Introduction

NOTES

Introduction

1. Dante Alighieri, Literature in the Vernacular (De Vulgari Eloquentia), trans. Sally Purcell (Manchester: Carcanet New Press Limited, 1981), 21–22. 2. Ibid., 27. 3. Umberto Eco, The Search for the Perfect Language, trans. James Fentress (Blackwell, 1995), 34. 4. Ibid., 45–46. 5. Dante Alighieri, Dante, De Vulgari Eloquentia, ed. and trans. Steven Botterill (Cambridge University Press, 1996), 3. 6. Ibid., 3. 7. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1991), 67. In his discussion, Anderson places great emphasis on “piracy,” which I have found rather problematic. The word “piracy” vividly evokes the speed and pervasiveness of the emergence of the vernacular and the spread of nationalism. But it also has negative connotations of forgery, of knowledge as property. Is Anderson implying that that all the language revolu- tions in other countries are illegitimate copies, while the European one is the only original? One can’t help but think of Walter Benjamin’s discussion of the “original” and the “copies” in his well- known essay “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction.” Does the construction of the “original” and the “piracy” in Anderson’s paradigm also work to uphold the concept of authenticity, granting some kind of aura to the superior West, which in turn demands some ritualistic respect from the inferior “copies”? 8. In his article “Conjectures on World Literature” (in Debating World Literature, ed. Christopher Prendergast [New York: Verso, 2004], 148–162), Franco Moretti shows the findings of his ambitious research on the rise of the modern novel (roughly from 1750 to 1950) in four continents (Europe, Latin America, Asia, and Africa), more than twenty independent critical studies, as such: world literature was indeed a system—but a system of variations. While I agree with Moretti’s argument, readers will see that my vision of “system” differs considerably 142 Notes from Moretti’s political, economic, and scientific approach. As Emily Apter observes in her article “Literary World- Systems” (in Teaching World Literature, ed. David Damrosch [The Modern Language Association of America, 2009], 44–60), Moretti drew heavily on the work of Immanuel Wallerstein, for whom the world-system was market- driven with core centers of power, around which peripheral nations orbited. In his recent projects, The Novel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), an edited volume on the world history of the genre involving contributors from various national literatures, and Graphs, Maps, Trees: Abstracts for a Literary History (London and New York: Verso, 2005), Moretti further highlights the value of science (both natural science and social science) in his approach to understanding world literature. 9. Two major works in this category of “history of ideas” regarding the rise of the vernacular are Richard Foster Jones’s The Triumph of the English Language: A Survey of Opinions Concerning the Vernacular from the Introduction of Printing to the Restoration (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1953) and Eric Blackall’s The Emergence of German as a Literary Language: 1770–1775 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1959). 10. Lydia Liu, Translingual Practice: Literature, National Culture, and Translated Modernity in China, 1900–37 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), 26. 11. Martin Heidegger, On the Way to Language, trans. Peter D. Hertz (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1971), 57. A perfect proof of this theory is Jacques Derrida’s recently published book Monolingualism of the Other; or, The Prosthesis of Origin (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), where he claims: “I am monolingual. My monolingualism dwells, and I call it my dwelling; it feels like one to me, and I remain in it and inhabit it. It inhabits me. The monolingualism in which I draw my very breath is, for me, my element. Not a natural element, not the transparency of the ether, but an absolute Habitat” (1). What Derrida expresses here is obviously an experience he underwent with language that touched the innermost nexus of his existence. Although the struggle that Derrida had to come to terms with—“I only have one language; it is not mine”—was deeply connected with the “legacy of French in colonial Algeria,” the kind of obsessive and precarious emotional, linguistic, and existential condition that he explores and elaborates in his book is far more universal. See also Rey Chow’s interesting article “Reading Derrida on Being Monolingual,” New Literature History, vol. 39, no. 2 (Spring 2008): 217–31. 12. Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. H. Iswolsky (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1968), 465. 13. Wai Chee Dimock, Through Other Continents: American Literature across Deep Time (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 74. 14. Nergis Erturk, “Modernity and Its Fallen Languages: Tanpinar’s Hasret, Benjamin’s Melancholy,” PMLA, vol. 123, (January 2008) no. 1: 41–56. 15. Lu Xun, “Diary of a Madman,” in Selected Stories of Lu Hsun, trans. Yang Hsien- yi and Gladys Yang (Norton, 1977), 10. 16. Dante Alighieri, The Divine Comedy of Dante Alighieri: Inferno, ed. and trans. Robert M. Durling (Oxford University Press, 1996), 29. Notes 143 17. Ernest Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 355. 18. Indra Levy, Sirens of the Western Shore: The Westernesque Femme Fatale, Translation, and Vernacular Style in Modern Japanese Literature (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006). 19. David Damrosch, What Is World Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 45. Also see, Apter, “Literary World- Systems.” 20. See Moretti, “Conjectures on World Literature,” 149. 21. See Moretti, Graphs, Maps, Trees.

