknowledge sources and to obtain appropriate permissions wherever possible, acting in good faith and on the best information available at the time of publication. Abstract This report describes a sociolinguistic survey conducted among the Kyoli-speaking communities in Jaba Local Government Area (LGA), Kaduna State, in central Nigeria. The Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2020a) classifies Kyoli [cry] as a Niger-Congo, Atlantic Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo, Plateau, Western, Northwestern, Hyamic language. During the survey, it was learned that the speakers of the language prefer to spell the name of their language <Kyoli>, which is pronounced as [kjoli] or [çjoli]. They refer to speakers of the language as Kwoli. We estimate that there may be about 7,000 to 8,000 speakers of Kyoli, which is most if not all the ethnic group. The goals of this research included gaining a better understanding of the role of Kyoli and other languages in the lives of the Kwoli people. Our data indicate that Kyoli is used at a sustainable level of orality, EGIDS 6a.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideologies of Honorific Language
    Pragmatics2:3.25 l -262 InternationalPrasmatics Association IDEOLOGIES OF HONORIFIC LANGUAGE Judith T. Irvine 1. Introductionr All sociolinguisticsystems, presumably, provide some meansof expressingrespect (or disrespect);but only some systems have grammaticalized honorifics. This paper comparesseveral languages - Javanese,Wolof, and Zulu, plus a glance at ChiBemba - with regard to honorific expressionsand the social and cultural frameworks relevant thereto.2The main questionto be exploredis whether one can identiff any special cultural concomitants of linguistic systems in which the expression of respect is grammaticalized. Javanese"language levels" are a classicand well-describedexample of a system for the expressionof respect. In the sensein which I shall define "grammaticalized honorifics,"Javanese provides an apt illustration.Wolof, on the other hand, does not. Of course,Javanese is only one of several Asian languageswell known for honorific constructions,while Wolof, spokenin Senegal,comes from another part of the globe. But the presence or absence of honorifics is not an area characteristic of Asian languagesas opposed to African languages.As we shall see, Zulu has a system of lexicalalternates bearing a certain typological resemblanceto the Javanesesystem. Moreover,many other Bantu languages(such as ChiBemba) also have grammaticalized honorifics,but in the morphology rather than in the lexicon. Focusing on social structure instead of on geographical area, one might hypothesizethat grammaticalized honorifics occur where there are royal courts (Wenger1982) and in societieswhose traditions emphasize social rank and precedence. Honorificswould be a linguisticmeans of expressingconventionalized differences of rank.The languagesI shall comparewill make it evident,however, that a hypothesis causallylinking honorifics with court life or with entrenchedclass differences cannot be 1 An earlierversion of this paperwas presentedat a sessionon "Languageldeology" at the 1991annual meeting of the AmericanAnthropological Association.
    [Show full text]
  • Multilingual Texting in Senegal
    Names U ma puce: multilingual texting in Senegal Kristin Vold Lexander, University of Oslo [email protected] Working paper presented to the Media Anthropology Network e-seminar European Association of Social Anthropologists (EASA) 17-31 May 2011 http://www.media-anthropology.net/ Abstract Multilingualism is an important aspect of African urban life, also of the lives of students in Dakar. While the students usually write monolingual texts, mainly in French, their text messages involve the use of African languages too, in particular of the majority language Wolof, as well as Arabic and English, often mixed in one and the same message. With the rapid rise in the use of mobile phones, texting is becoming increasingly central as a means of communication for the students, and the social network with whom they text is growing. This working paper investigates texting as literacy practices (cf. Barton & Hamilton 1998), putting the accent on language choices: what role do they play in constructing these new practices? What are the motivations and the functions of the students’ languages choices? The analysis is based on six months of fieldwork in Dakar, during which I collected 496 SMS and interviewed and observed the 15 students who had sent and received the messages. I will focus on the practices of three of the students: Baba Yaro, a Fula-speaker born outside Dakar who has come to the Senegalese capital to undertake his studies, Christine, a Joola-speaker born in Dakar, and the Wolof-speaker Ousmane, from the suburb. I argue that in order to manage relationships and express different aspects of their identity, the students both exploit and challenge dominant language attitudes in their texting.
