A/HRC/33/63 General Assembly
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Central African Republic: Sectarian and Inter-Communal Violence Continues
THE WAR REPORT 2018 CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC: SECTARIAN AND INTER-COMMUNAL VIOLENCE CONTINUES © ICRC JANUARY 2019 I GIULIA MARCUCCI THE GENEVA ACADEMY A JOINT CENTER OF Furthermore, it provided that Bozizé would remain in HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT power until 2016 but could not run for a third term. The current violence in the Central African Republic However, the Libreville Agreement was mainly (CAR), often referred to as the ‘forgotten’ conflict, has its negotiated by regional heads of state while the leaders of most recent roots in 2013, when the warring parties in CAR and Muslim rebels from the Seleka The current violence in the Central the African Union (AU) itself umbrella group organized a African Republic (CAR), often played a marginal role.4 Thus, coup d’état seizing power in a referred to as the ‘forgotten’ conflict, its actual implementation Christian-majority country.1 has its most recent roots in 2013, immediately proved to be a From the end of 2012 to the when Muslim rebels from the Seleka failure and the reforms required beginning of 2013, the Seleka umbrella group organized a coup under the transition were coalition, mainly composed d’état seizing power in a Christian- never undertaken by Bozizé’s of armed groups from north- majority country. government.5 This generated eastern CAR, including the frustration within the Seleka Union of Democratic Forces for Unity (UFDR), Democratic coalition, which decided to take action and, by 24 March Front of the Central African People (FDPC), the Patriotic 2013, gained control over Bangui and 15 of the country’s Convention for the Country’s Salvation (CPSK) and 16 provinces. -
Sample Letter Head
NEW YORK, NY 20 - 24 March – Conference A 27 - 31 March – Conference B NMUN•NY nmun.org/nmun_ny.html SECURITY COUNCIL BACKGROUND GUIDE 2016 Written By: Thejasvi Ramu, Anna Ivanova, Jade Palmer, Julia Bhattacherjee, Amanda Wong, Kaitlin Sandin NATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS NATIONAL COLLEGIATE CONFERENCE associationTM © 2015 National Model United Nations THE 2016 NATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS SPONSORED BY THE NATIONAL COLLEGIATE CONFERENCE ASSOCIATION 20-24 March (Conf. A) & 27 -31 March (Conf. B) • www.nmun.org Kristina Getty & Beatrice Soler Dear Delegates, Secretaries-General Ardis Smith & Welcome to the 2016 National Model United Nations Conference in New York (NMUN•NY)! We are pleased to Cara Wagner Deputy Secretaries-General introduce the United Nations (UN) Security Council. Your Week A staff will be: Directors Amanda Wong (SC- A), Thejasvi Ramu (SC-B), and Anna Ivanova (SC-C). Your Week B staff will be: Directors Kaitlin Sandin (SC- Doug Arseneault & Sara Johnsson A), Jade Palmer (SC-B), and Julia Bhattacherjee (SC-C). Amanda completed her B.A. in Political Science from Chiefs of Staff Simon Fraser University and her PG Dip in Environmental Management from the University of London. This is Nguyen Cao & Amanda’s fifth year on staff. This is Thejasvi’s second year on staff. She graduated from the University of Camille Ellison Victoria with a B.A. in Political Science and Anthropology. Anna graduated from the Far Eastern Federal Assistant Chiefs of Staff University in Russia with a degree in linguistics and interpretation and is currently pursuing her Master’s degree Sonia Patel & Felipe Ante in International Economics. -
Central African Republic Country Report BTI 2016
BTI 2016 | Central African Republic Country Report Status Index 1-10 2.89 # 122 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 3.20 # 115 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 2.57 # 123 of 129 Management Index 1-10 4.28 # 86 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2016. It covers the period from 1 February 2013 to 31 January 2015. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2016 — Central African Republic Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2016. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2016 | Central African Republic 2 Key Indicators Population M 4.8 HDI 0.341 GDP p.c., PPP $ 594.2 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 2.0 HDI rank of 187 185 Gini Index 56.2 Life expectancy years 50.1 UN Education Index 0.318 Poverty3 % 82.3 Urban population % 39.8 Gender inequality2 0.654 Aid per capita $ 40.2 Sources (as of October 2015): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2015 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2014. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.10 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary The Central African Republic (CAR) could be for a long time considered as a forgotten crisis country, generating little international attention. -
Central African Republic Freedomhouse.Org