One The Language of Utopia

1. Thomas More, Utopia, trans. H.V.S. Ogden (Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1949), 29. 2. Ibid., 29. 3. Kang Youwei, Ta T’ung Shu: The One- World Philosophy of K’ang Yu- wei, trans. Laurence G. Thompson (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1958), 99. 4. Ibid., 101. 5. Gerard Wegemer, “The City of God in Thomas More’s Utopia,” Renascence 44 (Winter 1992): 115–135; also see Zhang Longxi, Allegoresis: Reading Canonical Literature East and West (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2005), 167–173. 6. See Patrick Hanan, Chinese Fiction of the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries (New York: University of Columbia Press, 2004), 76. 7. Kang Youwei, 101. 8. Ibid.,101. 9. Charles Ferguson, “Diglossia,” Word 15 (1959): 325–40. 10. After Ferguson coined the term, “diglossia” became widely used in socio- linguistic literature and its meaning was further theorized and extended. The most important revision was provided by Joshua Fishman in his 1967 article, entitled “Bilingualism with and without diglossia, diglossia with and without bilingualism” (The Journal of Social Issue 23, 1967: 29–38). Defining the notion almost solely based on the principle of function, Fishman states that “diglossia” exists “not only in multilingual societies which officially recognize sev- eral ‘languages’ but also in societies which are multilingual in the sense that employ separate dialects, registers or functionally differentiated language vari- eties of whatever kind” (Fishman, 30). Fishman paints an ambitious blueprint for a new “broad diglossia,” which proved to be very appealing to later social linguists. 11. The appropriations are in two aspects. First, Ferguson’s model seems only to concern itself with the spoken language. Second, the picture of the linguistic structure of pre- modern China complicates itself by the presence of different dialects, which in a sense challenges the binary system proposed by Ferguson. But since what is at issue here is the written language of China, mainly the relationship between wenyan and 144 Notes baihua, I allow myself to simplify the picture. I understand such simplification comes at the expense of 1) a more sophisticated view of baihua (the vernacular) as the linguistic medium in fiction and opera and as guanhua (Mandarin) required of almost everyone in or associated with the civil service, including manuals and guidebooks for how actually to carry out the tasks of being a magistrate, etc.; and 2) the relationship between baihua (the vernacular) and local dialects, the informal spoken language. Most recently, Edward Gunn has done substantial work on spoken languages in contemporary China. See, Edward Gunn, Rendering the Regional: Local Language in Contemporary Chinese Media (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006). 12. As many scholars have acknowledged, it is extremely difficult to determine exactly when the writing script of ancient Chinese began to diverge form speech. Bernhard Karlgren estimated that Chinese writing and speech started to part ways roughly at the end of the Western Han period (206 B.C. to 22 A.D.). Some other scholars such as John DeFrancis believe that the divorce of writing from speech started much earlier, probably in the earliest stages of Chinese writing, the Shang period. Also see Liangyan Ge, Out of the Margin: The Rise of Chinese Vernacular Fiction (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2001). As many scholars have acknowledged, it is extremely difficult to determine. 13. Ge, 11. 14. See Victor Mair’s research on Tun-huang Manuscripts: T’ang Transformation Texts (Cambridge: Harvard University Council on East Asian Studies, 1989). 15. Ferguson, “Diglossia,” 328. 16. Hu Shi, “Introduction to Monkey,” in Monkey, trans. Arthur Waley (New York: Grove Press, 1970), 3. 17. Li Zhi “On the Child-Mind,” in An Anthology of Chinese Literature: Beginning to 1911, ed. Stephen Owen (New York and London: Norton, 1996), 810. 18. For more detail on Wang Yangming’s philosophy, see Wing- Tsit Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963). 19. Ferguson, “Diglossia,” 332. 20. See Jones, The Triumph of the English Language. 21. More’s Utopia was later translated into English and became accessible to mass readership. Keeping the story of “diglossia” in mind, we can easily understand why More was so outraged that he made it very clear that he preferred the book to be burned rather than have it translated into English. Indeed, More’s Utopia was born as a performance on a certain stage for a certain audience. If displaced into a different setting, the book was bound to suffer losses, although it would probably also gain things that More could never have imagined. 22. The picture of the linguistic structure of early Modern England was very much a tri-glossic situation, with English, French and Latin each playing different roles. Since what is at issue here is only the relationship between Latin and English, I allow myself to simplify the picture. 23. Kang Youwei, Ta T’ung Shu (Shanghai: shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005), 101. 24. Hu Ying, Tales of Translation: Composing the New Women in China, 1899–1918 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 21–25; also see Paul Cohen, Notes 145 Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T’ao and Reform in Late Ch’ing China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974); and Chang Hao, Liang Ch’i- ch’ao and Intellectual Transition in China, 1890–1907 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971). 25. Shen Fu, Six Records of a Floating Life, trans. Leonard Pratt and Chiang Su- hui (Penguin Books, 1983), 101. 26. Joseph Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate: A Trilogy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968). 27. Kang Youwei, Ta T’ung Shu, 102. 28. For more detailed discussion on the early Jesuit missionaries’ attempts at romanization of the Chinese language, see DeFrances, Nationalism and Language Reform in China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950). 