La Democrazia, I Giovani, Il Mediterraneo

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

La Democrazia, I Giovani, Il Mediterraneo La democrazia, i giovani, il Mediterraneo vol. 3, n° 5 • 2012 FIRENZE issn 2038-3150 PRESSUNIVERSITY SOCIETÀ MUTAMENTOPOLITICA RIVISTA ITALIANA DI SOCIOLOGIA La democrazia, i giovani, il Mediterraneo Firenze University Press SOCIETÀ MUTAMENTOPOLITICA RIVISTA ITALIANA DI SOCIOLOGIA REDAZIONE Gianfranco Bettin Lattes (direttore) Lorenzo Grifone Baglioni Carlo Colloca Stella Milani (segretaria di redazione) Andrea Pirni Luca Raffini Anna Taglioli Lorenzo Viviani (caporedattore) COMItatO SCIENTIFICO Antonio Alaminos, Universidad de Alicante Luigi Bonanate, Università di Torino Marco Bontempi, Università di Firenze Enzo Campelli, Università di Roma “La Sapienza” Enrico Caniglia, Università di Perugia Luciano Cavalli, Università di Firenze Vincenzo Cicchelli, Université de la Sorbonne - Paris Descartes Vittorio Cotesta, Università di Roma III Gerard Delanty, University of Sussex Antonio de Lillo, Università di Milano-Bicocca Klaus Eder, Humboldt Universität, Berlin Livia Garcia Faroldi, Universidad de Malaga Roland Inglehart, University of Michigan Laura Leonardi, Università di Firenze Mauro Magatti, Università Cattolica di Milano Stefano Monti Bragadin, Università di Genova Luigi Muzzetto, Università di Pisa Massimo Pendenza, Università di Salerno Ettore Recchi, Università “G. d’Annunzio” di Chieti Ambrogio Santambrogio, Università di Perugia Riccardo Scartezzini, Università di Trento Roberto Segatori, Università di Perugia Sandro Segre, Università di Genova José Félix Tezanos, Universidad Uned Madrid Paolo Turi, Università di Firenze Claudius Wagemann, Goethe University, Frankfurt Registrato al Tribunale di Firenze al n. 5771 in data 03/05/2010 ISSN 2038-3150 © 2012 Firenze University Press Borgo Albizi 28 50121 Firenze http://www.fupress.com/ – [email protected] Printed in Italy Vol. 3, N. 5 • 2012 La democrazia, i giovani, il Mediterraneo a cura di Claudius Wagemann Indice 5 Editoriale – Il Mediterraneo tra la Primavera Araba e un Autunno Europeo Gianfranco Bettin Lattes 17 La democrazia, i giovani, il Mediterraneo Claudius Wagemann 27 La lunga Primavera Araba: mutamenti e disillusioni Giuseppe Scidà 55 Giovani e democratizzazione in Egitto dopo la Primavera araba: un nuovo paradigma di partecipazione politica? Silvia Colombo 69 “Democrazia marocchina” e Movimento del 20 Febbraio: Primavera si, purché non troppo araba Serida Lucrezia Catalano 89 Superare il regime confessionale: la lunga battaglia dei giovani libanesi Rocco Polin 103 Cipro: le sfide per i giovani in un paese diviso Elena Baracani 121 Giovani, educazione e democrazia in Israele. La prospettiva di «New Outlook» negli anni Sessanta Marcella Simoni 135 I giovani dell’Europa meridionale e gli atteggiamenti verso la democrazia: 1985-2001 Nicola Maggini 157 I giovani italiani, la ‘non politica’ e nuovi cleavages Andrea Pirni SOCIETÀMUTAMENTOPOLITICA, ISSN 2038-3150, vol. 2, n. 3, pp. 3-4, 2011 www.fupress.com/smp – © Firenze University Press 173 “Nobody expects the Spanish Revolution”. L’identità del 15-M in una prospettiva costruttivista Antonina Levatino, Francesca Luppi 191 I giovani e la democrazia in Portogallo: alla ricerca di un nuovo paradigma? Marco Lisi 209 No Country For Old Cleavages: Political attitudes and beliefs amidst the Greek debt crisis Elias Dinas L’intervista 223 La democrazia nel Mediterraneo: il punto di vista di uno scienziato della politica. Intervista a Leonardo Morlino A cura di Claudius Wagemann Il saggio 227 Una falsa democrazia: governabilità vs rappresentatività Giovanni Levi Note critiche 237 Democracy, Global Exchanges, and the Youth. Interview