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Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents)

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Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents) 饒宗頤國學院院刊 第五期 417 2018 年 5 月 頁 417– 445 Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents). Edited by Martin KERN and Dirk MEYER. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017. Pp. vi+508. Edward L. SHAUGHNESSY East Asian Languages and Civilizations, The University of Chicago The publication of a major English-language book on the Shang shu 尚書 (Elevated documents) or Shu jing 書經 (Classic of documents), the second of the Chinese classics, should surely count as a major milestone in the Western study of early China. As the editors note in their Introduction, the Shang shu has inspired all aspects of Chinese political philosophy for over two thousand years now. Yet, as they also say, “In some kind of reverse—and bizarre— Book Reviews correlation, the Shangshu is as important to the Chinese political tradition as it is neglected in Western scholarship” (p. 2). Their claim just above this that “major Western works on the Shangshu can be counted on two hands, with fingers to spare” is only a bit exaggerated.1 In this volume we now have fourteen studies in just over 500 pages, that directly address at least fourteen different chapters of the Shang shu, not to mention two chapters of the 1 True, I count only eight or nine such studies listed in the various bibliographies attached at the end of each chapter, but they do not even include mention of such classic studies as Paul Pelliot, “Le Chou King en caractères anciens et le Chang Chou che wen,” Mémoires concernant l’Asie Orientale 2 (1916): 123–77, or Benjamin Elman, “Philosophy (I-Li) versus Philology (K’ao-cheng): The Jen-hsin tao-hsin Debate,” T’oung Pao 2nd ser. 69.4–5 (1983):175–222, or even Michael Nylan, “The Many Dukes of Zhou in Early Sources,” in Statecraft and Classical Learning: The Rituals of Zhou in East Asian History, eds. Benjamin A. Elman and Martin Kern (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 94–128, a study of the ways that the Duke of Zhou 周公 is represented in the Shang shu and the Yi Zhou shu and which was published in a book edited by one of the editors of the book under review. Still, the point is well taken. 418 419 Yi Zhou shu 逸周書 (Leftover Zhou documents).2 The volume is the product Apparently Brill was more lenient in terms of page number than are most of two international conferences, one held at Princeton in 2013 and the presses, two other chapters in the book also being more or less similar re- second at Oxford in 2014, the published papers revealing considerable publications of studies published within the last three years. However, since revision and strong editorial hands. The fourteen chapters also display the the book in which the earlier version of Kern’s essay was published is probably various contributors’ different strengths, some engaging in deep reading of no more readily available than the present book and as far as I can tell has not the text(s) in question, others soaring over several texts or even whole books. yet been reviewed, the essay deserves introduction here. Different readers will come to different evaluations of the relative strengths Kern makes two principal arguments regarding the “Yao dian”: first that and weaknesses of these offerings, but taken as a whole the volume surely the text opens with a “performative speech,” and second that the overall effect makes the significant contribution promised in the editors’ Introduction. of the argument was understood in the Qin and Han—and perhaps was created Indeed, to my mind, the only significant failing of the book is the Introduction in the Qin and Han—as an argument in favor of a particular view of kingship. itself, which is marred by an unappealing self-congratulatory triumphalism, He begins with a lengthy revisionist reading of the first sentences of the which simultaneously denigrates past scholarship—always without explicit chapter (here presented without punctuation so as not to prejudice the reading): attribution, while also suggesting that all of its contributors speak in a single voice, which is most certainly not the case. In the following remarks, I will 曰若稽古帝堯曰放勳欽明文思安安允恭克讓光被四表格于上下 first review the contents of the fourteen chapters, which after all constitute the heart of the book, before turning to consider the Introduction itself. This is usually translated as something like: *** Examining into antiquity, Di Yao was called Fangxun. Respecting bright Book Reviews virtue and thinking peacefully, truly respectful he was able to yield, his Martin Kern is the author of the first contribution to the book: “Language and radiance