29. As DeFrances states in his book, the influence of these romanization activities “was of limited significance, for little survives apart from a causal comment on the advantages of phonetic as against ideographic writing.” Nationalism and Language Reform in China, 17. 30. Ibid., 23. 31. See Wang Feng, “Wanqing pinyinhua yu baihuawen cuifa de gouyusichao,” (“The National Language Trends Advanced by the Romanization and Vernacularization in the Late Qing Period”), in Wenxue yuyan yu wenzhang tishi—cong wanqing dao “wusi” (Literary Language and Literature Style—from the late Qing to the May Fourth period), ed. Xia Xiaohong (Anhui jiaoyu chubanshe, 2005), 23. 32. See S. Robert Ramsey, The Language of China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), in which he gives a vivid account about what happened at the conference on the unification of pronunciation. 33. See Milena Dolezelova- Velingerova, “The Origins of Modern Chinese Literature,” in Modern Chinese Literature in the May Fourth Era, ed. Merle Goldman (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997), 17–35. 34. Ibid., 22. 35. Edward Gunn, “The Language of Early Republican Fiction in the Context of Print Media,” Comparative Literature: East & West, vol. 4, no.1 (Summer 2002): 37–57. 36. Perry Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies: Popular Fiction in Early Twentieth- Century Chinese Cities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 19. 37. As recorded by Richard Foster Jones, throughout the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century there were innumerable examples of self-depreciation in English vernacular writers. For instance, scattered through Caxton’s prologues and epi- logues are many apologies for his simple and rude style and his rude and common English. He speaks of translating a Dutch tale “in to this rude and comyn englyshe,” and apologizes for reducing the original of Blanchardyn and Eglantine (1489) “to rude and comyn englyshe.” In a work begun in 1477, Thomas Norton finds it necessary to defend his use of “plaine and common speache” on the ground that he is writing for the unlearned multitude. No wise man, he says, should despise it, because it is “here set out in English blunt and rude” to please “Ten Thousand 146 Notes Layman” rather than “ten able Clerkes.” The use of English, free from classical expressions, requires an apology. See Jones, 4–5. 38. Also according to Richard Foster Jones, many dictionaries were compiled in the early seventeenth century, which laid the basis for the triumph of the English language. These dictionaries were: Robert Cawdrey, A Table Alphabeticall . . . (1604), Henry Cockeram, The English Dictioonarie . . . (1623), Thomas Blount, Glossographia . . . (1656), etc. Ibid., 274. 39. Chen Duxiu, “On Literary Revolution,” in Modern Chinese Literary Thought: Writings on Literature, 1893–1945, ed. Kirk Denton (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 141. 40. For a detailed discussion of the May Fourth Movement, see Chow Tse- Tusing, The May Fourth Movement (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964); Vera Schwarcz, The Chinese Enlightenment: Intellectuals and the Legacy of the May Fourth Movement of 1919 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); and Benjamin Schwartz, ed., Reflections on the May Fourth Movement: A Symposium (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). 41. Kirk Denton, Modern Chinese Literary Thought: Writings on Literature, 1893- 1945 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 114. 42. Ibid., 114. 43. In the recent decades, the “May Fourth” paradigm that privileges only writings produced by May Fourth progressive writers has come under critical scrutiny. My engagement with this debate will be seen later in chapter 4. 44. Qian Xuantong, “Zhongguo jinhou zhi wenzi wenti,” in Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi (Compendium of Modern Chinese Literature), ed. Zhao Jiabi (Shanghai: liangyou tushu gongsi, 1935) vol. 1, 141. 45. For more on the spread of Esperanto in early twentieth-century China, see Muller & Benton, “Esperanto and Chinese Anarchism 1907–1920: The Translation from Diaspora to Homeland,” Language Problem and Language Planning, 30: 1 (2006): 45–73. 46. Chen Duxiu, “Fuzhu,” in Zhao Jiabi, vol.1, 146. 47. Hu Shi, “Fuzhu” Ibid, 146. 48. Lu Xun, “Guanyu xinwenzi” in Lu Xun Quanji (Complete Works of Lu Xun), (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1981), vol. 6. 49. Fu Sinian, “Hanyu gaiyong pinyin wenzi de chubu tan” (“A Preliminary Discussion of Replacing Chinese Characters with a Phonetic System of Roman Letters”) in Zhao Jiabi, vol.1, 149. Also see Ping Chen, “China,” in Language and National Identity in Asia, ed. Andrew Simpson (Oxford University Press, 2007). 50. Zhu Jingnong, “Letter from Zhu Jingnong” in Hu Shi xueshu wenji (Collected Scholarly Work of Hu Shi), ed. Jiang Yihua (Zhonghua shuju, 1993). 51. Liu Bannong, “Wode wenxue gailiang guan,” in Zhao Jiabi, vol.1, 67. 52. Hu Shi, “Jianshe de wenxue genming lun” Ibid., 128–130. 53. Hu Shi, “Bishang liangshan,” ibid., 9. 54. Hu Shi, “Some modest suggestions for literary reform,” in Denton, 125. Notes 147 55. Wang Feng, “Wenxue gemin yu guoyu yundong zhi guanxi,” (On the Relationship between the Literary Revolution and the National Language Movement), in Xia Xiaohong, 46–70. 56. Fu Sinian, “How to write in the vernacular,” in Zhao Jiabi, vol.1, 223. 57. Qu Qiubai, “Problems Pertaining to Mass Literature.” For a detailed discussion on the Leftist criticism on the May Fourth vernacular movement, see Merle Goldman, “Left- Wing Criticism of the Pai Hua Movement,” in Reflections on the May Fourth Movement, ed. Benjamin Schwartz (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972), 85–94. 58. Zhou Zuoren, “Humane literature,” in Denton, 219. 59. C.T. Hsia, A History of Modern Chinese Fiction, 1917–1957 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), 21.