with Ellyn Toscano edited by Claudius Wagemann 243 Conference Report: Democracy and Dissent Cristian Vaccari Editoriale Il Mediterraneo tra la Primavera Araba e un Autunno Europeo Due interrogativi spiccano tra i tanti che hanno motivato la scelta per la co- struzione di questo numero di SocietàMutamentoPolitica: a) la democrazia si sta trasformando mentre sta cercando nuovi percorsi ed una sua nuova geografia? b) i popoli che si affacciano sulle due sponde del Mediterraneo avranno un destino comune, o per lo meno, troveranno significativi punti di convergenza nel terreno della cultura politica democratica? Si tratta, inutile sottolinearlo, di due domande forse troppo ardue per le energie che una rivista può mobilitare, eppure il dibattito intento a scrutare l’evoluzione della democrazia nell’Euro- pa e nel mondo non può fare a meno di porsi questi stessi interrogativi1. Nelle pagine che seguono, grazie all’impegno straordinario di Claudius Wagemann, si è tentato di avviare qualche risposta affidandola ad una serie di studi del caso costruiti su base nazionale oltreché all’opinione di Leonardo Morlino, uno dei massimi studiosi contemporanei della fenomenologia democratica in una chiave comparata. La parte monografica si arricchisce, poi, di un brillan- te saggio di Giovanni Levi, uno storico raffinato, che individua i fondamenti antropologico-culturali della democrazia italiana esplorata nelle sue difficoltà antiche e contemporanee. I nove case studies, che coprono quasi per intero l’area mediterranea, descriven- done con la metodologia tipica degli studi sociopolitici le dinamiche politiche, innovative o meno che siano, possono farci meglio intravvedere sviluppi o in- voluzioni future. Particolarmente opportuna è sembrata la chiave analitica privilegiata che è quella di mettere al centro di questi processi di trasformazio- ne le nuove generazioni sulla base dell’assunto, tanto semplice quanto fonda- mentale, che la cultura politica democratica e le istituzioni che essa esprime 1 Sono grato a tutti i membri della redazione di SMP ed, in particolare, a Stella Milani, Andrea Pirni, Luca Raffini e Lorenzo Viviani per i loro suggerimenti critici nell’intento generoso di migliorare questo editoriale di cui porto, naturalmente, l’intera ed unica responsabilità. SOCIETÀMUTAMENTOPOLITICA, ISSN 2038-3150, vol. 3, n. 5, pp. 5-16, 2012 www.fupress.com/smp – © Firenze University Press 6 SOCIETÀMUTAMENTOPOLITICA non si possono riprodurre ed adattare ai nuovi tempi se non camminano sulle gambe dei giovani. Così facendo, forse, si corre il rischio di una lettura un po’ romantica della complessa dinamica che riguarda sia la crisi della politica e della democrazia in Europa sia le aspirazioni al cambiamento che mobilitano i giovani specialmente sulla sponda meridionale del Mediterraneo. Sembra co- munque indiscutibile il fatto che i giovani stiano costruendo un ponte, sia pure virtuale e fragile, tra due mondi così distanti culturalmente eppure così vicini geograficamente. Due mondi che lasciano intravvedere proprio nelle loro gio- vani generazioni delle convergenze importanti al di là delle loro stesse esplicite intenzioni. Le nuove generazioni sono il solo attore collettivo ancora in grado di esprimere un impegno politico contro un potere ottuso e delegittimato sia nel mondo europeo che li ha ingabbiati per molto tempo in uno stato di mora- toria inibente e punitivo sia nel mondo nordafricano dove la disperazione del- la miseria unita alla voglia modernità li ha spinti ad una protesta coraggiosa nelle piazze, a rischio della vita, contro dittature oppressive. Tra questi giovani ci sono delle convergenze suggestive ma ci sono anche delle differenze evidenti ed importanti. I