DOCSLIB.ORG

Explanatory Memorandum for Tynwald Members

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Explanatory Memorandum for Tynwald Members Explanatory Memorandum for Tynwald Members Issued by the Cabinet Office To the Hon Clare Christian, President of Tynwald, and the Hon. Council and Keys in Tynwald assembled Tynwald – May 2016 Application and implementation of European Union sanctions 1. Title of measures The following item is to be moved for approval:- SD 2016/0153 European Union (Central African Republic Sanctions) (Amendment) Order 2016 The following item is to be laid before Tynwald and subject to negative resolution:- SD 2016/0154 Central African Republic Sanctions (Amendment) Regulations 2016 2. Changes in policy None 3. Effects of the measures The purpose of the above Order and Regulations is to apply (with certain modifications) and implement an updated EU sanctions instrument in the Island which amends the relevant Council Regulation (EU) as follows — Background In March 2013 rebels overran the Central African Republic (CAR) capital and seized power. The rebel leader Michel Djotodia suspended the constitution, dissolved Parliament and was sworn in as President in a coup condemned internationally. October 2013 the UN Security Council approved the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force. It supported existing African Union troops already on the ground alongside French troops. By December the country faced turmoil with rival Muslim and Christian fighters accused of killing hundreds of people. France increased its deployment of troops to 1,600 in a bid to disarm the various militias. In early 2014, after facing criticism for failing to stop sectarian violence Michel Djotodia resigned and Catherine Samba-Panza took over as new interim President. By August 2014, Muslim politician Mahamat Kamoun was named interim Prime Minister, leading a transitional government. In early 2015, the CAR government rejected an initial ceasefire deal made in Kenya between two militia groups but renewed talks amongst all parties – the “the Bangui Forum” – resulted in the signing of a provisional peace accord on 11 May 2015. 1 Explanatory Memorandum for Tynwald Members Following a Presidential election, won by President Faustin-Archange Touadera, a new Government was sworn in on 11 April 2016, led by Prime Minister Mathieu Simplice- Sarandji. The formation of a new Government is considered to be progress in returning the country to normality. The CAR has also been readmitted to the African Union, ending a three-year suspension following the 2013 coup. The present measure: Council Regulation (EU) 2016/555 of 11 April 2016 amending Regulation (EU) No 224/2014 concerning restrictive measures in view of the situation in the Central African Republic. — provides for further clarifications, namely: (i) Amending the asset freeze designation criteria following the United Nations Security Council’s adoption of Resolution 2262 (2016) on 27 January 2016. (ii) The insertion of a definition related to “supplies of non-lethal equipment and provision of assistance, including operational and non-operational training to the CAR security forces, intended solely for support of or use in the CAR process of Security Sector Reform (SSR)…” (iii) Further definitions to capture those natural or legal persons, entities and bodies identified by the Sanctions Committee. Listed examples include, amongst others: “…engaging in or providing support for acts that undermine the peace, stability of security of the Central African Republic…” , ”…recruiting or using children in armed conflict in the Central African Republic, in violation of applicable international law” and ”…obstructing the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Central African Republic…”. 4. Reasons for the measures Although European Union sanctions measures are not directly applicable to the Isle of Man under Protocol 3, it is in the interests of the Island’s international reputation for UN, EU and other international sanctions measures to be complied with. 5. Resource implications It is not considered that there any resource implications. 6. Tynwald procedure This application Order is made under section 2A of the European Communities (Isle of Man) Act 1973 which provides that the Council of Ministers can make an Order in relation to EU sanctions measures that comes into force with immediate effect, but for which the approval of Tynwald must be sought as soon as practically possible after such an Order has been made. The implementing Regulations were made under section 2B of the 1973 Act which provides that they may come into force with immediate effect but they must then be laid before Tynwald at the earliest opportunity, where they are subject to the negative resolution procedure. 2 .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Central African Republic: Sectarian and Inter-Communal Violence Continues
    THE WAR REPORT 2018 CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: SECTARIAN AND INTER-COMMUNAL VIOLENCE CONTINUES © ICRC JANUARY 2019 I GIULIA MARCUCCI THE GENEVA ACADEMY A JOINT CENTER OF Furthermore, it provided that Bozizé would remain in HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT power until 2016 but could not run for a third term. The current violence in the Central African Republic However, the Libreville Agreement was mainly (CAR), often referred to as the ‘forgotten’ conflict, has its negotiated by regional heads of state while the leaders of most recent roots in 2013, when the warring parties in CAR and Muslim rebels from the Seleka The current violence in the Central the African Union (AU) itself umbrella group organized a African Republic (CAR), often played a marginal role.4 Thus, coup d’état seizing power in a referred to as the ‘forgotten’ conflict, its actual implementation Christian-majority country.1 has its most recent roots in 2013, immediately proved to be a From the end of 2012 to the when Muslim rebels from the Seleka failure and the reforms required beginning of 2013, the Seleka umbrella group organized a coup under the transition were coalition, mainly composed d’état seizing power in a Christian- never undertaken by Bozizé’s of armed groups from north- majority country. government.5 This generated eastern CAR, including the frustration within the Seleka Union of Democratic Forces for Unity (UFDR), Democratic coalition, which decided to take action and, by 24 March Front of the Central African People (FDPC), the Patriotic 2013, gained control over Bangui and 15 of the country’s Convention for the Country’s Salvation (CPSK) and 16 provinces.