Two The Chinese Renaissance

1. My examination of Hu’s encounter with Sichel’s book benefits from Robert Darnton’s illuminating study of bestsellers in pre- revolutionary France, which showed that meanings do not come prepackaged in discourses but, rather, are shaped by various circumstances. Darnton’s work has made it easier for scholars to pay attention to popular genres and to explore the role of publishers and book- sellers when discussing the reception of ideas. See Robert Darnton, The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France (New York: Norton, 1995). 2. In Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge Press, 1992), Mary Louise Pratt uses “contact zones” to designate the social spaces where disparate cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other. While I adopt the term, I do not emphasize the highly asymmetrical power relations of domination and subordination inherent in her study. 3. Burke, “Jacob Burckhardt and the Italian Renaissance,” in Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (Penguin Books, 1990), 12. 4. Instead of uncovering an essence of the Renaissance, Burckhardt may have looked at the Renaissance with a particular horizon of expectation and found that some neglected aspects resonated with him. 5. Edith Sichel, The Renaissance (New York: Henry Holt, 1914), 8. 6. Ibid., 13. 7. Hu Shi, Hu Shi liuxue riji, (Hu Shi’s Diary While Studying Abroad) (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1959), vol. 4, 1155. 8. Irene Eber, “Thoughts on Renaissance in Modern China,” in Studia Asiatica: Essays in Asian Studies in Felicitation of the Seventy- fifth Anniversary of Professor Ch’en Shou- yi, ed. Laurence G. Thompson (San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1975), 216. 9. For more discussions on the problem of translation and translingual practices in modern China, see Lydia Liu’s Translingual Practices. 148 Notes 10. Liang Qichao, Zhongguo xueshu sixiang bianqian zhi dashi (On the Development of Chinese Scholarship and Intellectual Trends) (Taipei: Huazheng shuju, 1981), 103. 11. Quoted from Chen Pingyuan, Zhongguo xiandai xueshu de jianli (Establishing Modern Chinese Scholarship) (Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1998), 336. 12. Hu Shi, Hu Shi liuxue riji, vol. 4, 1155. 13. Cited from Chow, The May Fourth Movement, 338. 14. See the invention of the word transculturation in Ortiz: “The word transculturation better expresses the different phrases of the process of transition from one culture to another because this does not consist merely in acquiring another culture, which is what the English word acculturation really implies, but the process also necessar- ily involves the loss or uprooting of a previous culture, which could be defined as a deculturation. In addition, it carries the idea of the consequent creation of new cultural phenomena, which could be called neoculturation.” Fernando Oritz, Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), 102–3. 15. Although the notion of renaissance was mainly associated with rebirth and other future- looking features of modernity and progress in May Fourth China, there was also an alternative way of understanding that was championed by Zhou Zuoren, another major contributor to the May Fourth literary revolution. As Zhou wrote in one of his 1926 essays, “I often think that among other genres in the New Literature, modern prose is least influenced by the foreign literary tradition; to say it is the product of a literary revolution therefore does not do justice, for it is rather the fruit of a literary Renaissance.” Interestingly enough, in Zhou’s discourse, “Renaissance,” a foreign word, is used to describe something mostly free from foreign influence, which is in a way an accurate use of term, since con- ventionally the term is about going back to the past, to the roots of the culture. 16. Zhao, “Preface” in Zhao Jiabi., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi. 17. For example, in response to May Fourth intellectuals’ self- identification with the Renaissance, Chow Tse- tsung in his seminal book The May Fourth Movement gives a lengthy discussion of how the May Fourth period bears very little resem- blance to the European Renaissance. 18. Yu Ying-shih, “Neither Renaissance nor Enlightenment: A Historian’s Reflections on the May Fourth Movement,” in The Appropriation of Cultural Capital: China’s May Fourth Project, ed. Milena Dolezelova- Velingerova and Oldrich Kral (Harvard University Press, 2001), 320. 19. It is tempting to approach Hu’s appropriations of the Renaissance as instances of Occidentalism defined by Xiaomei Chen as “a discursive practice that, by constructing its Western Other, has allowed the Orient to participate actively and with indigenous creativity in the process of self- appropriation, even after being appropriated and constructed by Western Others” (Occidentalism: A Theory of Counter- Discourse in Post- Mao China [Oxford University Press, 1994], 2). The reason I am hesitant to do so is that Chen’s Occidentalism is in a way a derivative of Orientalism, as Chen herself acknowledges: “Chinese Occidentalism is the product of Western Orientalism, even if its aims are largely and specifically Notes 149 Chinese” (Ibid., 5). On the one hand, I am not denying that Hu’s worldview is highly influenced by the Western thought, but I do not think that should be considered a case study of Western world domination. On the other hand, the emphasis of my discussion is certainly not on the workings of power relationship. My choice not to focus on them is a response to the overarching power of the theory of power. Sometimes one wonders whether obsessively talking about power merely reinforces that power, verbally and in other ways. For this reason, I prefer a more neutral term such as transculturation. 20. Hu Shi, “Some Modest Suggestions for Literary Reform,” Denton, 123. 21. Ibid., 124. 22. Ibid., 138. 23. Hu Shi, “Jianshe de wenxue geming lun” (“Toward a Constructive Theory of Literary Revolution”), in Zhao Jiabi, vol.1, 127–128. 24. See Bruno Migliorni, The Italian Language (Boston: Faber and Faber, 1984). The vernacular gained considerable ground in the fourteenth century, although the main contributions to the development of the vulgar tongue were made by the likes of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio, who drew strength from their knowledge of the classics and in their efforts to give artistic nobility to Italian. In the early fifteenth century, the vernacular went through a crisis. The humanists’ exaltation of Latin lowered the vernacular in public esteem. However, in the last decades of the century, the humanists’ search for a pure Latin only increased the uses of the vernacular in practical spheres. Between 1470 and 1550, printing made a decisive contribution to the stability and uniformity of language in Italy. The final codification of a standard written language occurred in the sixteenth century. The national language of Italy that Hu refers to did not even exist until a unified Italy was established in the nineteenth century. 25. Volosinov. V. N. “Verbal Interaction,” in Semiotics: An Introductory Anthology, ed. Robert Innis (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), 52–53. 26. For a recent book that examines the phenomenon of other Renaissances, see Brenda Schildgen, Gang Zhou and Sander Gilman, eds., Other Renaissances: A New Approach to World Literature (Palgrave/Macmillan, 2006). 27. David Kopf, British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance: the Dynamics of Indian Modernization 1773–1885 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 123. 28. Hu Shi, The Chinese Renaissance (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1933), 46. 29. Aurobindo, 1–2 30. Ibid., 3. 31. The Bengali Renaissance traces its origin to the ancient Aryan civilization. The Aryans brought to India the Vedas and Brahmanism, with their sacred language, Sanskrit. The Bengali Renaissance, usually also labeled the Indian Renaissance, came to marginalize the Southern Indian Tamil Renaissance that began during the second half of the nineteenth century. The Tamil Renaissance espouses a separate “Dravidian” identity. See Francis Britto, Diglossia: A Study of the Theory with Application to Tamil (Georgetown University Press, 1986); also see Schildgen, 150 Notes “Sri Aurobindo: Renaissance in India and the Italian Renaissance.” in Schildgen, Other Renaissances. 32. Quoted from G. Smith, Life of Alexander Duff (New York: A. C. Armstrong and Son, 1879), I, 118. 33. David Kopf’s seminal work British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance: The Dynamics of Indian Modernization (1783–1835) is one of the great examples, although the concept of “hybridity” itself is best explored in Homi Bhabha’s theorization. 34. Report of the Second Indian National Congress, 2. Quoted from Sankar Ghose, The Renaissance to Militant Nationalism in India (Bombay, Calcutta, New Delhi, Madras, Bangalore: Allied Publishers, 1969), 8. 35. Schildgen, “Sri Aurobindo: Renaissance in India and the Italian Renaissance,” 140. 36. See Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Book, 1979). 37. See R. Amritavalli and K. A. Jayaseelan, “India,” in Simpson, 55–83 38. Speeches by Lord Macaulay with His Minute on Indian Education, 1979 [1935]. 39. Ghose, The Renaissance in India, 30–31. 40. Ibid., 27. 41. The kind of harmonious relationship with the English language that Aurobindo experienced became impossible as India went further down the road to national independence. A year after India had attained independence, Jawaharlal Nehru, speaking in English at the Constituent Assembly in Delhi on May 16, 1949, said: “Here I am the patent example of these English contacts, speaking in this Honorable House in the English language. No doubt we are going to change that language for our use, but the fact remains that I am doing so and the fact remains that most other members who will speak will also do so.” H. J. S. Cotton, New India or India in Transition (London, 1886) But as of today, English, a “foreign” language, remains an “associate official language” in India. 42. In one of her articles on translation, G.C. Spivak tells the other side of the “vernacularization” story in India. “[F]rom the end of the eighteenth century, the fashioners of the new Bengali prose purged the language of the Arabic- Persian content until, in Michael Madhusudan Dutt’s (1824–73) great blank verse poetry, and the Bangadarshan (1872–76) magazine edited by the immensely influential nov- elist Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyaya (1838–94), a grand and fully Sanskritized Bengali emerged . . . A corresponding movement of purging the national language Hindi of its Arabic and Persian elements has been under way since independence in 1947” (in Nation, Language, and the Ethics of Translation, ed. Sandra Berman and Michael Wood [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005], 98). The kind of “synthesis” emphasized in Aurobindo’s paradigm was probably also oriented towards certain parties and certain relationships. 43. See Sasson Somekh, Genre and Language in Modern Arabic Literature (Otto Harrassowitz Wiesbaden, 1991). 44. Quoted from M. Pei, The Story of Language (New York, 1960), 159. 45. See Anwar Chejne, The Arabic Language: Its Role in History (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1969). Notes 151 46. Ibid., 20. 47. Taha Husayn, the great Egyptian writer (1889–1973), states: “I am now and will always remain unalterably opposed to those who regard the colloquial as a suit- able instrument for mutual understanding and a method for realizing the various goals of our intellectual life . . . The colloquial lacks the qualities to make it wor- thy of the name of a language. I look on it as a dialect that has been corrupted in many respects. It might disappear, as it were, into the classical if we devoted the necessary effort on the one hand to elevate the cultural level of the people and on the other to simplify and reform the classical so that the two meet at a common point.” Husayn, The Future of Culture in Egypt, trans. Sidney Glazer (Washington: American Council of Learned Society, 1954), 86. 48. Seybolt & Chiang, Language Reform in China (New York: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1979), 18–19. 49. The Constitution of India considers twenty- two languages the “major” languages of India, including Assamese, Bengali, Hindi, Sanskrit, Urdu, Tamil, and Telugu. 50. Sheldon Pollock, “India in the Vernacular Millennium: Literary Culture and Polity 1000–1500,” Daedalus 127 (3): 41.

