Modern Science in Portugal: the 'Sphere Lesson' in Colégio De Santo
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The Jesuits and the Galileo Affair Author(S): Nicholas Overgaard Source: Prandium - the Journal of Historical Studies, Vol
Early Modern Catholic Defense of Copernicanism: The Jesuits and the Galileo Affair Author(s): Nicholas Overgaard Source: Prandium - The Journal of Historical Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Spring, 2013), pp. 29-36 Published by: The Department of Historical Studies, University of Toronto Mississauga Stable URL: http://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/prandium/article/view/19654 Prandium: The Journal of Historical Studies Vol. 2, No. 1, (2013) Early Modern Catholic Defense of Copernicanism: The Jesuits and the Galileo Affair Nicholas Overgaard “Obedience should be blind and prompt,” Ignatius of Loyola reminded his Jesuit brothers a decade after their founding in 1540.1 By the turn of the seventeenth century, the incumbent Superior General Claudio Aquaviva had reiterated Loyola’s expectation of “blind obedience,” with specific regard to Jesuit support for the Catholic Church during the Galileo Affair.2 Interpreting the relationship between the Jesuits and Copernicans like Galileo Galilei through the frame of “blind obedience” reaffirms the conservative image of the Catholic Church – to which the Jesuits owed such obedience – as committed to its medieval traditions. In opposition to this perspective, I will argue that the Jesuits involved in the Galileo Affair3 represent the progressive ideas of the Church in the early seventeenth century. To prove this, I will argue that although the Jesuits rejected the epistemological claims of Copernicanism, they found it beneficial in its practical applications. The desire to solidify their status as the intellectual elites of the Church caused the Jesuits to reject Copernicanism in public. However, they promoted an intellectual environment in which Copernican studies – particularly those of Galileo – could develop with minimal opposition, theological or otherwise. -
1 Peter Mclaughlin the Question of the Authenticity of the Mechanical
Draft: occasionally updated Peter McLaughlin The Question of the Authenticity of the Mechanical Problems Sept. 30, 2013 Until the nineteenth century there was little doubt among scholars as to the authenticity of the Aristotelian Mechanical Problems. There were some doubters among the Renaissance humanists, but theirs were general doubts about the authenticity of a large class of writings, 1 not doubts based on the individual characteristics of this particular work. Some Humanists distrusted any text that hadn’t been passed by the Arabs to the Latin West in the High Middle Ages. However, by the end of the 18th century after Euler and Lagrange, the Mechanical Problems had ceased to be read as part of science and had become the object of history of science; and there the reading of the text becomes quite different from the Renaissance 2 readings. In his Histoire des mathématiques J.E. Montucla (1797) dismisses the Mechanical Problems with such epithets as “entirely false,” “completely ridiculous,” and “puerile.” William Whewell remarks in the History of the Inductive Sciences3 that “in scarcely any one instance are the answers, which Aristotle gives to his questions, of any value.” Neither of them, however, cast doubt on the authenticity of the work. Abraham Kaestner’s Geschichte der Mathematik (1796–1800) mentions doubts – but does not share them.4 Serious doubts about the authenticity of the Mechanical Problems as an individual work seem to be more a consequence of the disciplinary constitution of classical philology, particularly in nineteenth-century Germany. Some time between about 1830 and 1870, the opinion of most philologists shifted from acceptance to denial of the authenticity of the 5 Mechanical Problems. -
UC Davis UC Davis Previously Published Works