https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/central-african-republic#.VS_QSAn5uh0.cleanprint Central African Republic freedomhouse.org The political landscape of the conflict-torn Central African Republic (CAR) took a potential step toward stability in January 2014 following the resignation of president and Muslim military leader Michel Djotodia and the election of interim president Catherine Samba-Panza. Samba-Panza has no affiliation to any of the rebel groups involved in the conflict. Political instability, violence, religious cleansing, and the massive internal displacement of more than one million people in the ongoing conflict between the largely Muslim Séléka forces responsible for the 2013 coup and Christian militias known as anti-Balaka, who include supporters of ousted president François Bozizé, continued to worsen the country’s humanitarian crisis. In February 2014, UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon launched the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Central African Republic (MINUSCA), authorizing more than 11,000 UN troops to join the African-led peacekeeping forces already stationed in CAR since 2013. In July 2014, Séléka and anti-Balaka signed a cease-fire agreement, but implementation of the accord proved short-lived. Séléka military chief Joseph Zoundeiko ignored the cease-fire and called for a partition of the country along religious lines. In September 2014, the International Criminal Court (ICC) opened a probe into the CAR conflict, citing widespread incidences of rape, murder, forced displacement, persecution, and pillaging since 2012. According to the Associated Press, more than 5,000 people were killed from December 2013 to September 2014, and this is likely a vast underestimation due to the difficulty of collecting accurate data. -
Civil War in Central African Republic
The International Journal of Multidisciplinary Educational Research 1(2), pp. 13-29, November 2020 Available online http:// www.scholarly-journals.com/TIJMER ISSN 2431-7132 © 2020 Scholarly-Journals Full Length Research Paper Civil War in the Central African Republic from 2012- 2016: A Historical Perspective of Foreign and African Interventions Professor Amakievi Okien Ijeoma Gabriel Department of History and International Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities, Rivers State University, Nkpolu-Oroworukwo, Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria. Email:[email protected] Received: 15 October, 2020, Accepted: 2 November, 2020, Published: 31 November, 2020 This discourse on the Second Civil War in the Central African Republic from 2012 to 2016 sought to unravel the causes of the war even though the first civil war which started in 2004 ended in 2008. The reasons for and the roles of intervention actors from Africa and outside Africa were examined. This study largely depended on journal articles, news bulletins, newspapers, and reports (secondary sources) that were readily available. With the skills of interpretation and objectivity as well as the significance of hindsight it was discovered that a fundamental issue was the disarticulation of interaction between the elites resident in Bangui, the capital city, and those residents in other parts of the country. The elites in Bangui did not have adequate knowledge of the challenges especially poverty, inadequate, and in some communities a complete lack of infrastructure for social good. They were also -
Explanatory Memorandum for Tynwald Members
Explanatory Memorandum for Tynwald Members Issued by the Cabinet Office To the Hon Clare Christian, President of Tynwald, and the Hon. Council and Keys in Tynwald assembled Tynwald – May 2016 Application and implementation of European Union sanctions 1. Title of measures The following item is to be moved for approval:- SD 2016/0153 European Union (Central African Republic Sanctions) (Amendment) Order 2016 The following item is to be laid before Tynwald and subject to negative resolution:- SD 2016/0154 Central African Republic Sanctions (Amendment) Regulations 2016 2. Changes in policy None 3. Effects of the measures The purpose of the above Order and Regulations is to apply (with certain modifications) and implement an updated EU sanctions instrument in the Island which amends the relevant Council Regulation (EU) as follows — Background In March 2013 rebels overran the Central African Republic (CAR) capital and seized power. The rebel leader Michel Djotodia suspended the constitution, dissolved Parliament and was sworn in as President in a coup condemned internationally. October 2013 the UN Security Council approved the deployment of a UN peacekeeping force. It supported existing African Union troops already on the ground alongside French troops. By December the country faced turmoil with rival Muslim and Christian fighters accused of killing hundreds of people. France increased its deployment of troops to 1,600 in a bid to disarm the various militias. In early 2014, after facing criticism for failing to stop sectarian violence Michel Djotodia resigned and Catherine Samba-Panza took over as new interim President. By August 2014, Muslim politician Mahamat Kamoun was named interim Prime Minister, leading a transitional government. -
Failing to Prevent Atrocities in the Central African Republic
