Confucius and Lao Zi: Their Differing Social Foundations and Cultures
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The Old Master
INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi. -
Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents)
饒宗頤國學院院刊 第五期 417 2018 年 5 月 頁 417– 445 Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents). Edited by Martin KERN and Dirk MEYER. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017. Pp. vi+508. Edward L. SHAUGHNESSY East Asian Languages and Civilizations, The University of Chicago The publication of a major English-language book on the Shang shu 尚書 (Elevated documents) or Shu jing 書經 (Classic of documents), the second of the Chinese classics, should surely count as a major milestone in the Western study of early China. As the editors note in their Introduction, the Shang shu has inspired all aspects of Chinese political philosophy for over two thousand years now. Yet, as they also say, “In some kind of reverse—and bizarre— Book Reviews correlation, the Shangshu is as important to the Chinese political tradition as it is neglected in Western scholarship” (p. 2). Their claim just above this that “major Western works on the Shangshu can be counted on two hands, with fingers to spare” is only a bit exaggerated.1 In this volume we now have fourteen studies in just over 500 pages, that directly address at least fourteen different chapters of the Shang shu, not to mention two chapters of the 1 True, I count only eight or nine such studies listed in the various bibliographies attached at the end of each chapter, but they do not even include mention of such classic studies as Paul Pelliot, “Le Chou King en caractères anciens et le Chang Chou che wen,” Mémoires concernant l’Asie Orientale 2 (1916): 123–77, or Benjamin Elman, “Philosophy (I-Li) versus Philology (K’ao-cheng): The Jen-hsin tao-hsin Debate,” T’oung Pao 2nd ser. -
The Analects of Confucius
The analecTs of confucius An Online Teaching Translation 2015 (Version 2.21) R. Eno © 2003, 2012, 2015 Robert Eno This online translation is made freely available for use in not for profit educational settings and for personal use. For other purposes, apart from fair use, copyright is not waived. Open access to this translation is provided, without charge, at http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23420 Also available as open access translations of the Four Books Mencius: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23421 Mencius: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23423 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23422 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23424 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION i MAPS x BOOK I 1 BOOK II 5 BOOK III 9 BOOK IV 14 BOOK V 18 BOOK VI 24 BOOK VII 30 BOOK VIII 36 BOOK IX 40 BOOK X 46 BOOK XI 52 BOOK XII 59 BOOK XIII 66 BOOK XIV 73 BOOK XV 82 BOOK XVI 89 BOOK XVII 94 BOOK XVIII 100 BOOK XIX 104 BOOK XX 109 Appendix 1: Major Disciples 112 Appendix 2: Glossary 116 Appendix 3: Analysis of Book VIII 122 Appendix 4: Manuscript Evidence 131 About the title page The title page illustration reproduces a leaf from a medieval hand copy of the Analects, dated 890 CE, recovered from an archaeological dig at Dunhuang, in the Western desert regions of China. The manuscript has been determined to be a school boy’s hand copy, complete with errors, and it reproduces not only the text (which appears in large characters), but also an early commentary (small, double-column characters). -
The Rituals of Zhou in East Asian History
STATECRAFT AND CLASSICAL LEARNING: THE RITUALS OF ZHOU IN EAST ASIAN HISTORY Edited by Benjamin A. Elman and Martin Kern CHAPTER FOUR CENTERING THE REALM: WANG MANG, THE ZHOULI, AND EARLY CHINESE STATECRAFT Michael Puett, Harvard University In this chapter I address a basic problem: why would a text like the Rituals of Zhou (Zhouli !"), which purports to describe the adminis- trative structure of the Western Zhou ! dynasty (ca. 1050–771 BCE), come to be employed by Wang Mang #$ (45 BCE–23 CE) and, later, Wang Anshi #%& (1021–1086) in projects of strong state cen- tralization? Answering this question for the case of Wang Mang, how- ever, is no easy task. In contrast to what we have later for Wang Anshi, there are almost no sources to help us understand precisely how Wang Mang used, appropriated, and presented the Zhouli. We are told in the History of the [Western] Han (Hanshu '() that Wang Mang em- ployed the Zhouli, but we possess no commentaries on the text by ei- ther Wang Mang or one of his associates. In fact, we have no full commentary until Zheng Xuan )* (127–200 CE), who was far re- moved from the events of Wang Mang’s time and was concerned with different issues. Even the statements in the Hanshu about the uses of the Zhouli— referred to as the Offices of Zhou (Zhouguan !+) by Wang Mang— are brief. We are told that Wang Mang changed the ritual system of the time to follow that of the Zhouguan,1 that he used the Zhouguan for the taxation system,2 and that he used the Zhouguan, along with the “The Regulations of the King” (“Wangzhi” #,) chapter of the Records of Ritual (Liji "-), to organize state offices.3 I propose to tackle this problem in a way that is admittedly highly speculative. -
Civil Society Networks in China and Vietnam