UC Davis UC Davis Previously Published Works Title The anthropology of incommensurability Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3vx742f4 Journal Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 21(2) ISSN 0039-3681 Author Biagioli, M Publication Date 1990 DOI 10.1016/0039-3681(90)90022-Z Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California MARIO BIAGIOLP’ THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF INCOMMENSURABILITY I. Incommensurability and Sterility SINCE IT entered the discourse of history and philosophy of science with Feyerabend’s “Explanation, Reduction, and Empiricism” and Kuhn’s The Structure of Scient$c Revolutions, the notion of incommensurability has problematized the debate on processes of theory-choice.’ According to Kuhn, two scientific paradigms competing for the explanation of roughly the same set of natural phenomena may not share a global linguistic common denominator. As a result, the possibility of scientific communication and dialogue cannot be taken for granted and the process of theory choice can no longer be reduced to the simple picture presented, for example, by the logical empiricists. By analyzing the dialogue (or rather the lack of it) between Galileo and the Tuscan Aristotelians during the debate on buoyancy in 1611-1613, I want to argue that incommensurability between competing paradigms is not just an unfortunate problem of linguistic communication, but it plays an important role in the process of scientific change and paradigm-speciation. The breakdown of communication during the -
Peter Rear * Jesuit Mathematical Science and the Reconstitution of Experience in the Early Seventeenth Century
PETER REAR * JESUIT MATHEMATICAL SCIENCE AND THE RECONSTITUTION OF EXPERIENCE IN THE EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY I AN ‘EXPERIMENT’ in modern science is often contrasted with simple ‘experience’ by claiming that the former involves the posing of a specific question about nature which its outcome is to answer, whereas the Iatter does nothing more than supply items of fact regarding phenomena, and is not designed to judge matters of theory or interpretation. Thus it has been pointed out that pre-modern, scholastic uses of ‘experience’ in natural philosophy tend to take the form of selective presentation of instances which illustrate conclusions generated by abstract philosophizing, and not the employment of such material as a basis for testing these conclusions. ‘Experiment’ became a characteristic feature of natural philosophy only in the seventeenth century.’ In its broadest terms this picture must be accepted, but enough is left out in the analysis of the nature of ‘experiment’ to obscure understanding of its historical emergence. The science-textbook definition of experiment fails to capture the reality of the new conceptions of the seventeenth century: Robert Hooke’s term ‘experimentum crucis’, so signally adopted by Newton, was certainly intended to pick out an aspect of Bacon’s teaching suitable to the notion of ‘experiment’ as a test of hypotheses, but Boyle’s ‘experimental histories’, also indebted to Bacon, had no immediate purpose beyond the mere collection of facts.’ The ‘experiments’ of the Accademia de1 Cimento were frequently designed to test hypotheses or decide between alternatives,3 but the empirical work of the Accademia’s Florentine forebear, Galileo, seems at *Department of History, Corndl University, McGraw Hall, Ithaca. -
Utiles Et Necessarias: Early Modern Science and the Society of Jesus
Utiles et Necessarias: Early Modern Science and the Society of Jesus Sister Mary Sarah Galbraith, O.P. A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Unit of History and Philosophy of Science, Faculty of Science University of Sydney March 2021 Utiles et Necessarias 2 Utiles et Necessarias 3 Utiles et Necessarias: Early Modern Science and the Society of Jesus Sister Mary Sarah Galbraith, O.P. This thesis treats of the contributions made by the Society of Jesus to Early Modern science, amidst the complexities of the post Reformation, post Copernican era. Its focus is the life and work of the Jesuit Christopher Clavius (1538-1612), the architect and founder of a mathematics academy at the Collegio Romano. Using extant correspondence, pamphlet, prefatory dedications and commentaries, I show that Clavius created a strategy to recruit and train Jesuit priests in mathematics to be exported throughout Europe and to remote missionary outposts. As a specially trained corps of priest mathematicians, the Jesuits used the truths of mathematics and the mathematical sciences to draw potential converts to the truths of faith and religious conversion. The approach was initially successful. As the scientific and religious culture shifted in the sixteenth century, however, reliance upon traditional sources of authority, knowledge and belief came under scrutiny. As priests and mathematicians who were invested in both sacred and secular realms, members of the Society struggled to adhere to the tenets of traditional natural philosophy and to promote the new sciences, for the purposes of religious conversion. The approach that substituted the truths of mathematics for the truths of dogmatic faith was intended to engender confidence. -