    [Show full text]
  • Wolof Informational Report
    Rhode Island College M.Ed. In TESL Program Language Group Specific Informational Reports Produced by Graduate Students in the M.Ed. In TESL Program In the Feinstein School of Education and Human Development Language Group: Wolof Author: Amanda Roy Program Contact Person: Nancy Cloud ([email protected]) Wolof Informational Report By: Amanda Roy TESL 539 Fall 2011 Where is Wolof Spoken? The language of Wolof belongs to the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo language family. It totals approximately 7 million speakers within the following countries. Senegal Gambia Mauritania France Guinea Guinea-Bissau Mali www.everyculture.com/Sa-Th/Senegal.html Writing System Wolof was first written in Wolofal which is a version of Arabic script. This is still used by some of the older male population in Senegal. http://www.omniglot.com/writing/wolof.htm Writing System Continued In 1974, the Wolof orthography using the Latin alphabet was standardized and became the official script in Senegal for Wolof. A a B b C c D d E e Ë ë F f G g I I J j K k L l M m N n Ñ ñŊŋ O o Pp Q q R r S s T t U u W w X x Y y Assane Faye, a Senegalese artist, also created an alphabet for Wolof in 1961. It goes from right to left and has some similarities to the Arabic script. Sometimes Wolof is written with this alphabet. http://www.omniglot.com/writing/wolof.htm What does Wolof sound like? Doomiaadamayéppdanuyjuddu, yam citawfeexci sag aksañ-sañ.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Niŋ, -Pi-, -E and -Aa Morphemes in Kuloonay
    The prefix ni- in Kuloonaay: grammaticalization pathways in a three-morpheme system By David C. Lowry August 2015 Word Count: 19,719 Presented as part of the requirement of the MA Degree in Field Linguistics, Centre for Linguistics, Translation & Literacy, Redcliffe College. DECLARATION This dissertation is the product of my own work. I declare also that the dissertation is available for photocopying, reference purposes and Inter-Library Loan. David Christopher Lowry 2 ABSTRACT Title: The prefix ni- in Kuloonaay: grammaticalization pathways in a three- morpheme system. Author: David C. Lowry Date: August 2015 The prefix ni- is the most common particle in the verbal system of Jola Kuloonaay, an Atlantic language of Senegal and The Gambia. Its complex distribution has made it difficult to classify, and a variety of labels have been proposed in the literature. Other authors writing on Kuloonaay and on related Jola languages have described this prefix in terms of a single morpheme whose distribution follows an eclectic list of rules for which the synchronic motivation is not obvious. An alternative approach, presented here, is to describe the ni- prefix in terms of three distinct morphemes, each following a simple set of rules within a restricted domain. This study explores the three-morpheme hypothesis from both a synchronic and a diachronic perspective. At a synchronic level, a small corpus of narrative texts is used to verify that the model proposed corresponds to the behaviour of ni- in natural text. At a diachronic level, data from a selection of other Jola languages is drawn upon in order to gain insight into the grammaticalization pathways by which the three morpheme ni- system may have evolved.
    [Show full text]
  • The Grave Preferences of Mourides in Senegal: Migration, Belonging, and Rootedness Onoma, Ato Kwamena
    www.ssoar.info The Grave Preferences of Mourides in Senegal: Migration, Belonging, and Rootedness Onoma, Ato Kwamena Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Onoma, A. K. (2018). The Grave Preferences of Mourides in Senegal: Migration, Belonging, and Rootedness. Africa Spectrum, 53(3), 65-88. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-11588 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-ND Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-ND Licence Keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NoDerivatives). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/deed.de Africa Spectrum Onoma, Ato Kwamena (2018), The Grave Preferences of Mourides in Senegal: Migration, Belonging, and Rootedness, in: Africa Spectrum, 53, 3, 65–88. URN: http://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-4-11588 ISSN: 1868-6869 (online), ISSN: 0002-0397 (print) The online version of this and the other articles can be found at: <www.africa-spectrum.org> Published by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of African Affairs, in co-operation with the Arnold Bergstraesser Institute, Freiburg, and Hamburg University Press. Africa Spectrum is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License.