    [Show full text]
  • Central African Republic Country Report BTI 2016
    BTI 2016 | Central African Republic Country Report Status Index 1-10 2.89 # 122 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 3.20 # 115 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 2.57 # 123 of 129 Management Index 1-10 4.28 # 86 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2016. It covers the period from 1 February 2013 to 31 January 2015. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2016 — Central African Republic Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2016. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2016 | Central African Republic 2 Key Indicators Population M 4.8 HDI 0.341 GDP p.c., PPP $ 594.2 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 2.0 HDI rank of 187 185 Gini Index 56.2 Life expectancy years 50.1 UN Education Index 0.318 Poverty3 % 82.3 Urban population % 39.8 Gender inequality2 0.654 Aid per capita $ 40.2 Sources (as of October 2015): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2015 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2014. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.10 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary The Central African Republic (CAR) could be for a long time considered as a forgotten crisis country, generating little international attention.
    [Show full text]
  • Central African Republic Freedomhouse.Org
    https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/central-african-republic#.VS_QSAn5uh0.cleanprint Central African Republic freedomhouse.org The political landscape of the conflict-torn Central African Republic (CAR) took a potential step toward stability in January 2014 following the resignation of president and Muslim military leader Michel Djotodia and the election of interim president Catherine Samba-Panza. Samba-Panza has no affiliation to any of the rebel groups involved in the conflict. Political instability, violence, religious cleansing, and the massive internal displacement of more than one million people in the ongoing conflict between the largely Muslim Séléka forces responsible for the 2013 coup and Christian militias known as anti-Balaka, who include supporters of ousted president François Bozizé, continued to worsen the country’s humanitarian crisis. In February 2014, UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon launched the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Central African Republic (MINUSCA), authorizing more than 11,000 UN troops to join the African-led peacekeeping forces already stationed in CAR since 2013. In July 2014, Séléka and anti-Balaka signed a cease-fire agreement, but implementation of the accord proved short-lived. Séléka military chief Joseph Zoundeiko ignored the cease-fire and called for a partition of the country along religious lines. In September 2014, the International Criminal Court (ICC) opened a probe into the CAR conflict, citing widespread incidences of rape, murder, forced displacement, persecution, and pillaging since 2012. According to the Associated Press, more than 5,000 people were killed from December 2013 to September 2014, and this is likely a vast underestimation due to the difficulty of collecting accurate data.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil War in Central African Republic
    The International Journal of Multidisciplinary Educational Research 1(2), pp. 13-29, November 2020 Available online http:// www.scholarly-journals.com/TIJMER ISSN 2431-7132 © 2020 Scholarly-Journals Full Length Research Paper Civil War in the Central African Republic from 2012- 2016: A Historical Perspective of Foreign and African Interventions Professor Amakievi Okien Ijeoma Gabriel Department of History and International Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities, Rivers State University, Nkpolu-Oroworukwo, Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria. Email:[email protected] Received: 15 October, 2020, Accepted: 2 November, 2020, Published: 31 November, 2020 This discourse on the Second Civil War in the Central African Republic from 2012 to 2016 sought to unravel the causes of the war even though the first civil war which started in 2004 ended in 2008. The reasons for and the roles of intervention actors from Africa and outside Africa were examined. This study largely depended on journal articles, news bulletins, newspapers, and reports (secondary sources) that were readily available. With the skills of interpretation and objectivity as well as the significance of hindsight it was discovered that a fundamental issue was the disarticulation of interaction between the elites resident in Bangui, the capital city, and those residents in other parts of the country. The elites in Bangui did not have adequate knowledge of the challenges especially poverty, inadequate, and in some communities a complete lack of infrastructure for social good. They were also
    [Show full text]
  • The Central African Republic Crisis