INFORMAL PATHBREAKERS: CIVIL SOCIETY NETWORKS IN CHINA AND VIETNAM by ANDREW WELLS-DANG A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Politics & International Studies School of Government and Society University of Birmingham March 2011 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT This thesis re-conceptualises civil society as a process of cross-sectoral networking and alliance building among individual activists and organisations. Civil society networks are built on personal connections and develop into flexible, often informal structures that engage in path-breaking advocacy with authorities and elites. In the challenging political contexts of China and Vietnam, civil society networks have brought about significant social change. The findings of extensive fieldwork in both countries demonstrate a wider range of advocacy techniques and strategies than previously documented in one-party authoritarian political systems. Four in-depth qualitative case studies are presented to illustrate a range of network structures, histories and advocacy strategies: the Bright Future Group of people with disabilities (Vietnam), Women’s Network against AIDS (China), the Reunification Park public space network (Vietnam), and the China Rivers Network. -
Food Ethics in Ancient China: a Confucian Perspective
27 Food Ethics in Ancient China: A Confucian Perspective Chun-chieh HUANG* 1. Introduction Food ethics in ancient China was a complex of ideas that emerged from the Chinese view of life and attitude toward the elderly. They can be seen as the manifestation of the Confucian political ideal of the “kingly way,” and in particular, the related idea of “humane governance.” Food ethics in ancient China was also linked to the everyday practice of eating, especially in the context of rural life. In this paper, I will attempt to parse this thesis, focusing on Mencius’ saying that “those who are seventy can eat meat.” In his conversation with King Hui of Liang (梁惠王, r.319‒301 BCE), Mencius (孟子, 372‒289 BCE) expounded his ideal of the “kingly way” of governance. He stated:1 If the mulberry is planted in every homestead of fi ve mu of land, then those who are fi fty can wear silk; if chickens, pigs and dogs do not miss their breeding season, then those who are seventy can eat meat; if each lot of a hundred mu is not deprived of labour during the busy seasons, then families with several mouths to feed will not go hungry. Exercise due care over the education provided by the village schools, and disci- pline the people by teaching them the duties proper to sons and younger brothers, and those whose heads have turned hoary will not be carrying loads on the roads. When those who are seventy wear silk and eat meat and the masses are neither cold nor hungry, it is impossible for their prince not to be a true King. -
“A Preliminary Discussion of Literary Reform” by Hu Shi
Primary Source Document with Questions (DBQs) “ A PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION OF LITERARY REFORM” By Hu Shi Introduction Beginning around 1917, Chinese intellectuals began to engage each other in serious discussion and debate on culture, history, philosophy, and related subjects — all with an eye to the bigger problem of China’s weakness and the possible solutions to that problem. This period of intellectual debate, labeled the May Fourth Movement, lasted to around 1921. Hu Shi (1891-1962) was one of the leading May Fourth intellectuals. A student of agriculture at Cornell University, and then of philosophy under John Dewey at Columbia University, Hu led the way in the movement to write Chinese in the vernacular, as opposed to the elegant, but (to the average Chinese) incomprehensible classical style. Hu also played a leading role in the cultural debates of the time. The following document represents Hu’s ideas on literary reform. Document Excerpts with Questions (Longer selection follows this section) From Sources of Chinese Tradition: From 1600 Through the Twentieth Century, compiled by Wm. Theodore de Bary and Richard Lufrano, 2nd ed., vol. 2 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 357-360. © 2000 Columbia University Press. Reproduced with the permission of the publisher. All rights reserved. “A Preliminary Discussion of Literary Reform” By Hu Shi I believe that literary reform at the present time must begin with these eight items: (1) Write with substance. (2) Do not imitate the ancients. (3) Emphasize grammar. (4) Reject melancholy. (5) Eliminate old clichés. (6) Do not use allusions. (7) Do not use couplets and parallelisms. -
View Sample Pages
This Book Is Dedicated to the Memory of John Knoblock 未敗墨子道 雖然歌而非歌哭而非哭樂而非樂 是果類乎 I would not fault the Way of Master Mo. And yet if you sang he condemned singing, if you cried he condemned crying, and if you made music he condemned music. What sort was he after all? —Zhuangzi, “In the World” A publication of the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley. Although the institute is responsible for the selection and acceptance of manuscripts in this series, responsibility for the opinions expressed and for the accuracy of statements rests with their authors. The China Research Monograph series is one of the several publication series sponsored by the Institute of East Asian Studies in conjunction with its constituent units. The others include the Japan Research Monograph series, the Korea Research Monograph series, and the Research Papers and Policy Studies series. Send correspondence and manuscripts to Katherine Lawn Chouta, Managing Editor Institute of East Asian Studies 2223 Fulton Street, 6th Floor Berkeley, CA 94720-2318 [email protected] Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mo, Di, fl. 400 B.C. [Mozi. English. Selections] Mozi : a study and translation of the ethical and political writings / by John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel. pages cm. -- (China research monograph ; 68) English and Chinese. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-55729-103-9 (alk. paper) 1. Mo, Di, fl. 400 B.C. Mozi. I. Knoblock, John, translator, writer of added commentary. II. Riegel, Jeffrey K., 1945- translator, writer of added commentary. III. Title. B128.M79E5 2013 181'.115--dc23 2013001574 Copyright © 2013 by the Regents of the University of California. -
TAO TAO/ Fate in Confucian Virtue Ethics and Its Contemporary
