Proceedings of the 18Th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar
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Proceedings of the 18th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar University of Washington Stefan Müller (Editor) 2011 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/HPSG/2011 The papers are published under a CC-BY license: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Contents 1 Editor’s Note 4 I Contributions to the Main Conference 5 Katya Alahverdzhieva, Alex Lascarides: An HPSG Approach to Synchronous Speech and Deixis 6 Douglas Ball: Morphology in the ‘Wrong’ Place: The Curious Case of Coast Tsimshian Connectives 25 Joshua Crowgey, Emily M. Bender: Analyzing Interacting Phenomena: Word Order and Negation in Basque 46 Michael Hahn: Null Conjuncts and Bound Pronouns in Arabic 60 Akio Hasegawa, Jean-Pierre Koenig: Focus particles, secondary mean- ings, and Lexical Resource Semantics: The case of Japanese shika 81 Jong-Bok Kim, Peter Sells: The English Binominal NP Construction: A Construction-Based Perspective 102 Hans-Ulrich Krieger, Bernd Kiefer: Converting CCGs into Typed Feature Structure Grammars 109 Robert Levine: Linearization and its discontents 126 Janna Lipenkova: Reanalysis of semantically required dependents as com- plements in the Chinese ba-construction 147 Stefan Müller, Bjarne Ørsnes: Positional Expletives in Danish, German, and Yiddish 167 Ivan A. Sag, Joanna Nykiel: Remarks on Sluicing 188 Juliette Thuilier: Case Suffixes and Postpositions in Hungarian 209 Heike Walker: Adjuncts and the HPSG Binding Theory 227 Andrew C. Wetta: A Construction-based Cross-linguistic Analysis of V2 Word Order 248 II Contributions to the Workshop 269 2 Anne Bjerre: Topic and focus in local subject extractions in Danish 270 Kordula De Kuthy, Detmar Meurers: Integrating GIVENness into a struc- tured meaning approach in HPSG 289 Jong-Bok Kim: Floating Numeral Classifiers in Korean: A Thematic- Structure Perspective 302 Caitlin Light: The information structure of subject extraposition in Early New High German 314 Jean-Marie Marandin: Subject Inversion in French. The Limits of Infor- mation Structure 327 Sanghoun Song, Emily M. Bender: Using Information Structure to Im- prove Transfer-based MT 348 Jon Stevens: Information Structure as Parallel Tree Building 369 3 1 Editor’s Note The 18th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (2011) was held at the University of Washington. The conference featured 2 invited talks and 16 papers, and 1 poster selected by the program committee (Anne Abeillé, Doug Arnold, Emily M. Bender, Philippe Blache, Olivier Bonami, Robert Borsley, Gosse Bouma, Rui Chaves, Berthold Crysmann (chair), Dan Flickinger, Danièle Godard, Lars Hellan, Anke Holler, Jong-Bok Kim, Jean-Pierre Koenig, Valia Kordoni, Anna Kupsc, Robert Levine, Rob Malouf, Nurit Melnik, Philip Miller, Stefan Müller, Gerald Penn, Adam Przepi- orkowski, Frank Richter, Ivan Sag, Manfred Sailer, Jesse Tseng, Frank Van Eynde, Gert Webelhuth, Stephen Wechsler, Shuichi Yatabe). A workshop about Information Structure and Formal Grammar was attached to the conference. It featured one invited talk and 8 papers and a poster, se- lected by the program committee of this workshop (Felix Bildhauer Daniel Büring Berthold Crysmann (chair) Kordula De Kuthy Elisabet Engdahl Claire Gardent Jonathan Ginzburg Tracy Holloway King Manfred Krifka Jean-Marie Marandin Laura Michaelis Stefan Müller Irina Nikolaeva Patrizia Paggio Arndt Riester Mats Rooth Mark Steedman Malte Zimmermann). We want to thank the respective program committees for putting this nice pro- gram together. Thanks go to Emily M. Bender (chair), Joshua Crowgey, Michael Goodman, Varya Gracheva, Prescott Klassen, Naoko Komoto, Clarissa Surek-Clark, Emily Silgard, Sanghoun Song, Lisa Tittle, and David Wax, who were in charge of local arrangements. As in the past years the contributions to the conference proceedings are based on the five page abstract that was reviewed by the respective program committees, but there is no additional reviewing of the longer contribution to the proceedings. To ensure easy access and fast publication we have chosen an electronic format. The proceedings include all the papers except those by Olivier Bonami, Rui Chaves, Anna Gazdik, Tibor Kiss, Mats Rooth, and Thomas Wasow and David Clausen. 4 Part I Contributions to the Main Conference An HPSG Approach to Synchronous Speech and Deixis Katya Alahverdzhieva Alex Lascarides University of Edinburgh University of Edinburgh Proceedings of the 18th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar University of Washington Stefan Müller (Editor) 2011 CSLI Publications pages 6–24 http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/HPSG/2011 Alahverdzhieva, Katya, & Lascarides, Alex. 2011. An HPSG Approach to Syn- chronous Speech and Deixis. In Müller, Stefan (Ed.), Proceedings of the 18th International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, University of Washington, 6–24. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Abstract The use of hand gestures to point at objects and individuals, or to nav- igate through landmarks on a virtually created map is ubiquitous in face- to-face conversation. We take this observation as a starting point, and we demonstrate that deictic gestures can be analysed on a par with speech by using standard methods from constraint-based grammars such as HPSG. In particular, we use the form of the deictic signal, the form of the speech signal (including its prosodic marking) and their relative temporal performance to derive an integrated multimodal tree that maps to an integrated multimodal meaning. The integration process is constrained via construction rules that rule out ill-formed input. These rules are driven from an empirical corporal study which sheds light on the interaction between speech and deictic ges- ture. 1 Introduction The use of deixis is highly pervasive in everyday communication. Through defi- nite referring expressions, pronouns and pointing gestures with the head and hand, people exploit the context of the communicative event in their communicative ac- tions, and likewise interlocutors exploit this to derive an interpretation of those actions. This paper provides a formal account of deictic (pointing) gestures per- formed by the hand (from now on called deixis) and it demonstrates that standard methods from formal linguistics—namely constraint-based grammars and compo- sitional semantics—can capture the various semantic relations between speech and deixis, and also the range of pragmatic use of deixis. To illustrate the distinct se- mantic relations and the distinct pragmatic uses, consider utterances (1) and (2).1 (1) And a as she [N said], it’s an environmentally friendly uh material . The speaker extends Right Hand (RH) with palm open up towards the other participant. (2) I [PN enter] :::my :::::::::::::[N apartment] RH and Left Hand (LH) are in centre, palms are open vertically, finger tips point forward; along with “enter” they move briskly downwards. The different ways the pointing hand is engaged in the communicative event to denote the speech content gives rise to distinct interpretations of deixis: the gesture in (1) can be interpreted as demarcating the spatial location of a concrete participant salient in the communicative situation, or also as pointing at an abstract object—here, the utterance introduced by the previous speaker, located at some 1In the utterance transcription, the speech signal that occurs at the same time as the expressive part of the gesture, the so called stroke, is underlined with a straight line, and the signal that temporally co-occurs with the hold after the stroke is underlined with a curved line. The pitch accented words are shown in square brackets with the accent type in the left corner: PN (pre-nuclear), NN (non-nuclear) and N (nuclear). 7 specific spatiotemporal coordinates. In comparison, the deixis in (2) can locate an object that is physically absent from the communicative situation—an apartment or an apartment entrance door—by placing it on a virtually created map. This gesture can also identify the abstract event of entering the apartment door. In the gesture community, the use of deixis to point at physically present individuals vs. individ- uals absent from the communicative event is what sets apart concrete deixis from abstract deixis (McNeill, 2005). This distinction is essential since it has effects on the speech-deixis integration, as we discuss in Section 3.1 and Section 5. With this in mind, the Logical Forms (LFs) contributed by (1) and (2) reflect the distinct gesture denotations, as well as the distinct relations between speech and deixis. We begin with the formalisation of multimodal utterance (1), with its two possible interpretations exhibited in (3a) and (3b). (3) a. π1 : ∃m(material(m) ∧ environmentally-friendly(m)) π2 : ∃s, g(she(s) ∧ said(e0,s,π1) ∧ loc(g,x,v(~px)) ∧ Identity(s,x)) ′ b. π1 : ∃m(material(m) ∧ environmentally-friendly(m)) ′ ′ ′ π2 : ∃s, g(she(s) ∧ said(e0,s,π1) ∧ classify(g,π1, v( ~ps)) ′ ∧Acceptance(π1, g)) To fit the current research in the broader context of formal semantics of gesture (Lascarides and Stone, 2009), (3a) and (3b) make use of the language of Seg- mented Discourse Representation Theory (SDRT, Asher and Lascarides (2003)) for interpreting gesture. Of course, the same information can be expressed in any other model of the semantic/pragmatic interface. Following Lascarides and Stone (2009), we use the predicates loc and classify to represent the literal and metaphor- ical deixis use; for instance, loc(g,x,v(~px)) states that the deictic gesture g intro- duces an individual x at the physical location v(~px) which is the proximal space projected from the tips of the fingers in the direction of the participant.2 In com- ′ parison, classify(g,π1, v( ~ps)) conveys the metaphorical deictic use to point at an ′ abstract object, namely, the utterance denoted by π1 “contained” in the spatial co- ordinates v( ~ps)). Finally, distinct semantic relations can be inferred between the speech content and these two alternative gesture contents: we state that an Identity relation holds between the referents s and x in (3a). Thus the gesture physically lo- cates the referent of “she” in physical space.