    The Central African Republic crisis March 2016 Nathalia Dukhan About this report This report provides a synthesis of some of the most recent, high-quality literature on the security and political processes in Central African Republic produced up to the end of January 2016. It was prepared for the European Union’s Instrument Contributing to Stability and Peace, © European Union 2016. The views expressed in this report are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of GSDRC, its partner agencies or the European Commission. This is the second review published by GSDRC on the situation in the Central African Republic. The first review of literature was published in June 2013 and provides a country analysis covering the period 2003- 2013. It is available at: http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/car_gsdrc2013.pdf. Expert contributors GSDRC would like to thank the following experts who have contributed to the production of this report: Carolina Reyes Aragon, UN Panel of Experts on the CAR Jocelyn Coulon, Réseau de Recherche sur les Opérations de la Paix Manar Idriss, Independent Researcher Thibaud Lesueur, International Crisis Group Thierry Vircoulon, International Crisis Group Ruben de Koning, UN Panel of Experts on the CAR Yannick Weyns, Researcher at IPIS Research Source for map of CAR on following page: International Peace Information Service (PIS) www.ipisresearch.be. Suggested citation Dukhan, N. (2016). The Central African Republic crisis. Birmingham, UK: GSDRC, University of Birmingham. About GSDRC GSDRC is a partnership of research institutes, think-tanks and consultancy organisations with expertise in governance, social development, humanitarian and conflict issues.
    [Show full text]
  • A/HRC/33/63 General Assembly
    United Nations A/HRC/33/63 General Assembly Distr.: General 22 July 2016 English Original: French Human Rights Council Thirty-third session Agenda item 10 Technical assistance and capacity-building Report of the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Central African Republic Note by the Secretariat The Secretariat has the honour to transmit to the Human Rights Council the report by the Independent Expert, Marie-Thérèse Keita Bocoum, on the human rights situation in the Central African Republic, submitted pursuant to Council resolution 30/19. The report follows three visits by the Independent Expert and describes the overall evolution of the human rights situation in the Central African Republic together with major developments. The Presidential election raised great expectations among the population, which is looking forward to the implementation of the Government’s programme, especially as regards security and justice. The security situation is still marked by the heavy presence of armed groups throughout the territory, the threats they pose to the civilian population and to displaced persons living in camps or enclaves, intercommunity tension, issues linked to transhumance, clashes within armed factions, the widespread availability of small arms, surging crime rates, the absence of State authority and the marginalization of the population in the eastern part of the country. At the end of June 2016, the situation was still worsening. The Independent Expert underscores the importance of giving priority to ensuring the protection of civilians and immediately carrying out the reforms of the security sector that will make it possible to reassure civilians and to launch the other sectoral plans of action.
    [Show full text]
  • Brève Histoire D'une Transition Singulière
    Brève histoire d’une transition singulière La République centrafricaine de janvier 2014 à mars 2016 Par Roland MARCHAL (CNRS / Sciences Po Paris) Photos de couverture, de gauche à droite : - François Bozizé / Source : rfi.fr - Catherine Samba-Panza / Source : mediafrik.com - Michel Djotodia / Source : lanouvellerepublique.fr Photos du bas prises par Thierry Brésillon pour le CCFD-Terre Solidaire, RCA, 2016 Brève histoire d’une transition singulière La République centrafricaine de janvier 2014 à mars 2016 Version révisée 15 septembre 2016 Par Roland MARCHAL (CNRS / Sciences Po Paris) La RCA est confrontée depuis plusieurs décennies à une crise de gouvernance, aussi bien dans la gestion des affaires publiques que dans le secteur privé ou dans la vie associative. Les conséquences de cette mauvaise gouvernance sont les crises politico-militaires récurrentes de plus en plus violentes, l’instabilité chronique des institutions étatiques et la fracture de la cohésion nationale. De cette situation découle une forte prévalence de la pauvreté qui touche les deux tiers de la population. Dans ce contexte, le problème de l’éthique, dont la principale manifestation est la corruption, se pose avec gravité dans la vie publique, le secteur privé et la vie associative. La création en 2014 du Réseau des Organisations de la Société Civile Centrafricaine pour la Gouvernance et le Développement (ROS- CA -GD) répond à ce besoin de promouvoir la bonne gouvernance et de créer les conditions d’un dé- veloppement durable avec une participation citoyenne aux décisions engageant la vie et le devenir des populations. Le ROSCA soutient la transparence et l’obligation de rendre compte à tous les échelons de l’exercice d’une autorité publique, administrative, économique et associative.