giovani europei protestano perché la democrazia è in crisi ed è in crisi l’economia capitalistica occidentale che sembra negare loro un futuro dignitoso. I “giovani indignati” non propongono delle vie realmente alterna- tive alla democrazia, la vogliono semplicemente rivitalizzare. Le proteste dei giovani tendono soprattutto a delegittimare il potere dei partiti e delle classi dirigenti corrotte e incapaci di affrontare con efficacia i problemi che afflig- gono le società europee. Con la loro protesta, in breve, i “giovani indignati”, preoccupati per la caduta dello Stato del benessere e del consumismo in cui sono nati e cresciuti, vogliono restituire alla democrazia un volto eticamente credibile ed avviare un percorso che possa farli diventare cittadini in un senso compiuto. L’orizzonte che stanno cercando i giovani arabi è in parte analogo, in parte di natura completamente differente. I giovani arabi, anche se forse non sanno bene che cosa sia la democrazia, nel suo nome cercano soprattutto libertà e pluralismo, una nuova dignità. Non a caso i giovani tunisini avevano adottato come loro slogan più popolare: “Investi in democrazia!”. I giovani e le giovani arabe si vogliono affrancare in primo luogo dalla miseria ed anche dalla umiliazione di vivere una condizione crudele di dominati da satrapie anacronistiche. Il loro simbolo è Mohamed Bouazizi, un giovane tunisino co- stretto dalla disoccupazione a fare il venditore ambulante di frutta, che il 17 dicembre del 2010 si dà fuoco nella piazza del municipio di Sidi Bouzid, una piccola città nel centro della Tunisia per protestare contro la prepotenza della polizia che gli aveva sequestrato il carretto2. La Rivoluzione dei Gelsomini parte da 2 Per una ricostruzione di questo episodio cruciale che ha innescato la mobilitazione popo- EDITORIALE 7 questo atto eroico di un giovane disperato che potrebbe anche essere il gesto che apre una nuova epoca per il mondo arabo. Affascinati dalla generosa energia che ha mobilitato e mobiliterà ancora i gio- vani arabi per conquistarsi un mondo nuovo più giusto e più libero, ci è parso opportuno indugiare ad una lettura di questo processo che si spera non ven- ga depotenziato dalle trame ordite nelle segrete stanze dei palazzi del potere dopo aver
Recommended publications
  • Turmoil in the Middle East
    Turmoil in the Middle East Standard Note: SN/IA/5902 Last updated: 28 March 2011 Author: Ben Smith Section International Affairs and Defence Section This note looks at the instability in the Middle East and North Africa since the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings. Source: worldmap.org This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it. A suitably qualified professional should be consulted if specific advice or information is required. This information is provided subject to our general terms and conditions which are available online or may be provided on request in hard copy. Authors are available to discuss the content of this briefing with Members and their staff, but not with the general public. Contents 1 Tunisia and Egypt 3 2 Algeria 4 2.1 Background 4 2.2 Unrest in 2011 5 2.3 Algeria basic information 5 3 Bahrain 6 3.1 Increasing repression 7 3.2 Unrest in 2011 8 3.3 Saudi forces move in 9 3.4 Bahrain- Basic information 9 4 Iran 10 4.1 Unrest in 2011 10 4.2 Iran- basic information 11 5 Jordan 11 5.1 Unrest in 2011 11 5.2 Jordan- basic information 12 6 Libya 13 6.1 Unrest in 2011 14 6.2 International reaction 15 6.3 Refugees 17 6.4 Libya- basic information 17 7 Morocco 18 7.1 Morocco- basic information
    [Show full text]
  • Zerohack Zer0pwn Youranonnews Yevgeniy Anikin Yes Men