Dizionario Della Nomenclatura Lunare
Vincenzo Garofalo – Dizionario della nomenclatura lunare Vincenzo Garofalo Dizionario della nomenclatura lunare Edizione ampliata, riveduta e corretta L’unica completa, l’unica autorizzata 2ª ediz., Siracusa, febbraio 2013 [email protected] www.lulu.com - 1 - Vincenzo Garofalo – Dizionario della nomenclatura lunare - 2 - Vincenzo Garofalo – Dizionario della nomenclatura lunare Vincenzo Garofalo Dizionario della nomenclatura lunare Edizione ampliata, riveduta e corretta L’unica completa, l’unica autorizzata 2ª ediz., Siracusa, febbraio 2013 [email protected] www.lulu.com - 3 - Vincenzo Garofalo – Dizionario della nomenclatura lunare © 2013 by Vincenzo Garofalo Tutti i diritti riservati Prima edizione 2003 Edizione riveduta 2013 [email protected] - 4 - Vincenzo Garofalo – Dizionario della nomenclatura lunare INDICE Guida alla consultazione………………………………………………...… pag. 5 Breve storia della nomenclatura lunare..…...……………………………….. “ 7 Dizionario della nomenclatura lunare ..….…….…………………...….……. “ 16 Fonti bibliografiche…………………………………………………….……. “ 159 - 5 - Vincenzo Garofalo – Dizionario della nomenclatura lunare - 6 - Vincenzo Garofalo – Dizionario della nomenclatura lunare PREFAZIONE E GUIDA DA ALLA CONSULTAZIONE Il presente lavoro non ha alcuna pretesa di originalità. È il frutto di una ricerca quasi esclusivamente libresca: ci si è limitati a trovare e di volta in volta a sintetizzare, tradurre, contaminare varie fonti, componendole infine in un tutto organico. L’unico pregio che gli si può riconoscere è quello di avere riunito in un solo testo, pronto alla fruizione, una serie di dati, d’informazioni o di curiosità altrimenti sparse e non sempre facili da reperire. E non è poca cosa. Il destinatario più ovvio di questa fatica è l’appassionato di astronomia che osserva la Luna al telescopio e non si limita a un rapido sguardo (“che bellino!”), ma desidera rendersi conto di ciò che ha sotto gli occhi e accrescere le proprie conoscenze. -
Sundials on the Quirinal: Astronomy and the Early Modern Garden
Sundials on the Quirinal: Astronomy and the Early Modern Garden Denis Ribouillault Abstract This paper deals with the function and meaning of sundials in Early Modern Rome, more specifically in gardens. It concentrates on two gardens, both on the Quirinal hill and directly facing each other: the papal gardens of Monte Cavallo and the Jesuit garden of the Noviciate of Sant’Andrea del Quirinale. Set on each side of the magnificent Via Pia, these gardens represented two intersecting yet contrasting worlds, a rude juxtaposition of one cosmos clashing against another: that of a Jesuit community and that of the Papal court. Each had developed a specific language to articulate their main concerns and proclaim their truths to garden visitors. By drawing a contrasting picture of the S. Andrea garden and the Papal gardens, in which sundials were given very different meanings, the intent of this paper is to probe the awkward, contradiction-ridden, spinoso relationship between religion, science and curiosity in Early Modern Rome. In 1685, the Dutch civil engineer Cornelis Meyer devised a method to re-erect the obelisk of Augustus, which had formed part of a famous ancient sundial known as the Horologium Augusti. Published in a book on hydraulic engineering, Meyer’s method was supplemented by an entire section in which he explained how one could transform Rome’s piazze, with their obelisks and columns, into colossal sundials. He suggested that the obelisk be erected on Piazza Monte Cavallo on the Quirinal hill and that the monument be given back its ancient gnomonic function (Fig. 1). Meyer’s elaborate gnomon would determine the hours of the night through the use of the same type of pierced gnomon that would be used a century later, in 1792, when the obelisk was finally erected on Piazza D. -
A Selection of New Arrivals May 2018