    [Show full text]
  • Retention of Qualified Healthcare Workers in Rural Senegal: Lessons Learned from a Qualitative Study
    ORIGINAL RESEARCH Retention of qualified healthcare workers in rural Senegal: lessons learned from a qualitative study M Nagai 1, N Fujita 1, IS Diouf 2, M Salla 2 1Division of Global Health Programs, Bureau of International Health Cooperation, National Center for Global Health and Medicine, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo, Japan 2Department of Human Resources, Ministry of Health and Social Actions, Dakar, Senegal Submitted: 20 July 2016; Revised: 18 April 2017, Accepted: 19 April 2017; Published: 12 September 2017 Nagai M, Fujita N, Diouf IS, Salla M Retention of qualified healthcare workers in rural Senegal: lessons learned from a qualitative study Rural and Remote Health 17: 4149. (Online) 2017 Available: http://www.rrh.org.au A B S T R A C T Introduction: Deployment and retention of a sufficient number of skilled and motivated human resources for health (HRH) at the right place and at the right time are critical to ensure people’s right to access a universal quality of health care. Vision Tokyo 2010 Network, an international network of HRH managers at the ministry of health (MoH) level in nine Francophone African countries, identified maldistribution of a limited number of healthcare personnel and their retention in rural areas as overarching problems in the member countries. The network conducted this study in Senegal to identify the determining factors for the retention of qualified HRH in rural areas, and to explore an effective and feasible policy that the MoH could implement in the member countries. Methods: Doctors, nurses, midwives and superior technicians in anesthesiology who were currently working (1) in a rural area and had been for more than 2 years, (2) in Dakar with experience of working in a rural area or (3) in Dakar without any prior experience working in a rural area were interviewed about their willingness and reasons for accepting work or continuing to work in a rural area and their suggested policies for deployment and retention of healthcare workers in rural areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Language Classification in the Ethnologue and Its Consequences (Paper)
    Sarah E. Cornwell The University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada Language Classification in The Ethnologue and its Consequences (Paper) Abstract: The Ethnologue is a widely used classificatory standard for the world’s 7000+ natural languages. However, the motives and processes used by The Ethnologue’s governing body, SIL International, have come under criticism by linguists. This paper investigates how The Ethnologue answers the question “What is a language?” through the theoretical lens presented by Bowker and Star in Sorting Things Out (1999) and presents some consequences of those classificatory decisions. 1. Introduction Language is central to human culture and experience. It is the central core of our communicative capacity, running through all media of communication. Due to this essential role, there is a need to classify and count languages and their speakers1. Governments need to communicate with citizens, libraries need to catalogue books by language, and search engines need to return webpages in the appropriate language for each searcher. For these reasons among others, there is a strong institutional need for a standardized classification structure and labelling system for languages. The most widespread current classificatory infrastructure for languages is based on The Ethnologue. This essay will critically evaluate The Ethnologue using the Foucauldian theory developed for investigating classification structures by Bowker and Star (1999) in Sorting Things Out: Classification and its Consequences. 2. The Ethnologue The Ethnologue is a catalogue of all the world’s languages. First compiled in 1951, The Ethnologue is currently in its 20th edition and contains descriptions of 7099 living languages (2017). Since 1997, The Ethnologue has been available freely online and widely accessible (Simons & Fennig, 2017).
    [Show full text]
  • Mapping India's Language and Mother Tongue Diversity and Its
    Mapping India’s Language and Mother Tongue Diversity and its Exclusion in the Indian Census Dr. Shivakumar Jolad1 and Aayush Agarwal2 1FLAME University, Lavale, Pune, India 2Centre for Social and Behavioural Change, Ashoka University, New Delhi, India Abstract In this article, we critique the process of linguistic data enumeration and classification by the Census of India. We map out inclusion and exclusion under Scheduled and non-Scheduled languages and their mother tongues and their representation in state bureaucracies, the judiciary, and education. We highlight that Census classification leads to delegitimization of ‘mother tongues’ that deserve the status of language and official recognition by the state. We argue that the blanket exclusion of languages and mother tongues based on numerical thresholds disregards the languages of about 18.7 million speakers in India. We compute and map the Linguistic Diversity Index of India at the national and state levels and show that the exclusion of mother tongues undermines the linguistic diversity of states. We show that the Hindi belt shows the maximum divergence in Language and Mother Tongue Diversity. We stress the need for India to officially acknowledge the linguistic diversity of states and make the Census classification and enumeration to reflect the true Linguistic diversity. Introduction India and the Indian subcontinent have long been known for their rich diversity in languages and cultures which had baffled travelers, invaders, and colonizers. Amir Khusru, Sufi poet and scholar of the 13th century, wrote about the diversity of languages in Northern India from Sindhi, Punjabi, and Gujarati to Telugu and Bengali (Grierson, 1903-27, vol.