covered the four exteriors and he caused those above and below the Ideology of Kingship in the ‘Canon of Yao,’” a study of the “Yao dian” 堯典 . to arrive. This is a revised version of a study by the same title published just two years earlier.3 Kern argues instead that “Fangxun” 放勳 , traditionally said to be the name of 2 The chapters are (in the order which they appear in the book, with the chapter number and the 堯 author of that chapter): “Yao dian” 堯典 (Canon of Yao; 1 Kern and 2 Vogelsang), “Gaoyao Yao , should begin a speech by Yao, and mean something like “imitating [past] mo“ 皋陶謨 (Counsel of Gaoyao; 2 Vogelsang), “Lü xing” 呂刑 (Punishments of Lü; 2 merits.” In offering this revisionist reading, he admits that he flies in the face of Vogelsang and 13 Sanft), “Gu ming” 顧命 (Testamentary charge; 3 Meyer), “Kang Wang zhi gao” all early readings, which he would date to the Han, as well as explicit evidence 康王之誥 (King Kang’s announcement; 3 Meyer), “Duo shi” 多士 (Many sires; 4 Gentz), “Duo in two different passages of the Mengzi 孟子 that Fangxun was Yao’s name. fang” 多方 (Many regions; 4 Gentz), “Jin teng” 金縢 (Metal-bound coffer; 5 Gren and 6 Meyer), “Gan shi” 甘誓 (Harangue at Gan; 8 Kern), “Tang shi” 湯誓 (Harangue of Tang; 8 Kern), “Mu In rejecting fangxun as Yao’s designation, I consider the readings given in shi” 牧誓 (Harangue at Mu; 8 Kern), “Wu yi” 無逸 (Without ease; 10 Pines and 11 Hunter), “Bi shi” 費誓 (Harangue at Bi; 12 Khayutina), and “Yu gong” 禹貢 (Tribute of Yu; 14 McNeal), as Shiji, Da Dai liji, and other Han sources to be misinterpretations. At the well as Yi zhou shu “Shang shi” 商誓 (Harangue at Shang; 4 Gentz) and “Wang hui” 王會 (Royal same time, the fact that already the Mengzi understands fangxun as Yao’s convocation; 14 McNeal). personal name raises two possibilities: either this reading, which runs 3 Martin Kern, “Language and the Ideology of Kingship in the ‘Canon of Yao,’” in Ideology of against the structure of the Shangshu text itself, was indeed very early, 香港浸會大學饒宗頤國學院Power and Power of Ideology, eds. Yuri Pines, Paul R. Goldin, and Martin Kern (Leiden: Brill, possibly in a separate tradition of the Yao legend, or the two pertinent 2015), 118–151. It is unclear whether such prompt republication is meant to signal the essay’s Mengzi passages (5.4 and 9.4) were composed only under the influence of unique importance or its urgent need for revision. Kern says that this “version now supersedes the earlier one” (p. 23 * note). However, a comparison of the first ten pages of the two versions Han sources such as the Shiji (p. 28 n. 21). shows them to be essentially identical—other than formatting changes—with the exception of an added paragraph on page 29 of the book under review, and deleted paragraphs at pages 125 It is not at all clear what Kern gains from denying all of this evidence. After and 126–27 of the previous version (the latter of which, at least, concerns primarily the Shi all, other than the first two sentences, his punctuation, and indeed his jing 詩經 [Classic of poetry] and thus would be out of place in the present book). 420 421 understanding, of the rest of the passage in question is not different from the of the part. He concludes this analysis by saying “This suggests that in the traditional reading. The price for his suggestion to read this as a “performance Shangshu we must reckon with chapters that are neither homogeneous units text,” a familiar theme in his scholarship, is very high: the discounting of nor composite writings where the different layers complement or reinforce one virtually all counter evidence. A less interested reading might find that price another, but that actually contain rival discourses which may ultimately be too high. incompatible” (p. 78). Kern’s distinction between an activist Yao who regularly rejects the After a similar parallel analysis of the “Yao dian,” finding “two distinct advice of his advisers and a more compliant Shun 舜 who is guided by his parts that differ in vocabulary and political theory,” one “centered on the virtue advisers is interesting and well taken. He finds corroboration of this difference of the ruler” and one “mak[ing] a case for bureaucratic government in which in the “Guwen” 古文 (Ancient text) Shang shu’s division of the chapter into ministers are the most important actors” (p. 88), Vogelsang then moves on to two separate chapters: “Yao dian” and “Shun dian” 舜典 . When he says “Yao the “Lü xing” chapter. Noting that although it has not been split into separate and Shun could have been understood as representing two complementary parts in traditional editions of the Shang shu, he again divides it into two aspects of imperial rule that could be alternately actualized according to the separate parts, A and B.
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