Three The Shaky House

1. Huang Zunxian, Renjinglu shicao jianzhu, ed. Qian Ersun (Shanghai, 1981). 2. Although Huang Zunxian himself never used the term “Poetic Revolution” in his own writing, he was frequently praised by Liang Qichao, who states “Huang Zunxian’s poetry has opened up a new realm. He stands alone in the world of twentieth- century poetry, and all consider him a great author.” See J.D. Schmidt, Within the Human Realm: The Poetry of Huang Zunxian: 1848–1905 (Cambridge University Press, 2007), 47. 3. Ibid., 65. 4. Cohen, 6. 5. The name of the studio was taken from the famous couplet by Tao Yuanming (365–427), “I built my studio near where humans dwell, and yet there is no clamor of carriages and horses.” 6. Noriko Kamachi, Reform in China: Huang Tsun- hsien and the Japanese Model (Cambridge University Press, 1981), 237. 7. See Leo Lee, Voices from the Iron House: A Study of Lu Xun (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987). 8. Shu- mei Shih, The Lure of the Modern: Writing Modernism in Semicolonial China: 1917–1937 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 71. 9. See Dolezelova- Velingerova and Oldrich Kral, eds., The Appropriation of Cultural Capital: China’s May Fourth Project (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001). 10. Heidegger, 57. 152 Notes 11. Leo Lee, The Romantic Generation of Modern Chinese Writers (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973), 81. 12. Sun Yurong, ed., Yu Pingbo yanjiu ziliao (Research Material on Yu Pingbo) (Tianjing: Renmin chubanshe, 1981), 119. 13. Peter Burke, “Heu domine, adsunt Turcae: A Sketch for a Social History of Post- Medieval Latin,” in Language, Self, and Society: A Social History of Language, ed. Peter Burke and Roy Porter (Polity Press, 1991), 23–50. 14. Michelle Yeh, Modern Chinese Poetry: Theory and Practice Since 1917 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991). 15. Yu- sheng Lin, The Crisis of Chinese Consciousness: Radical Anti- Traditionalism in the May Fourth Ear (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1979). 16. In the early 1900s, when studying in Japan, Lu Xun used old baihua to translate science and adventure fictions. His translations of Jules Verne’s Voyage to the Moon and Voyage to the Center of the Earth were published in 1906. Interestingly enough, the last two chapters of Lu Xun’s translation of Voyage to the Moon were predominated by classical Chinese. It seems like Lu Xun changed plans in terms of his language choice. My guess is that Lu Xun felt more at home with classical Chinese, so when he tried to finish the translation in a hurry, he switched to classical Chinese. The language of Lu Xun’s translation of Voyage to the Center of the Earth was also an interesting mixture, predominantly classical Chinese, but interspersed with many vernacular phrases (Lennart Lundberg, Lu Xun as a Translator, [Stockholm: Orientaliska Studier, 1989], 37). During the same period, Lu Xun and his brother, Zhou Zuoren, employed classical Chinese as the literary medium to translate their favorite Russian and Eastern European literary works, which resulted in the publication of Yuwai xiaoshuo ji (Anthology of Foreign Fiction) in 1909. When Lu Xun wrote his first real short story, “Huai jiu” (“Looking Back to the Past”), in 1911, again he chose to use classical Chinese. Here, we see clearly how such conventional language attitude had to be completely reverted for Lu Xun to be able to write his revolutionary piece “Diary of a Madman” in 1918. Lu Xun’s almost obsessive need to condemn classical Chinese may well have attested to the kind of traumatic experience he had to undergo to embrace new vernacular writing. 17. Jon Kowallis, The Lyrical Lu Xun: A Study of His Classical-Style Verse (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1996), 1. 18. Michel Hockx, “Liu Banong and the Forms of New Poetry,” Journal of Modern Literature in Chinese, vol.3, no.2 (Jan. 2000): 83–118. 19. Xiao Binru ed., Liu Dabai yanjiu ziliao (Research Material on Liu Dabai) (Tianjing: Renmin chubanshe, 1981), 109. 20. Cited from Henry Zhao, The Uneasy Narrator: Chinese Fiction from the Traditional to the Modern (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 90. 21. See Patrick Hanan’s work. Also, see Jian Xu’s essay, “The Will to the Transaesthetic: The Truth Content of Lu Xun’s Fiction,” (Modern Chinese Literature and Culture, vol.11, no.2 [Spring 1999]: 61–92), where he gives a comprehensive account of different readings of “Diary of a Madman,” both in China and in the West. Notes 153 22. Zhong- qi Cai, Configurations of Comparative Poetics: Three Perspectives on Western and Chinese Literary Criticism (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2002), 68. 23. In one of his essays on modern Chinese short stories, “Guanyu zhongguo xiandai duanpian xiaoshuo” (“On Modern Chinese Short Stories”), Chen Sihe also uses “internal splitting” to describe the unique feature of Lu Xun’s “Diary of a Madman.” He writes, “The story’s merit lies not in perfection or artistic harmony but in its unique feature of ‘internal splitting.’ In terms of its language, the story combines classical Chinese and the Europeanized modern vernacular. The diary proper composed of a large number of odd sentences written according to western grammar contrasts sharply with the preface written in fluent classical Chinese, which immediately outperform the soft and plain traditional vernacular.” While I agree with Chen’s observation on the unsettling and conflicting nature of the linguistic medium of “Diary of a Madman,” I want to push his argument one step further. I argue that the “internal splitting” of Lu Xun’s text should not only be approached from the perspective of formal linguistics but also from that of social linguistics, because this “internal splitting” allows us to see how Lu Xun’s text was linked to the revolutionary cause of inaugurating the vernacular and, in addition to that, to see how Lu Xun as a transitional writer had to struggle to come to terms with a new form of writing. 24. When Petrarch decided to write an epic (Africa), he chose Latin as its linguistic medium. 25. See Dante, Inferno, 27–29. 26. Yu Dafu, Guoquji (The Past), 56. 27. Yu Dafu, “Sinking” in The Columbia Anthology of Modern Chinese Literature, ed. Joseph Lau and Howard Goldblatt (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 44. 28. Ibid., 46. 29. See Hanan, Chinese Fiction of the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries. 30. Henry Zhao, The Uneasy Narrator, 277. 31. Karatani Kojin, Origins of Modern Japanese Literature, trans. Brett De Bary (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1993), 69. 32. Yu, “Sinking,” 52. 33. Ibid, 52. 34. Ibid, 52–53. 35. Ibid, 53. 36. Ibid, 66. 37. Lee, The Romantic Generation of Modern Chinese Writers, 91. 38. Yu, “Sinking,” 51. 39. Karatani Kojin, Origins of Modern Japanese Literature, 71. 40. Natsume Soseki, “Bungakuron,” NSZ (The Complete Works of Natsume Soseki), vol. 16, 8–9, Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1960; also Ibid., 17–18 41. Ibid., 44. 42. Levy, Sirens of the Western Shore. 154 Notes 43. Antoine Berman, The Experience of the Foreign: Cultural and Translation in Romantic Germany, trans. S. Heyvaert (State University of New York Press, 1984), 4. 44. Ibid., 25–26. 45. Dimock, Through Other Continents, 74. 46. Chang Sung-sheng Yvonne, “Taiwanese New Literature and the Colonial Context: A Historical Survey,” in Taiwan: A New History, ed. Murray A. Rubinstein (M.E. Sharpe, 1999), 269. 47. Huang Chengcong, “Lun puji baihuawen de xinshiming” (“The New Mission of Promoting the Vernacular”) and Huang Chaoqin , “Hanwen gaige lun” (“On the Reform of Hanwen”), in Rijuxia taiwan xinwenxue wenxian ziliao xuanji (Selected Research Materials On Taiwan New Literature under Japanese Colonial Rule), ed. Li Nanheng (Mingtan chubanshe, 1979), 6–19 and 20–35. 48. Huang Shihui, “Zeme bu tichang xiangtu wenxue” (“Why Not Promote Local Literature?”) Wurenbao, 1930, 10, 6. 49. Frank Stone, The Rub of Cultures in Modern Turkey (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1973), 28. 50. Ibid., 28. 51. In The Turkish Muse (Syracuse University Press, 2006), Talat Halman describes the language crisis the Turkish Republic faces in the present day: “a vast transformation, broader than the language reform undertaken by any other nation— vocabulary that consisted of seventy- five percent Arabic, Persian, and French words in 1920 increased its ratio of native words to eighty percent and reduced borrowings to only twenty percent by the 1970s,” 20. 52. Ibid., 20. 53. See Jing Tsu’s Failure, Nationalism, and Literature: The Making of Modern Chinese Identity, 1895–1937 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005), 195. 54. Cited from Lee, The Romantic Generation of Modern Chinese Writers, 90. 55. Yu, “Sinking,” 51. 56. Ludovico Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), 2. 57. Paolo Valesio, “The Language of Madness in the Renaissance,” Yearbook of Italian Studies, 1, 1971, 219.