A selection of new arrivals May 2018 Rare and important books & manuscripts in science and medicine, by Christian Westergaard. Flæsketorvet 68 – 1711 København V – Denmark Cell: (+45)27628014 www.sophiararebooks.com ADDISON, Thomas. THE ONLY PRESENTATION COPY KNOWN, IN A SPECIAL GIFT BINDING Grolier/Norman, One Hundred Books Famous in Medicine 60c ADDISON, Thomas. On the Constitutional and Local Effects of Disease of the Supra-Renal Capsules. London: Samuel Highley, 1855. $45,000 4to (323 x 249 mm). viii, 43, [1]pp. 11 hand-colored lithograph plates by W. Hurst and M. and N. Hanhart after drawings by W. Hurst and John Tupper. Original green cloth stamped in gilt and blind, very slight wear at extremities. Fine, clean copy, presented by Addison’s widow to Addison’s friend Henry Lonsdale (1816-76), with a unique binding with the gilt-stamped ornament on the front cover reading “Presented by Mrs. Addison,” instead of the usual title lettering, and inscription on the front free endpaper, presumably in the hand of Mrs. Addison, reading: “To Dr. Lonsdale one of the Author’s best & kind friends.” A very fine copy, preserved in a custom leather box. First edition, the only known presentation copy, presented by Addison’s widow to Addison’s friend Henry Lonsdale (1816-76), with a unique binding with the gilt-stamped ornament on the front cover reading “Presented by Mrs. Addison,” instead of the usual title lettering, and inscription on the front free endpaper, presumably in the hand of Mrs. Addison, reading: “To Dr. Lonsdale one of the Author’s best & kind friends.” Addison’s monograph inaugurated the study of diseases of the ductless glands and the disturbances in chemical equilibrium known as pluriglandular syndromes; it also marks the beginning of modern ADDISON, Thomas. -
Teoría Kepleriana Del Arco Iris*
Maestría en Filosofía e Historia de la Ciencia Facultad de Humanidades Universidad Nacional del Comahue Teoría kepleriana del arco iris* R. O. Barrachina# Centro Atómico Bariloche, 8400 S. C. de Bariloche, Río Negro, Argentina. Resumen: En este trabajo se analiza la evolución de las ideas de Kepler sobre el arco iris a lo largo de más de veinte años de estudios. A través de un exhaustivo análisis de las posibles fuentes a las que apeló, y las obras de otros autores anteriores o contemporáneos suyos, se intenta demostrar que existen sorprendentes similitudes entre las ideas que Kepler fue desarrollando individualmente, y aquellas que se generaron desde Aristóteles hasta sus días en el esquema más amplio de la evolución histórica del tema. También se resalta que al desarrollar sus propias ideas, fue dando pasos similares a los que dio en cosmología, proporcionando un espejo alternativo donde ver reflejado, aunque en menor escala en cuanto a su trascendencia posterior, su desarrollo científico y el nacimiento de la ciencia moderna. Esta comparación es particularmente relevante, en tanto que entre ambos desarrollos hay muchas e importantes similitudes, a excepción de que los estudios sobre el arco iris se dieron en un ambiente libre de la fuerte confrontación que caracterizó el surgimiento del modelo heliocéntrico, y que su teoría de reflexiones múltiples quedó incompleta. Se muestra que esta "falla" no se debió al desconocimiento de la ley de refracción como señalan algunos autores, en tanto que Kepler contaba con una ley de refracción aproximada, y aún si no hubiese sido así, estaba en posición de reproducir el descubrimiento que Descartes realizaría pocos años después. -
Inside the Camera Obscura – Optics and Art Under the Spell of the Projected Image
MAX-PLANCK-INSTITUT FÜR WISSENSCHAFTSGESCHICHTE Max Planck Institute for the History of Science 2007 PREPRINT 333 Wolfgang Lefèvre (ed.) Inside the Camera Obscura – Optics and Art under the Spell of the Projected Image TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I – INTRODUCING AN INSTRUMENT The Optical Camera Obscura I A Short Exposition Wolfgang Lefèvre 5 The Optical Camera Obscura II Images and Texts Collected and presented by Norma Wenczel 13 Projecting Nature in Early-Modern Europe Michael John Gorman 31 PART II – OPTICS Alhazen’s Optics in Europe: Some Notes on What It Said and What It Did Not Say Abdelhamid I. Sabra 53 Playing with Images in a Dark Room Kepler’s Ludi inside the Camera Obscura Sven Dupré 59 Images: Real and Virtual, Projected and Perceived, from Kepler to Dechales Alan E. Shapiro 75 “Res Aspectabilis Cujus Forma Luminis Beneficio per Foramen Transparet” – Simulachrum, Species, Forma, Imago: What was Transported by Light through the Pinhole? Isabelle Pantin 95 