FATE IN CONFUCIAN VIRTUE ETHICS AND ITS CONTEMPORARY SIGNIFICANCE Tao Tao Abstract:Based on the concept of fate in Confucian virtue ethics, this paper discussed three questions successively: (1) What is inevitable or unchangeable? (2)Facing fate, what we can do?(3)Are we able to achieve happiness? Or what are the relations between virtues, external goods, and happiness? To the first question, this paper mentioned four aspects: the natural world and its laws, the natural life process, the ethical nature of human beings, and the conventional environment. To the second, this paper analyzed four actions in Confucianism: to understand fate, to go along with fate, to respect fate, and to rejoice in accepting fate. To the third, this paper distinguished two kinds of happiness: one with external goods, the other with virtues, and only the latter one is real and self-sufficient. The final conclusion is that: the gentleman in Confucianism who knows to go along with and respect fate, will accept the arrangement or consequence of actions with tranquility, or even a joyful mind; meanwhile, he will pursue virtues for entire lifetime, because he knows virtues or the Way are a person’s real end or happiness. By nature, or by fate, we are able to or must be moral. Life and death are governed by fate, wealth and honor are determined by Heaven. (Analects 12.5) 1 Undoubtedly, we are all powerless to solve specific problems or change circumstances burdened by unfavorable conditions. Whatever has happened to us has happened; no matter good or bad, we cannot change or ignore it. -
Sacred Heritage Making in Confucius' Hometown: a Case of The
Sacred Heritage Making in Confucius’ Hometown: A Case of the Liangguan Site Bailan Qin Department of Chinese Studies School of Languages and Cultures University of Sydney A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy at the University of Sydney ©2018 This is to certify that to the best of my knowledge, the content of this thesis is my own work. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or other purposes. I certify that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work and that all the assistance received in preparing this thesis and sources have been acknowledged. Signature Bailan Qin Abstract For over two thousand years, Qufu – the hometown of Confucius – has maintained numerous heritage sites where ancient Chinese elites revered Confucius and studied Confucianism. The sites, known as sacred places, have been exerting significant impact on Chinese culture and society. However, since the early 1930s, many of these sites in non-protected areas have been forgotten and even transformed in such a way that their original heritage meanings have dissipated. Following President Xi Jinping’s visit to Qufu on 26 November 2013, Qufu has been attracting unprecedented attention in both mass media and the academia, contributing to China’s ongoing Confucian revival in the post-Mao era. Against this background, the thesis aims to explore Confucian discourses deeply rooted in traditions of Chinese studies to inform heritage researchers and practioners today of sacred heritage-making process theoretically and practically. The study has investigated how a widely known sacred place – Liangguan was produced, preserved, interpreted and transmitted as heritage by examining historical texts associated with Qufu. -
Practical Immunodermatology Xing-Hua Gao • Hong-Duo Chen Editors
Practical Immunodermatology Xing-Hua Gao • Hong-Duo Chen Editors Practical Immunodermatology Editors Xing-Hua Gao Hong-Duo Chen Dermatology Dermatology The first affiliated Hospital China Medical The first affiliated Hospital China Medical University University Shenyang Shenyang China China ISBN 978-94-024-0900-0 ISBN 978-94-024-0902-4 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0902-4 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016960305 © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Printed on acid-free paper This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer Science+Business Media B.V. -
The Original Meaning of the Chinese Character for “Beauty”
Filozofski vestnik Letnik/Volume XXII • Številka/Number 2 • 2001 • 141-159 THE ORIGINAL MEANING OF THE CHINESE CHARACTER FOR “BEAUTY” J ianping G ao l “Beauty” is translated into Chinese as Џ, (mei) and “Aesthetics” as -^ c ^ (meixue) (literally meaning the studies of the beauty). The compound ( meixue) is new in Chinese and its origin is due to translation in modern time. But indigenous in China is the word mei (beauty), which appearred as early as more than 3000 years ago. The very first question in aesthetics was probably “what is beauty?” The concept of beauty in the mind of ancient Chinese is not necessarily identical with that in the mind of modern people, but an investigation of it may be of some interest to today’s aesthetic inquiry, and, as we shall see, it already attracts attention of some scholars in the fields of both linguistics and aesthetics. “ ЏЈ’ (beauty) is traditionally considered to be composed of two characters: (sheep) and (large). A large sheep will supply plenty of delicious meat. This explanation comes from ShuowenJiezi (100 A.D.), a pioneering book on the research of Chinese characters: Џ. (beauty) means delicious. It is composed of (sheep) and (large). Among six domestic animals (cow, horse, sheep, pig, hen, and dog), sheep are the major sacrificial offerings. Beauty is identical with goodness.1 This opinion was accepted by almost all philologists in ancient China, such as Xu Xuan (917 - 992), Xu Kai (920-974), Duan Yucai (1735 - 1815), Wang Yun (1784 - 1854), and Zhu Junsheng (1788 - 1858), who provided 1 Shuowen Jiezi (literally means “a discription of simply characters and explanation of complex characters”) is a dictionary-like book which was intended to explain Chinese characters on the basis of their forms.