Four The “Vernacular Only” Writing Mode

1. Liu Yazi, Nanshe Jilue (A Brief Account of Southern Society) (Shanghai: Shanghai kaihua shuju, 1940), 123. 2. Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, trans. Michael Holquist and Caryl Emerson (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981), 271–72. 3. See Liu Yazi, Liu Yazi Shuxin Ji (Collected Letters of Liu Yazi) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1984). 4. In fact, Lu Xun did the same thing before he decided to participate in the May Fourth literary revolution. Notes 155 5. See Yang Tianshi and Wang Xuezhuang, eds., Nansheshi changbian (An Extensive History of Southern Society) (Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 1995), 550. 6. Ibid., 584. 7. See Liu Wu-chi, “Biographical Account of Liu Yazi,” in Liu Yazi zizhuan nianpu riji (Liu Yazi: Autobiography, Chronology, Diary) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1986), 418. 8. See Wang Yao, Zhongguo xin wenxue shigao (A Draft History of Modern Chinese Literature) (Shanghai: kaiming shudian, 1951); Also see C.T. Hsia, A History of Modern Chinese Fiction, Amitendranath Tagore, Literary Debates in Modern China, 1918–1937 (Tokyo: The Center for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1967); Chen Jingzhi, Xinwenxue yundong de zuli (Resistance to the New Literature Movement) (Taipei: Chengwen, 1980). 9. As Lydia Liu astutely observes, the first issue of Critical Review was adorned with stately portraits of Confucius and Socrates printed back to back. See Liu, 247. 10. Zhang Shizhao, “Ping xinwenhua yundong” (“Criticism of the New Cultural Movement”) in Zhao Jiabi, ed., vol. 2. 11. See C.T. Hsia, 12. 12. See Hu Shi, “Lao Zhang you fanpan le” (“Lao Zhang Has Rebelled Again”) in Guoyu weekly, Vol. 12, August 1925. 13. See Zhang Shizhao, “Ping xinwenhua yundong.” 14. See Leo Lee, Shanghai Modern: The Flowering of a New Urban Culture in China, 1930–1945 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), 46–47. 15. Ma Xuexin et al., eds. Shanghai wenhua yuanliu cidian (A Dictionary of Cultural Sources in Shanghai) (Shanghai: Shanghai shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, 1992), 199. 16. Liang Qichao, Intellectual Trends in the Ch’ing Period, trans. Hsu, 102; original in Qingdai xueshu gailun, 85–86. 17. Citing Wang Yuanhua, Theodore Huters points out that Du Yaquan’s dismissal as editor at Dongfang zazhi was due to his resistance to the wholesale adoption of the vernacular and the management’s fear of possible consequences for the textbook market. See Theodore Huters, Bringing the World Home: Appropriating the West in Late Qing and Early Republican China (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2005), 227. 18. Du Yaquan, “Lun tongsuwen” (“On the Common Language”), Dongfang zazhi, vol.16, no.12 (1919). 19. Joan Judge, Print and Politics: ‘Shibao’ and the Culture of Reform in Late Qing China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 1. 20. Du Yaquan, “Lun tongsuwen.” 21. Wang Dungen, “Remarks on the Publication of Saturday,” in Denton, 243. 22. Michel Hockx, “Playing the Field, Aspects of Chinese Literary Life in the 1920s,” in The Literary Field of Twentieth- Century China, ed. Michel Hockx (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999), 61–2. 156 Notes 23. Jianhua Chen, “Canon Formation and Linguistic Turn: Literary Debates in Republican China, 1919–1949,” in Beyond the May Fourth Paradigm: In Search of Chinese Modernity, ed. Chow Kai- wing, (Lexington Books, 2008), 53. 24. Link, 20. 25. Ibid, 59–60. 26. Jianhua Chen, “Canon Formation and Linguistic Turn,” 62. 27. Ibid, 63. 28. See Milena Dolezelova- Velingerova and Oldrich Kral, eds. The Appropriation of Cultural Capital; also see Michel Hockx, “Is There a May Fourth Literature? A Reply to Wang Xiaoming.” 29. The example of scholarships in the West that challenged the conventional view of “Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies” literature include Perry Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies: Popular Fiction in Early Twentieth-Century Chinese Cities; Denise Gimpel, Lost Voices of Modernity: A Chinese Popular Fiction Magazine in Context (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2001); and Jianhua Chen, A Myth of Violet: Zhou Shoujuan and the Literary Culture of Shanghai, 1911–1927 (Ph.D dissertation, Harvard University, 2002). In China, there appeared in recent years numerous reprints of Butterf ly works; most notably, in 1997 Shanghai Dongfang chuban zhongxin published the eight- volume Compendium of Essays of the Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies School (Yuanyang hudie pai sanwen daxi), (reminiscent of the Compendium of Modern Chinese Literature, a ten- volume collection of canonical works of May Fourth progressive writers). 30. See Rey Chow’s Woman and Chinese Modernity: The Politics of Reading between West and East (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), which challenges the conventional paradigm by introducing the gender perspective. Other scholars, like Wendy Larson, Tani Barlow, and Dai Jinghua, have also done substantial works on women writers in the context of modern Chinese literature. 31. See David Der-wei Wang, Fin- de-Siecle (French) Splendor: Repressed Modernities of Late Qing Fiction, 1849–1911 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997). For works by historians that focus on alternative voices in early Republican China, see Charlotte Furth, ed., The Limits of Change: Essays on Conservative Alternatives in Republican China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976) and Prasenjit Durara’s Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995). Other recent publications that focus on the same period, see Jon Kowallis, The Subtle Revolution: Poets of the “Old Schools” During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 2005); and Theodore Huters, Bringing the World Home. 32. Yang and Wang, eds, Nansheshi changbian, 654. 33. Not by coincidence, we see scholars in the United States making efforts to recover a multilingual America against the English Only myth that had long shaped people’s understanding of America and American literature. 34. Dante, De Vulgari Eloquentia, 27–41. Notes 157 35. Paula Blank, Broken English: Dialects and Politics in Renaissance Writing (New York: Routledge, 1996). 36. Peter Burke, Languages and Communities in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge University Press, 2004), 65. 37. Ibid., 67. 38. Ibid., 55–56. 39. Anderson, 68. 40. Tony Crowley, “Bakhin and the History of the Language,” in Bakhtin and Cultural Theory, ed. Ken Hirschkop and David Shepherd (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2001), 185. 41. Indra Levy, “The Modern Japanese Vernacular as a Femme Fatale,” AAS 2008 paper. 42. Works that have touched upon this matter include Indra Levy’s Sirens of the Western Shore and Vicente L. Rafael’s Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Christian Conversion in Tagalog Society under Early Spanish Rule (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988). 43. Karatani Kojin, Origins of Modern Japanese Literature, 45. 44. See, Geoffrey Lewis, The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success (Oxford University Press, 1999). 45. Katznelson, “Language Insomnia.” According to the translator, the original title, nedudey lashon, is untranslatable. Literally, it means “language wandering,” meaning “shifting from language to language.” 46. Ibid., 184. 47. Ibid., 185. 48. Benjamin Harshav, Language in Time of Revolution (University of California Press, 1993), 138. 49. Ibid., 138–139 50. Ibid., 87.