Clair & Distinct. Seventeenth-Century Conceptualizations of the Quality of Images Fokko Jan Dijksterhuis 105 PART III – LENSES AND MIRRORS The Optical Quality of Seventeenth-Century Lenses Giuseppe Molesini 117 The Camera Obscura and the Availibility of Seventeenth Century Optics – Some Notes and an Account of a Test Tiemen Cocquyt 129 Comments on 17th-Century Lenses and Projection Klaus Staubermann 141 PART IV – PAINTING The Camera Obscura as a Model of a New Concept of Mimesis in Seventeenth-Century Painting Carsten Wirth 149 Painting Technique in the Seventeenth Century in Holland and the Possible Use of the Camera Obscura by Vermeer Karin Groen 195 Neutron-Autoradiography of two Paintings by Jan Vermeer in the Gemäldegalerie Berlin Claudia Laurenze-Landsberg 211 Gerrit Dou and the Concave Mirror Philip Steadman 227 Imitation, Optics and Photography Some Gross Hypotheses Martin Kemp 243 List of Contributors 265 PART I INTRODUCING AN INSTRUMENT Figure 1: ‘Woman with a pearl necklace’ by Vermeer van Delft (c.1664). -
CLAVIO, CRISTOFORO CLAVIUS, CHRISTOPH (B. Bamberg, Ger
ndsbv2_C 9/25/07 4:00 PM Page 148 Clavio Clavius With Keith R. Porter and Edward G. Pickels. “Electron CLAVIUS, CHRISTOPH (b. Bamberg, Ger- Microscope Study of Chicken Tumor Cells.” Cancer Research many, 25 March 1538; d. Rome, Italy, 6 February 1612), 7 (1947): 421–430. astronomy, cosmology, mathematics, education. For the orig- “Studies on Cells: Morphology, Chemical Constitution, and Distribution of Biochemical Function.” The Harvey Lectures inal article on Clavius see DSB, vol. 3. 43 (1950): 121–164. Clavius offered the last serious defense of the ancient “Interrelation of Cytoplasmic Membranes in Mammalian Liver Ptolemaic cosmology and published one of the earliest cri- Cells: Endoplasmic Reticulum and Golgi Complex.” Journal tiques of Copernican theory. Along with his students, he of Cell Biology 39 (1968): 24a. authenticated Galileo’s early telescopic discoveries and “Growth and Differentiation of Cytoplasmic Membranes in the prominently recognized their epochal significance in his Course of Lipoprotein Granule Synthesis in the Hepatic Cell: widely used textbook of elementary astronomy. Clavius 1. Elaboration of Elements of the Golgi Complex.” Journal of attained international esteem for his exposition of Euclid’s Cell Biology 47 (1970): 745–766. Elements and spent much of his career establishing an “Autobiography.” In Les Prix Nobel en 1974, edited by Wilhelm important place for mathematical studies in Jesuit schools. Odelberg. Stockholm: Nobel Foundation, 1975. He was also a member of the papal commission that “The Coming Age of the Cell.” Science 189 (1975): 433–435. planned and executed the Gregorian calendar reform of OTHER SOURCES 1582 and through subsequent publications became the Brachet, Jean. -
From Eudoxus to Einstein: a History of Mathematical Astronomy C
Cambridge University Press 0521827507 - From Eudoxus to Einstein: A History of Mathematical Astronomy C. M. Linton Index More information Index Abel, Niels Henrik (1802–29), 297n Almagest, see Ptolemy, Almagest aberration, 132n, 216n, 307–9, 452n Al-Ma’m¯un(ninth century), 89 Abraham, Max (1875–1922), 455, 460 α Centauri, 357n Ab¯ual-Waf¯a(c.940–97), 92, 98 Altona Observatory, 385 Academie des Sciences, 243, 292, 306, 308n, Al-Zarq¯al¯ı[Azarquiel] (c.1029–1100), 97, 346, 385, 410, 440n, 442 103, 122, 135 prize contests, 289, 295, 296n, 307, 312, Amico, Gianbattista (c.1512–38), 118, 207 314, 319, 323, 327, 333, 334n, 344, 372, Anaximander (c.610 BC–c.545 BC), 16–17 408 Anaximenes (c.585 BC–c.525 BC), 17 Accademia del Cimento, 246n Anaxogoras (c.500 BC–c.428 BC), 20 action-angle variables, 422, 429 angle measure, 12, 52, 347 Adams, John Couch (1819–92), 268n, 334, Apollonius (c.260 BC–c.190 BC), 37, 45–8, 375–90, 443n, 444 51, 76, 88, 109, 117 Adelard of Bath (1075–1160), 89 apparent distance, 3 Airy, George Biddell (1801–92), 281, 311n, Aquinas, St Thomas (c.1225–74), 113, 374–85, 389, 406, 438 127n Al-Batt¯an¯ı[Albategnius] (c.858–c.929), 90–2, Arago, Dominique Fran¸coisJean 98, 100n, 116, 122, 133, 145 (1786–1853), 379, 437 Albert of Saxony (c.1316–1390), 115 Aratus (c.315 BC–c.245 BC), 51 Al-B¯ır¯un¯ı(973–1048), 93, 95 Archimedean solid, 195n Al-Bit.r¯uj¯ı[Alpetragius] (d.1204), 98–9, 112, Archimedes (287 BC–212 BC), 39, 40n, 88, 156 109, 121, 184 alchemy, 155, 250 Archytas (c.428 BC–c.350 BC), 25 Alexander the Great (356 BC–323 BC),