    [Show full text]
  • The Components of Sustainable Multilingual Education Programs
    A Two-Way Bridge The Components of Sustainable Multilingual Education Programs Studies demonstrate that learning is most effective when the instruction is received in the language the learner knows best. This simple truth extends from basic reading and writing skills in the first language to second language acquisition. In multilingual education programs (MLE) that start with the mother tongue, learners use their own language for learning in the early grades, while also learning the official language as a classroom subject. As learners gain competence in understanding, speaking, reading and writing the language of education, teachers begin using it for instruction. This instructional bridge between the community language and the language of wider communication enables learners—children and adults alike—to meet their broader multilingual goals while retaining their local language and culture. This booklet addresses several important aspects of MLE: ■ The voices of ethnolinguistic minority communities are often not heard. Therefore, advocacy is appropriate for these communities to meet their MLE needs. ■ Conventional instructional methods are not adequate for MLE programs. Educators at both community and national levels need to develop their capacity to design and implement MLE programs. ■ Developing a writing system for a non-dominant language is a challenging but essential early step in developing an MLE program. ■ MLE not only requires the commitment and resources of the local community, but also the resources and expertise available from government agencies, NGOs or others. Resource linking brings the partners together so that each one contributes its own particular resources. ■ MLE gives children and adults a firm foundation for continuing to learn throughout their lives.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ambiguity of Religious Teachings Allows People to Craft Narratives That Justify Inherited Local Burial Patterns That They Hold Dear
    The ambiguity of religious teachings allows people to craft narratives that justify inherited local burial patterns that they hold dear. Should Christians and Muslims Cohabit after Death? Diverging Views in a Senegalese Commune Ato Kwamena Onoma In Senegal, some people are open to burial in cemeteries used for the departed of all faiths, while others wish to be buried only in cemeteries used exclusively for people of their own religion. Research in Fadiouth, which has a mixed cemetery, and Joal, which has segregated cemeteries, indicates that most people, regardless of their faith, embrace the dominant burial practice in their community. I argue that the ambiguity of religious doctrines through which people look at interment explains the legitimacy of local burial arrangements. Because people consume these teachings through interpretive exer- cises, even exposure to the same doctrines may not always help us understand the choices they make. This article sheds light on interfaith relations and the explanatory potential of religious teachings. Introduction In 2014, Abdou Diouf, the former president of Senegal, came under attack by some people in his hometown of Louga. He was accused of being a bad citizen of his place of origin. Specific offenses included not visiting Louga for ten years, not acquiring land there, and not developing the area during his presidency (Leral.net 2014). Beyond these preoccupations was an other- worldly transgression, which had driven some in Louga over the edge. Abdou Diouf had publicly expressed a wish to be buried in the faraway southern Senegalese city of Ziguinchor instead of Louga. Ziguinchor is one of the few Senegalese cities with a mixed cemetery, where people of all faiths can be buried.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Overview of the West Atlantic Languages As Wolof Has Not Been Widely Studied in the Generative Trad
    Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Overview of the West Atlantic Languages As Wolof has not been widely studied in the generative tradition, this section will serve to situate it in phyletic and geographic context. Wolof is a member of the Atlantic (or “West Atlantic”) sub-branch of the Niger-Congo family. Although classification schemes differ, it is generally agreed that the Atlantic subfamily represents one of the earliest branchings within the Niger-Congo phylum (Greenberg 1963, Ruhlen 1991, Heine and Nurse 2000). In fact, as a group, the Atlantic languages are unfortunately largely understudied. With the exception of Fula, linguistic materials on the Atlantic languages are typically scarce and scattered. These range from descriptions and traditional traditional grammars to pedagogical works, word lists, and dictionaries. Within the descriptive tradition, detailed linguistic works and grammars have been written for Fula (Sylla 1992), Kissi (Childs 1995), and Noon (Soukka 2000), for example. The most widely studied Atlantic language is Fula, which has a descriptive literature and a fair number of analytical works. Note though, that it has been the phonological system of Fula that has attracted the attention of most scholars. After Fula, the number of analytical and descriptive works drops precipitously. Even Wolof, one of the national languages of Senegal, has been little investigated overall. Within the literature on Wolof, it has been the phonological system that has been the center of study, especially vowel harmony (Ka 1989, Ndiaye 1995, Sy 2003).1 Descriptive works on Wolof include Diagne 1971, Mangold 1977, Church 1981, Dialo 1981, and Ka 1981. The only extensive analytical treatments of Wolof syntax are Njie 1981 and Dunigan 1994.2 Wolof is a member of the Senegambian group of the Northern branch in Atlantic.
    [Show full text]