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect Occasional Paper Series No. 7, September 2015 Too little, too late: Failing to prevent atrocities in the Central African Republic Evan Cinq-Mars The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect was established in February 2008 as a catalyst to promote and apply the norm of the “Responsibility to Protect” populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. Through its programs and publications, the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect is a resource for governments, international institutions and civil society on prevention and early action to halt mass atrocity crimes. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This Occasional Paper was produced with the generous support of Humanity United. ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Evan Cinq-Mars is an Advocacy Officer at the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, where he monitors populations at risk of mass atrocities in Central African Republic (CAR), Burundi, Guinea and Mali. Evan also coordinates the Global Centre’s media strategy. Evan has undertaken two research missions to CAR since March 2014 to assess efforts to uphold the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). He has appeared as an expert commentator on the CAR situation on Al Jazeera and the BBC, and his analysis has appeared in Bloomberg, Foreign Policy, The Globe and Mail, Radio France International, TIME and VICE News. Evan was previously employed by the Centre for International Governance Innovation. He holds an M.A. in Global Governance, specializing in Conflict and Security, from the Balsillie School of International Affairs at the University of Waterloo. COVER PHOTO: Following a militia attack on a Fulani Muslim village, wounded children are watched over by Central African Republic soldiers in Bangui. -
CHAPTER V CONCLUSION Central African Republic
CHAPTER V CONCLUSION Central African Republic (C.A.R) had already faced political complexity and insurgencies since its independence. Due to the eagerness of certain group to gain power, most of the presidents of the country were overthrown in coups which made the central government could not effectively do its function in dealing with the problem. The problem became more complex in the end of 2012 when rebel group called Séléka emerged as the disappointment of Muslim minority in the northern area of the country toward the government. Séléka is also the alliances of previous rebels groups like Democratic Front for the People of the Central African Republic (FDPC), and the Union of Re-publican Forces (UFR). Being led by Michel Djotodia, Séléka launched individual attacks toward the citizens and conquered some cities including the capital. Actions taken by Séléka resulted the toppling down of Francois Bozize as the president and changed into Séléka’s leader, Michel Djotodia. Under Djotodia’s administration, he was beneficiated from his access to power and to public funding for his own personal enrichment. Not only the leader, the whole Séléka also benefited from the taxes gotten by them, selling parallel mining authorizations, trading and smuggling diamonds and also pre-financing mining activities. However, since Djotodia was chosen unilaterally only by the member of Séléka, he was not recognized by international actors. During his administration, Anti-Balaka re-emerged as the protest of power abuse done by Séléka. Anti-Balaka itself is a modern coalition of local vigilante groups who formed in self-defense to protect communities from rebel abuses, bandits, cattle-raiders and poachers. -
Fractured Peacebuilding in the Central African Republic Lessons for African Union Engagement Gustavo De Carvalho and Amanda Lucey
POLICY BRIEF 87 | JULY 2016 Fractured peacebuilding in the Central African Republic Lessons for African Union engagement Gustavo de Carvalho and Amanda Lucey Summary Key findings The Central African Republic (CAR) has seen decades of fractured peacebuilding processes. After holding elections in 2016, the country can The impact of the African seize the opportunity to reach sustainable peace. This policy brief looks 1Union (AU) can be seen most clearly in its capacity to at the role played by the African Union in supporting CAR’s peacebuilding convene stakeholders, including and post-conflict reconstruction and development processes; and identifies government, thereby supporting ways for the continental body to enhance its engagements. larger peacebuilding initiatives. The AU’s mandate to 2 engage on a post-conflict reconstruction and development THE PEACEBUILDING FIELD is desperate for more effective responses to countries framework can be more clearly facing or emerging from conflicts. A growing number of actors support peacebuilding defined in order to maximise its processes on the African continent, but, despite all their efforts, responses do not impact in this area. always achieve the desired results. The various peacebuilding actors and processes provide a complex and interlinked array of responses that may complement, parallel There is an increased AU and even compete with each other. interest in the Central African 3 In this context, an important case study is the Central African Republic (CAR). The Republic (CAR), which could country has been through various phases of conflict and has undergone some provide further opportunities for peacebuilding processes. However, continuous outbreaks of violence have forced linking with other AU-led initiatives. -
The Central African Republic Crisis