    Zerohack Zer0Pwn YourAnonNews Yevgeniy Anikin Yes Men YamaTough Xtreme x-Leader xenu xen0nymous www.oem.com.mx www.nytimes.com/pages/world/asia/index.html www.informador.com.mx www.futuregov.asia www.cronica.com.mx www.asiapacificsecuritymagazine.com Worm Wolfy Withdrawal* WillyFoReal Wikileaks IRC 88.80.16.13/9999 IRC Channel WikiLeaks WiiSpellWhy whitekidney Wells Fargo weed WallRoad w0rmware Vulnerability Vladislav Khorokhorin Visa Inc. Virus Virgin Islands "Viewpointe Archive Services, LLC" Versability Verizon Venezuela Vegas Vatican City USB US Trust US Bankcorp Uruguay Uran0n unusedcrayon United Kingdom UnicormCr3w unfittoprint unelected.org UndisclosedAnon Ukraine UGNazi ua_musti_1905 U.S. Bankcorp TYLER Turkey trosec113 Trojan Horse Trojan Trivette TriCk Tribalzer0 Transnistria transaction Traitor traffic court Tradecraft Trade Secrets "Total System Services, Inc." Topiary Top Secret Tom Stracener TibitXimer Thumb Drive Thomson Reuters TheWikiBoat thepeoplescause the_infecti0n The Unknowns The UnderTaker The Syrian electronic army The Jokerhack Thailand ThaCosmo th3j35t3r testeux1 TEST Telecomix TehWongZ Teddy Bigglesworth TeaMp0isoN TeamHav0k Team Ghost Shell Team Digi7al tdl4 taxes TARP tango down Tampa Tammy Shapiro Taiwan Tabu T0x1c t0wN T.A.R.P. Syrian Electronic Army syndiv Symantec Corporation Switzerland Swingers Club SWIFT Sweden Swan SwaggSec Swagg Security "SunGard Data Systems, Inc." Stuxnet Stringer Streamroller Stole* Sterlok SteelAnne st0rm SQLi Spyware Spying Spydevilz Spy Camera Sposed Spook Spoofing Splendide
    [Show full text]
  • The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
    The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure.
    [Show full text]
  • Amnesty International Report 2010: the State of the World's Human
    AMNesty INterNAtIoNAl rePort 2010 the stAte of the world’s huMAN rIghts A-Z COUNTRY ENTRIES This document was downloaded from thereport.amnesty.org/en/download Please visit thereport.amnesty.org for the complete website and other downloads. Support Amnesty International’s work, buy your copy of the Report or other publications at shop.amnesty.org Amnesty International Report 2010 Amnesty International Report © Amnesty International 2010 Index: POL 10/001/2010 ISBN: 978-0-86210-455-9 ISSN: 0309-068X This report covers the period January to December 2009.10 The Afghan government and its international AFGHANISTAN supporters failed to institute proper human rights protection mechanisms ahead of the August ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF AFGHANISTAN elections. The elections were marred by violence and Head of state and government: Hamid Karzai allegations of widespread electoral fraud, including Death penalty: retentionist ballot box stuffing, premature closure of polling Population: 28.2 million stations, opening unauthorized polling stations and Life expectancy: 43.6 years Under-5 mortality (m/f): 233/238 per 1,000 multiple voting. Adult literacy: 28 per cent Despite a public outcry, President Karzai’s post re-election cabinet included several figures facing credible and public allegations of war crimes Afghan people continued to suffer widespread and serious human rights violations committed human rights violations and violations of international during Afghanistan’s civil war, as well as after the A humanitarian law more than seven years after the USA fall of the Taleban. and its allies ousted the Taleban. Access to health care, education and humanitarian aid deteriorated, Armed conflict particularly in the south and south-east of the country, Abuses by armed groups due to escalating armed conflict between Afghan Civilian casualties caused by the Taleban and other and international forces and the Taleban and other insurgent groups increased.