    [Show full text]
  • Central African Republic 2014 International Religious Freedom Report
    CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC 2014 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The interim constitution, known as the Transitional National Charter, provides for freedom of religion and equal protection under the law regardless of religion. It prohibits all forms of intolerance and “religious fundamentalism.” Transitional government officials exercised limited control or influence in most of the country and failed to stop or punish abuses by predominantly Muslim ex-Seleka or predominantly Christian anti-Balaka militias. The continuing violence by the ex-Seleka and anti-Balaka forces further exacerbated interreligious tension and hatred. Both sides were responsible for violent attacks on civilians because of their religious affiliation and the destruction and pillaging of religious edifices, resulting in some 3,000 deaths and the displacement of more than one million people. Muslims faced social discrimination and were targets of hate speech in some of the print media. Thousands of Muslims faced food and personal insecurity in urban enclaves, while thousands of Christians and Muslims lived precariously in camps for internally displaced persons. On September 14, the U.S. government resumed embassy operations after a nearly two-year hiatus. The return of U.S. diplomats facilitated discussions about religious freedom concerns with the government and meetings with the leaders of religious groups. In his address to the UN General Assembly, President Obama cited the conflict’s religious dimension and call by Christian and Muslim leaders in the country to reject violence. Secretary of State Kerry condemned interreligious violence in the country and called for reconciliation. The U.S. Special Envoy to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and a group of prominent U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Comprendre La Crise Centrafricaine
    Février 2015 / 1 COMPRENDRE LA CRISE CENTRAFRICAINE MISSION DE VEILLE, D’ETUDE ET DE REFLEXION PROSPECTIVE SUR LA CRISE CENTRAFRICAINE ET SES DIMENSIONS CULTURELLES ET RELIGIEUSES Rapport final de la mission effectuée en 2014 avec le soutien financier de : 4, rue du Pic de Barrette - 75015 Paris - France – [email protected] Tél. : 01 73 70 23 88 - www.observatoirepharos.com Février 2015 / 2 www.observatoirepharos.com Février 2015 / 3 SOMMAIRE Introduction : Contexte et déroulement de la mission ......................................................... 5 a. La crise centrafricaine de 2013-2014 et sa lecture confessionnelle ..................... 5 b. Le déroulement de la mission Pharos .................................................................. 7 1. Ce que l’histoire enseigne - ou devrait enseigner ............................................................ 11 a. Le foisonnement humain de l’Oubangui-Chari, centre et carrefour de l’Afrique . 11 b. Le choc irréparable des saignées esclavagistes ................................................. 12 c. La violence coloniale et la déstructuration des sociétés oubanguiennes ............. 14 d. La République Centrafricaine de Boganda, inachevée et oubliée ........................ 15 e. L’engrenage des oppositions, des frustrations et des violences depuis 50 ans .. 18 2. Ce que l’on sait de la composition culturelle et religieuse du pays ................................. 21 a. Une mosaïque de groupes humains et une langue commune ............................. 21 b. Une majorité
    [Show full text]
  • Mapping Conflict Motives: the Central African Republic
    Mapping Conflict Motives: The Central African Republic Yannick Weyns, Lotte Hoex, Filip Hilgert and Steven Spittaels November 2014 1 Editorial Mapping Conflict Motives: the Central African Republic Authors: Yannick Weyns, Lotte Hoex, Filip Hilgert & Steven Spittaels Map production: Filip Hilgert, Alexandre Jailon, Yannick Weyns & Stef Verheijen (web mapping) Main author and researcher chapter 4.1 and 4.2: Claudio Gramizzi, Senior Field Investigator at Conflict Armament Research Editing: Fiona Southward Layout: Anne Hullebroeck Front Cover image: Bangui (IPIS 2014). French captions: Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year; The Central African Republic our country, the national interest first! Antwerp, November 2014 Acknowledgments: The research for and production of this report has been supported by the World Bank. Our sincere thanks go to all individuals who have contributed to this study, first and foremost all interviewees and organisations in the Central African Republic, Chad and Cameroon who offered their knowledge, shared their views and provided logistical support. The authors would also like to express their gratitude to OCHA, the BINUCA/MINUSCA mission and the Danish Refugee Council. Finally, the authors are grateful for the contributions of Conflict Armament Research, who undertook an analysis of the weapons and military equipment under Seleka custody. The specific data will be included in their iTrace database https://itrace.conflictarm.com/( ). International Peace Information Service (IPIS) is an independent research institute, providing governmental and non-governmental actors with information and analysis to build sustainable peace and development in Sub-Saharan Africa. Our research is centred around four programmes: Natural Resources, Business & Human Rights, Arms Trade & Security, and Conflict Mapping.