Epilogue

1. Ja le Pa r l a , “ T he Wou nd e d Ton g ue: Tu r ke y’s L a n g u a g e Re for m a nd t he C a non ic it y of the Novel,” PMLA, vol.123 (January 2008) no.1: 27. 2. Chen Jianhua, “Canon Formation and Linguistic Turn,” 52. 3. Zheng Min, “Shiji mo de huigu: Hanyu yuyan biange yu Zhongguo xinshi chuangzuo” (“A Fin- de-Siecle (French) Retrospect: The Transformation of the Chinese Language and the Creation of Chinese New Poetry), Wenxue Pinglun, no. 3, 1993: 5–20. 4. Chen Jianhua, “Canon Formation and Linguistic Turn,” 64. 5. Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World (Oxford University Press, 1986), vii. 6. Wai Chee Dimock, “American Literature and Islamic Time,” in Damrosch, Teaching World Literature, 306. 158 Notes 7. Chen Sihe, “Ershi shiji zhongwai wenxue guanxi yanjiuzhong de ‘shijiexing yinsu’ de jidian sikao” (“Thoughts on ‘World Elements’ in the Study of the 20th Century Foreign Literary Relations”), in Kuawenhua yanjiu: shenme shi bijiao wenxue (A Cross-Cultural Study: What Is Comparative Literature), ed. Yan Shaodang and Chen Sihe (Beijing: Peking University Press, 2007), 145. 8. Most noticeable are Gayatri Spivak’s Death of a Discipline (Columbia University Press, 2002), Emily Apter’s The Translation Zone: A New Comparative Literature (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2006), and Comparative Literature in an Age of Globalization, ed. Haun Saussy (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2004). 9. Damrosch, What Is World Literature? 282 10. Ibid., 283. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Abramovitsh, S.Y., 8 Bengali language, 10, 63–64, 67, Aeneid, 102 150n40 Al-Fusha (classical Arabic), 10, 67–71, 132 Ben-Yehuda, Eliezer, 134 Al-Nahdah (Arab Renaissance), 60, 67, Bible, 26, 80, 97 69–71, 140 Bilingualism, 70, 83, 124, 143n10 Ammiyya (local dialects, Arabic), 68 Bi-lingualism, 83, 93–94, 137 Analects, 18, 22 Boccaccio, 59, 127, 149n24 Anderson, Benedict, 3–4, 10, 129–130, Book of Great Unity, 16–17, 24, 28, 110 141n7 Bourdieu, Pierre, 76 Ariosto, Ludovico, 102–103, 140 Burckhardt, Jacob, 46–47, 147n4 Ataturk, Mustafa Kemal, 100 Burke, Peter, 46, 128

Ba Jin, 83 Cai Yuanpei, 34, 107, 111 Babbitt, Irving, 111 Cao Xueqin, 56, 112 Babel story, 1–3 Chen Diexian, 89 Bacon, Francis, 24 Chen Duxiu, 33–38, 50–51, 111, 117, Baihua (vernacular, Chinese), 4, 7, 135–136 18–23, 33–44, 56–60, 61, 67–68, Chen Qubing, 111 77–83, 89–90, 98–99, 105–106, Chen Sihe, 137–138, 153 110, 111–114, 117–119, 124–125, Chinese language, 17, 24–26, 35–37, 144n11, 152n16 100, 110, 135 Bakhtin, Mikhail, 106, 142n12 Chinese Renaissance, 45–53, 53–60, Bao Tianxiao, 31, 40, 124 61–62, 67, 70–71, 140 Beijing University, 34–35, 49, 58, 111 Chinese script, 36–37, 66 Bellamy, Edward, 16 Civil service exams, 29, 78 Bellay, Joachim du, 97, 127–128 Common language, 118–119 Bembo, Pietro, 97, 127 Confucian tradition, 11, 18, 22, 24, 34, Bengal Renaissance (also known as 35, 93, 96, 107, 112, 130, 131 Indian Renaissance), 60–67, 70–71, Critical Review, 111–112, 123 140 Curtius, Ernst Robert, 11 174 Index Damrosch, David, 12–13, 139–140 Galilei, Galileo, 129 Dante Alighieri, 10, 11–12, 56, 57, 59, Gao Xu, 111 80, 86, 97, 98, 127–129, 131–132, Genbun itchi, 8, 27, 36, 89, 95 140, 149n24 German language, 68, 69, 78, 91, 97, De vulgari eloquentia, 1–3, 11, 56, 59, 110, 128–129 127–128 Germanization (Verdeutschung), 97 Dewey, John, 42, 45 Ghose, Sri Aurobindo, 10, 62–67, 150n41 Di Baoxian, 118 Giles, Peter, 23 Dialect, 26–27, 31, 64, 67–70, 97, 99, Greek, 1, 2, 69, 86, 112, 128 127, 143n10, 143–144n11, 151n47 Gu Jiegang, 35 Diary of a Madman, 8, 11–12, 83–87, Guanhua (Mandarin), 26, 27, 31, 42, 67, 93–94, 96, 140, 152n16, 153n23 68, 99, 144n11 Dimock, Wai Chee, 9, 97, 137–138 Guoyu (national language), 41–42 Diglossia, 17–18, 20, 23, 31, 40, 74, 86, Guoyin (national pronunciation), 27, 42 118, 143n10, 144n21, 149n31 Multi-glossia, 83, 94, 104, 137 Hebrew language, 8, 10, 61, 132–134 Ding Ling, 83 Heidegger, Martin, 7, 77, 142n11 Divine Comedy, 11, 80, 86, 97, 140 Heine, Heinrich, 91 Don Quixote, 102 Herder, Johann Gottfried von, 129 Dream of the Red Chamber, 20, 84 Hindi Language, 70, 150n42, 151n49 Du Fu, 56 Hong Xiuquan, 109 Du Yaquan, 117–120, 155n17 Hsia, C.T. 44, 112 Hu Shi, 5, 6, 10, 11, 31, 33–44, 45–47, Eco, Umberto, 2 54–60, 61, 62, 67, 71, 73, 76, 78, English language, 10, 23–24, 29, 32, 79, 98, 111, 113, 116, 135–136 35, 37, 63–65, 67, 70, 73, 78, 87, Hu Xiansu, 111 90, 92, 93, 95, 110, 128, 140, Huang Chaoqin, 99 144n21n22, 145n37, 146n38, Huang Chengcong, 99 150n41, 156n33 Huang Shihui, 99 Erasmus, Desiderius, 128 Huang Zunxian, 27, 35, 73–75, 83, Esperanto, 110, 146 151n2 European Renaissance, 8, 10, 36, 45–53, Hundred Days’ Reform, 28–29, 74 57–58, 60, 62–63, 70, 73, 102, 131, 137, 148n17 Ibsen, Henrik, 112 Europeanization, 43 Ideal language (perfect language), 2, 3, 5, 7, 10–11, 15–17, 24–25, 27–29, Ferguson, Charles, 17–18, 20, 23, 39, 132, 134 143n10,n11 Italian language, 2, 25, 53, 59–60, French language, 25, 35, 37, 69, 73, 97, 68–69, 97, 127–129, 149n24 110, 127–128, 134, 142n11, 144n22, Italian Renaissance, 59, 97 154n51 French Renaissance, 97 Japanese I-novel, 89, 101 Fu Sinian, 35, 36, 42, 60 Japanese language, 6, 8, 12, 27–28, Futabatei Shimei, 8, 12, 96, 140 30–31, 36, 75, 95, 98 Index 175 Japanese loanwords, 28, 31 Luther, Martin, 56, 97–98, 128 Japanese Meiji period, 8, 12, 27, 30, 89, Lu Xun, 8, 11, 12, 32, 34, 36, 80–82, 95–96, 98 83–87, 93–94, 96–97, 101, 125, Jones, Richard Foster, 32, 145n37, 146n38 126, 140, 152n16, 153n23 Journey to the West, 20, 21 Luo Jialun, 35, 60