    [Show full text]
  • Demobilization in Morocco: the Case of the February 20 Movement by © 2018 Sammy Zeyad Badran
    Demobilization in Morocco: The Case of The February 20 Movement By © 2018 Sammy Zeyad Badran Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chairperson: Dr. Hannah E. Britton Co-Chairperson: Dr. Gail Buttorff Dr. Gary M. Reich Dr. Nazli Avdan Dr. Alesha E. Doan Date Defended: 31 May 2018 ii The dissertation committee for Sammy Zeyad Badran certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Demobilization in Morocco: The Case of The February 20 Movement Chairperson: Dr. Hannah E. Britton Co-Chairperson: Dr. Gail Buttorff Date Approved: 31 May 2018 iii Abstract This dissertation aims to understand why protests lessen when they do by investigating how and why social movements demobilize. I do this by questioning the causal link between consistent state polices (concessions or repression) and social movement demobilization. My interviews with the February 20 Movement, the main organizer of mass protests in Morocco during the Arab Spring, reveals how ideological differences between leftist and Islamist participants led to the group’s eventual halt of protests. During my fieldwork, I conducted 46 semi-structured elite interviews with civil society activists, political party leaders, MPs, and independent activists throughout Morocco. My interviews demonstrate that the February 20 Movement was initially united, but that this incrementally changed following the King’s mixed-policy of concessions and repression. The King’s concessionary policies convinced society that demands were being met and therefore led to the perception that the February 20 Movement was no longer needed, while repression highlighted internal divides.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 3 Parties and Party Systems Change
    Chapter 3 Parties and Party Systems Change Lise Storm 1. Introduction This chapter examines parties and party system change across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) since the eruption of the Arab Spring in December 2010. Hence, the discussion begins with an overview of the parties and party systems in the region on the eve of the Arab Spring, thereby providing a quick introduction to the cases as well as a benchmark against which to measure change, while also anchoring the analysis in the theoretical framework outlined previously in chapter 1. The units of analysis are the region’s parties and party systems and, more specifically, change to these units. That is, change within countries, the MENA as a region as well as MENA sub-regions and, finally, within groups of regimes. In short, the analysis is concerned with variance among and within countries, and the extent to which change has occurred, whether positive or negative. Given the focus on change, it is, of course, necessary to define how change is understood and measured here. In line with the so-called classic studies of parties and party systems, such as Sartori (1976) and Mair (1989; 1997), party system change is determined via indicators such as the effective number of parties, electoral volatility and the entry of new parties into the system. The analysis of the indicators of party system change is coupled with a discussion about empirical data on the political environment at election time and in the 1 immediate aftermath of the elections, including issues such as regime classification, rotation of power, coalition structures, prohibited parties, and societal cleavages.1 Hence, the emphasis is on (in)stability and on the structure and nature of competition in 2015 compared to that of 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Authoritarian Resilience and Democratic Representation in Morocco: Royal Interference and Political Parties’ Leaderships Since the 2016 Elections
    Mediterranean Politics ISSN: 1362-9395 (Print) 1743-9418 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmed20 Authoritarian resilience and democratic representation in Morocco: Royal interference and political parties’ leaderships since the 2016 elections Thierry Desrues To cite this article: Thierry Desrues (2020) Authoritarian resilience and democratic representation in Morocco: Royal interference and political parties’ leaderships since the 2016 elections, Mediterranean Politics, 25:2, 254-262, DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2018.1543038 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2018.1543038 Published online: 05 Nov 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 219 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 1 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmed20 MEDITERRANEAN POLITICS 2020, VOL. 25, NO. 2, 254–262 https://doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2018.1543038 Authoritarian resilience and democratic representation in Morocco: Royal interference and political parties’ leaderships since the 2016 elections Thierry Desrues Institute of Advanced Social Studies, Spanish National Research Council (IESA-CSIC, JdA), Cordoba, Spain. ABSTRACT After the ‘Arab Spring’ and the second electoral victory of the Islamist party of Justice and Development in 2016, Moroccan King Mohammed VI had to find new ways to reduce the uncertainty of transparent elections and, as a result, his loss of control over the winner of the House of Representatives elections and the choice of the Head of Government. This profile will analyse a few of the paradoxical implications of the 2011 constitutional reform and the royal narra- tive for democratic transition, and how these have impacted the political practice of the relevant actors.