    [Show full text]
  • Central African Republic
    REPORT | 1 SEPTEMBER 2016 Conflict Analysis: Central African Republic 5 MARch – 23 APRIL 2016 COVER Beneficiaries of a CRS and Caritas food voucher program talk to Julien Bakolo (left) of Caritas in the town of Boda, Lobaye District, Central African Republic. This assessment focused on locations where CRS is conducting ongoing response, early recovery, and social cohesion programming in the northwest of the country, in the prefectures of Nana-Mambéré, Ouham, and Ouham-Pendé, as well as the southwest’s Lobaye prefecture. Photo by Sam Phelps for CRS Report prepared by Laura McGrew ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report was written by Laura McGrew, with inputs including the provincial sections from James Sayre (former CRS CAR Program Manager, consultant) and Ian Proctor (CRS CAR Program Manager for Peacebuilding, Governance, and Gender). It was edited by Ian Proctor, Mahamadou Maiga (CRS CAR Food Security and Livelihoods Coordinator), Joseph Muyango (CRS CAR SECC Team Leader), Margarett Désilier (CRS Senior Advisor for Special Projects), Katherine Price (CRS CAR Head of Programs), Robert Groelsema (CRS Africa Justice and Peace Working Group Team Leader), Valerie Stetson (CRS CARO Deputy Regional Director for Program Quality), and Laura Groggel (CRS CARO Regional Technical Advisor for Peacebuilding, Governance, and Gender). It was based on a preliminary report written by Laura McGrew and edited by John Katunga and James Sayre of Catholic Relief Services. Technical editor: Solveig Bang Catholic Relief Services is the official international humanitarian agency of the United States Catholic community. CRS’ relief and development work is accomplished through programs of emergency response, HIV, health, agriculture, education, microfinance and peacebuilding.
    [Show full text]
  • 0 the Enough Project • Enoughproject.Org the Bangui Carousel: How The
    0 The Enough Project • enoughproject.org The Bangui Carousel: How the recycling of political elites reinforces instability and violence in the Central African Republic Cover image: Voter in Bangui, December 2015 Photo: UN Photo/Nektarios Markogiannis The Bangui Carousel How the recycling of political elites reinforces instability and violence in the Central African Republic By Christopher Day and Enough Project team August 2016 Executive Summary The successful February 2016 election of President Faustin Archange Touadéra marks a new beginning for the Central African Republic (CAR) and provides hope that the country is now stabilizing after three years of violence and political transition. Touadéra has been endorsed by many of his political opponents, and the country remained largely peaceful in the weeks following the elections. But CAR is still a long way from political stability. If policymakers fail to address the structural issues that led to the crisis in CAR, the country is likely to repeat its violent past. Sworn in on March 30, Touadéra, a former math teacher and prime minister, faces massive challenges. Armed groups and criminal gangs continue to destabilize the countryside, controlling valuable mining areas and commercial towns where they extort illicit taxes and trade diamonds and gold. More than 2 million people, or half of the country’s population, are experiencing hunger; close to 415,000 people remain internally displaced, and 467,000 refugees are only slowly trickling back.1 Thousands of people have been killed since the March 2013 military coup by the Séléka alliance and the violence that followed.2 CAR has endured persistent violence and instability for decades.
    [Show full text]