Kang Baiqing, 35 Macaulay, 65 Kang Youwei, 5, 16–17, 24–29, 35, 39, Mao Dun, 121–122 73, 74, 107, 110 Mao Zedong, 126 Karatani Kojin, 89–90, 95 Maupassant, Guy de, 112 Katznelson, Rachel, 132–133 May Fourth generation, 32, 74–76, 78, Kopf, David, 60–61, 150n33 96, 98, 99, 131 May Fourth movement, 44, 50, 52, 117, Lai He, 98 146n40, 148n17 Language attitude, 5, 6, 17, 32, 64, 74, May Fourth vernacular movement, 6, 77, 86, 94, 125, 152n16 7, 10, 11, 33–44, 60, 61, 70, 73, 98, Language choice, 8, 20, 23, 64, 65, 94, 105, 125, 131, 135–137 97, 129, 133, 152n16 Mei Guangdi, 111–112 Language discourse, 5, 6, 22–24, 33–44, Michelangelo, 46 53–60, 61, 67, 71, 98–99, 129 Modernity, 3, 10, 23, 30, 46, 51, 60–62, Dead vs. living language, 39, 40, 136 71, 101, 112, 114, 126, 129, 130, 132 Spoken vs. written language, 16, 27, Monolingualism, 7, 16, 70, 107, 125–127, 36, 56, 131, 143n11 136, 142n Language revolution, 4, 17, 42, 76, 100, More, Thomas, 15, 17, 23, 24, 140, 114 144n21 Language war, 9, 61, 67, 85, 94, 123, Moretti, Franco, 12–13, 141–142n8 131, 135 Mori Ogai, 95 Late Qing language reform, 23, 28, 35, 37, 39, 90 National language, 3, 5, 7, 16, 23–27, Latin, 1–2, 11–12, 18, 23–24, 47, 56–57, 41–44, 47, 57–59, 64, 67–68, 90, 59, 69, 73, 80, 97, 128–129, 131, 98, 111, 113, 114, 124, 126, 149n24, 144n22, 149n24, 153n24 150n42 Lenin, Vladimir, 109 National language movement (guoyu Li Zhi, 21–22, 24 yundong), 26, 39, 42, 90 Liang Qichao, 17, 26, 27, 28, 30–31, 35, National Language Study Society 39, 48, 73, 74, 83, 107, 116, 118, 119 (Guoyu yanjiuhui), 42 Lin Shu, 30–31, 83, 111, 123 Natsume Soseki, 95–96, 98 Lingua franca, 27, 97, 130 New Atlantis, 24 Literacy, 23, 26, 29, 73 “New style,” 28, 30–31, 79, 116, 119 Liu Bannong, 37, 82 New Tide, 35, 42, 49 Liu Dabai, 82, 83, 94, 125, 134 New Youth, 33–34, 37–39, 41–42, 51, 54, Liu Hsieh, 19 58, 81, 82, 85, 87, 94, 117, 125 Liu Yazi, 105–111, 113, 114, 126 Lomonosov, 68 Orlando Furioso, 102–103, 140 176 Index Petrarch, Francesco, 86, 127, 149n24, Tolstoy, Leo, 112 153n24 Tongcheng-style, 31 Pleiade, 127 Tongguang school, 126 Translingual practice, 5–6, 76 Qian Xuantong, 35, 37, 38, 82, 85, 111 Transnational vernacular movement, Qiu Tingliang, 29 4–5, 10, 12, 132, 134, 137, 139, Qu Qiubai, 43 140 Questione della lingua, 97, 102, 127 Trigault, Nicolas, 26 Quoc ngu, 130 Turkish language reform, 9, 99–100, 131, 135, 137 Romanization, 9, 25–27, 36–37, 39, 90, 130, 145n29 Ukigumo, 8, 12, 96, 140 Ronsard, Pierre de, 127 Utopia, 15–17, 23–24, 140 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 112 Roy, Rammohan, 63, 65 Vasari, Giorgio, 48, 53 Ricci, Matteo, 26 Vernacular Only, 7, 67, 81, 105–106, Russian language, 68–69, 110, 134, 107, 119, 126, 136 152n16 Vernacularization, 6–10, 12–13, 18–20, 40, 45, 71, 90, 119, 129, 130, Said, Edward, 65 150n42 Sanskrit, 10, 63–67, 70, 149n31, 150n42, Vietnamese language, 130 151n49 Virgil, 11, 59, 86, 97, 102 Saturday, 122, 124 Volosinvov, V.N., 60 Saussure, Ferdinand de, 136 Seyfettin, Omer, 100 Wang Dungen, 122 “Shaky House” family, 8–9, 75, 83, Wang T’ao, 74 96–98 Wang Tongzhao, 83 Shaw, Bernard, 112 Wang Yangming, 22, 144n18 Shen Congwen, 83 Wang Zhao, 26, 42 Shen Xue, 26 Wenxin diaolong, 19 Shi Nai’an, 56 Wenyan (classical Chinese), 4, 7, Sichel, Edith, 45–47, 49, 147n1 18–22, 30–33, 35–41, 44, 54, 59, Sinking, 78, 87–92, 93–94, 101 61, 66–68, 70, 78–83, 93–94, Southern Society, 111, 126 105–108, 110–114, 123–126, New Southern Society, 110–111 130–131, 135–136, 143n11, Spanish language, 69 152n16, 153n23 Su Manshu, 89 Wordsworth, William, 87, 92 Sun Yat-sen, 74, 107 World literature, 4–5, 8–9, 12, 62, 71, 97–98, 110, 137–140, 141–142n8 Tai-oan-oe, 99 Wu Cheng-en, 20–21 Taiwan, 71, 98–99, 137 Wu Jianren, 89 Tamil Renaissance, 67, 149n31 Wu Mi, 111–112 Tao Yuanming, 56, 151n5 Wu Rulun, 26, 42 Index 177 Wu Woyao, 56 Yuanyang hudie pai (Mandarin Duck Wu Yu, 34 and Butterfly school), 123, 125, 156n29 Xin Qiji, 56 Zhang Shizhao, 112–114, 123 Yan Fu, 83 Zhang Taiyan, 48 Yiddish language, 8, 132–134 Zhang Wojun, 98 Young Pens, 100 Zheng Min, 135 Yu, Ying-shih, 52 Zhou Zuoren, 34, 42, 43–44, 82, 111, Yu Dafu, 78, 82, 87, 90, 92, 93–94, 148n15, 152n16 101–102, 104, 126 Zhu Jingnong, 36–38 Yu Pingbo, 79, 94, 134 Zhuangzi, 56