The Central African Republic crisis March 2016 Nathalia Dukhan About this report This report provides a synthesis of some of the most recent, high-quality literature on the security and political processes in Central African Republic produced up to the end of January 2016. It was prepared for the European Union’s Instrument Contributing to Stability and Peace, © European Union 2016. The views expressed in this report are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of GSDRC, its partner agencies or the European Commission. This is the second review published by GSDRC on the situation in the Central African Republic. The first review of literature was published in June 2013 and provides a country analysis covering the period 2003- 2013. It is available at: http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/car_gsdrc2013.pdf. Expert contributors GSDRC would like to thank the following experts who have contributed to the production of this report: Carolina Reyes Aragon, UN Panel of Experts on the CAR Jocelyn Coulon, Réseau de Recherche sur les Opérations de la Paix Manar Idriss, Independent Researcher Thibaud Lesueur, International Crisis Group Thierry Vircoulon, International Crisis Group Ruben de Koning, UN Panel of Experts on the CAR Yannick Weyns, Researcher at IPIS Research Source for map of CAR on following page: International Peace Information Service (PIS) www.ipisresearch.be. Suggested citation Dukhan, N. (2016). The Central African Republic crisis. Birmingham, UK: GSDRC, University of Birmingham. About GSDRC GSDRC is a partnership of research institutes, think-tanks and consultancy organisations with expertise in governance, social development, humanitarian and conflict issues. -
Immediate Priorities for Stabilization, Peacebuilding and Reconciliation in the Central African Republic
ADVOCACY DOCUMENT IMMEDIATE PRIORITIES FOR StaBILIZATION, PEACEBUILDING AND RECONCILiatiON IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC PRESENTED at THE High-Level SIDE EVENT ON CAR AT THE 70TH UN GENERAL ASSEMBly, OCTOBER 1, 2015 Immediate PRIORITIES FOR StaBILIZATION, PEACEBUILDING AND RECONCILiatiON IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC FOREWORD At this crucial stage in the history of the Central African Republic (CAR), we are gathered here with you to keep the flame of hope alive after the organization of the consultations with the people of CAR, a historic moment for my country since the people of the 16 prefectures took part in these consultations. The Bangui National Forum that followed confirmed the commitment of the people to put CAR back on the road of stability, reconciliation and peace. This Forum, for the political class, Central African civil society and armed groups, led to a historic consensus to turn the page on the various crises and usher in a new chapter of hope where security, reconciliation, justice, the fight against impunity, governance and economic development are now positioned as the major priorities for CAR. This, then, is the ideal we are pursuing. Meanwhile, we must also overcome the last challenge of the transition, that of organizing and holding a range of elections, particularly the presidential and parliamentary polls. Holding free, credible, inclusive and transparent elections over the entire country before 30 December 2015, pursuant to the ECCAS decision of July 2015, will mark the return to constitutional order and the end of the transition period. In this regard it is important, urgent even, to mobilize substantial financial resources not only for the implementation of all the operations to do with the organization of credible elections whose results are accepted by all, but also and especially for the many challenges after the transition. -
African Union Commission Report Post-Conflict Reconstruction And
AFRICAN UNION UNION AFRICAINE UNIÃO AFRICANA Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, P.O. Box: 3243 Tel.: (251-11) 5513 822 Fax: (251-11) 5519 321 Email: [email protected] African Union Commission Report Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development Assessment Central African Republic 7-17August 2016 1 Table of Contents ER ROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED. LIST OF ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................. 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................... 4 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................. 9 COMPOSITION OF THE TEAM ....................................................................................................... 9 ASSESSMENT METHODOLOGY................................................................................................... 10 LIMITATIONS AND SCOPE............................................................................................................ 10 STAKEHOLDERS ENGAGED ......................................................................................................... 11 BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT ................................................................................................... 11 PREVIOUS ASSESSMENTS’ FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................. 13 FINDINGS OF THE CURRENT ASSESSMENT MISSION ........................................................