    [Show full text]
  • KAS International Reports 4/2012
    4|2012 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 31 New GoverNmeNt or New SyStem? A SpeciAl pAth for morocco Helmut Reifeld Much has changed on the political front in Morocco in recent months, and many of these changes will have a long-term influence on the country’s future. The country is attempting to steer a course into the 21st century between the Arab Spring and centuries-old power structures to create a so- ciety built on openness, a desire for social change and a willingness to embrace political reform. Dr. Helmut Reifeld is Those familiar with Arab politics have often argued that Resident Represen- tative of the Konrad- what distinguishes the monarchies in the region from legi- Adenauer-Stiftung in timate republican rulers is that the former are still held in Morocco. high regard and esteem by the people. Monarchies gene- rally understand how to retain this respect by dealing with potential unrest or budding protests as quickly as possible, either by offering some kind of material benefits or insti- gating prudent political reforms. On these occasions, the line between superficial appeasement and a true under- standing of the problem can often be somewhat blurred. What is clear, however, is that since the beginning of the Arab Spring, no other Arab ruler has been as politically accommodating as Mohammed VI of Morocco. the November pArliAmeNtAry electioNS The Moroccan King did not merely react; he took active pre- ventative measures. He instigated changes before these could be demanded by protesters, particularly at the begin- ning of the constitutional reform process. And he stayed his course.
    [Show full text]
  • Morocco Gained Independence in 1956 After More
    COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS 2011: MOROCCO 1 GUILAIN DENOEUX INTRODUCTION Morocco gained independence in 1956 after more than 40 years as a French protectorate (though Spain had controlled the northern third of the country as well as the Western Sahara). King Mohamed V reigned until his death in 1961, at which point his son, Hassan II, began three decades of authoritarian rule, followed by a significant political liberalization during the 1990s. From the 1960s through the 1980s, King Hassan’s reign featured large-scale human rights abuses, including unlawful incarceration of regime critics, torture, and the enforced disappearance of many political opponents. In essence, while King Hassan preferred to rely on divide-and-rule, cooptation and intimidation tactics, he did not hesitate to harshly repress those who refused to play by his rules and remain within the ―red lines‖ he set. In October 1975, Morocco annexed the Western Sahara, a territory south of the kingdom. During an initial war between Morocco and Sahrawi nationalists, led by the Polisario Front, many Sahrawis moved to refugee camps in Algeria. Those who remained behind in the annexed territory have been demanding independence ever since and several have been jailed for that reason. Hassan II’s son, Mohamed VI, inherited the throne upon his father’s death in July 1999. Initially, he expanded the process of political liberalization he had inherited. He dismissed some of the stalwarts of his father’s oppressive regime, allowed the return of exiled political dissidents, established an organization to investigate official human rights abuses from 1956 to 1999, and reached out to constituencies (such as former political prisoners) and regions (such as northern Morocco) that had suffered or been neglected during his father’s reign.
    [Show full text]
  • Explaining Authoritarian Control Strategies During Civilian Uprisings
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Confronting the Square: Explaining Authoritarian Control Strategies During Civilian Uprisings A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Sean Douglas Brown June 2019 Dissertation Committee: Dr. David Pion-Berlin, Chairperson Dr. Bronwyn Leebaw Dr. Marissa Brookes Copyright by Sean Douglas Brown 2019 The Dissertation of Sean Douglas Brown is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside Acknowledgments Throughout the writing of this dissertation I have received an incalculable amount of support and assistance from my fantastic committee at UC Riverside. First and foremost, I would like to extend my immense gratitude to my chairperson, Dr. David Pion-Berlin, for the innumerable hours, days, months, and years that you poured over the text of this dissertation. Your assistance formulating the topic, providing feedback, organizing fieldwork, and editing was decisive in helping me complete this project. I would also like to thank my committee members, Dr. Bronwyn Leebaw and Dr. Marissa Brookes, for your assistance in editing and providing feedback throughout this process. Your thoughts were invaluable contributions to this dissertation. I would like to acknowledge the members of my prospectus committee, including Dr. Indridi Indridason and Dr. Christopher Chase-Dunn for their contributions to the formulation of my research question and methodology. I would like to thank the Department of Political Science for assisting in funding the fieldwork for this project by awarding me the Dissertation Research Grant. Finally, thank you to the administrative staff and all of the professors in the Department of Political Science at UC Riverside that supported me with teaching assistantships, feedback, mental support, and a place to call home for nearly nine years.
    [Show full text]
  • Renforcer La Coopération Avec Les Pays Du Maghreb
    Parliamentary Assembly Parliamentary Assembly Doc. 11474 3 January 2008 Strengthening co-operation with the Maghreb countries Report Political Affairs Committee Rapporteur: Mrs Josette DURRIEU, France, Socialist Group Summary The report deals with Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco. These Maghreb countries have shown the will to reinforce collaboration with the Council of Europe. Over the last few years, these countries have made progress and have carried out numerous reforms with regard to democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Moreover, they have firmly committed themselves to inter-religious and inter-cultural dialogue. Even though the situation varies from one country to another, nevertheless the report highlights common problems such as attacks on public and political freedoms, the absence of an independent justice system and the persistence of islamic extremism. The report also gives account of the different types of cooperation with the Council of Europe which already exist, particularly with the Venice Commission, and calls for such collaborations to be strengthened. Finally, the report looks at the possibility of further collaboration with the Maghreb countries and proposes possible action plans that could be implemented by the Parliamentary Assembly, the Committee of Ministers, the Secretary General and member countries. F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex, e-mail: [email protected] http://assembly.coe.int tel : + 33 3 88 41 2000, fax + 33 3 88 41 2776 Doc. 11474 A. Draft resolution 1. The Parliamentary Assembly refers to Resolution 1506 (2006) on the external relations of the Council of Europe and reiterates its commitment to promote democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights beyond the current borders of its member states, in neighbouring countries and, in particular, in the southern Mediterranean through dialogue and co-operation.
    [Show full text]
  • MENA-OECD Ministerial Conference Highlights in Pictures
    23 November 2009 – Marrakech, Morocco MENA-OECD Ministerial Conference Highlights in pictures www.oecd.org/mena/ministerial2009 H.E. Mr. Nizar Baraka, Moroccan Minister Delegate to the Prime Minister in charge of Economic and General Affairs, and Mr. Angel Gurrìa, OECD Secretary-General during the signing ceremony of the OECD Declaration on International Investment and Multinational Enterprises. H.E. Mr. Nizar Baraka, Moroccan Minister Delegate to the Prime Minister in charge of Economic and General Affairs, and Mr. Angel Gurrìa, OECD Secretary-General during the signing ceremony of the OECD Declaration on International Investment and Multinational Enterprises. H.E. Mr. Nizar Baraka, Moroccan Minister Delegate to the Prime Minister in charge of Economic and General Affairs, and Mr. Angel Gurrìa, OECD Secretary-General during the signing ceremony of the OECD Declaration on International Investment and Multinational Enterprises. H.E. Mr. Nizar Baraka, Moroccan Minister Delegate to the Prime Minister in charge of Economic and General Affairs, speaks to the press. H.E. Mr. Abbas El Fassi, Moroccan Prime Minister, arrives at the Palais des Congrès de la Palmeraie Mr. Marcos Bonturi, Deputy Chief of Staff of the OECD Secretary-General, Mr. Angel Gurrìa, OECD Secretary-General , and H.E. Mr. Nizar Baraka, Moroccan Minister Delegate to the Prime Minister in charge of Economic and General Affairs Her Royal Highness Princess Mathilde of Belgium, His Royal Highness Prince Philippe of Belgium and H.E. Mr. Abbas El Fassi, Prime Minister of Morocco Mr. Angel Gurrìa, OECD Secretary-General, and His Royal Highness Prince Philippe of Belgium High-level government and private sector representatives gather during the Ministerial panel on public governance High-level government and private sector representatives gather during the Ministerial panel on investment and business climate.
    [Show full text]