Mission Report Following the Ad Hoc Delegation
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Romanian Political Science Review Vol. XXI, No. 1 2021
Romanian Political Science Review vol. XXI, no. 1 2021 The end of the Cold War, and the extinction of communism both as an ideology and a practice of government, not only have made possible an unparalleled experiment in building a democratic order in Central and Eastern Europe, but have opened up a most extraordinary intellectual opportunity: to understand, compare and eventually appraise what had previously been neither understandable nor comparable. Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review was established in the realization that the problems and concerns of both new and old democracies are beginning to converge. The journal fosters the work of the first generations of Romanian political scientists permeated by a sense of critical engagement with European and American intellectual and political traditions that inspired and explained the modern notions of democracy, pluralism, political liberty, individual freedom, and civil rights. Believing that ideas do matter, the Editors share a common commitment as intellectuals and scholars to try to shed light on the major political problems facing Romania, a country that has recently undergone unprecedented political and social changes. They think of Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review as a challenge and a mandate to be involved in scholarly issues of fundamental importance, related not only to the democratization of Romanian polity and politics, to the “great transformation” that is taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, but also to the make-over of the assumptions and prospects of their discipline. They hope to be joined in by those scholars in other countries who feel that the demise of communism calls for a new political science able to reassess the very foundations of democratic ideals and procedures. -
The Voting Systems in the Council of the EU and the Bundesrat – What Do They Tell Us About European Federalism? by Jacek Czaputowicz and Marcin Kleinowski
ISSN: 2036-5438 The voting systems in the Council of the EU and the Bundesrat – What do they tell us about European Federalism? by Jacek Czaputowicz and Marcin Kleinowski Perspectives on Federalism, Vol. 10, issue 1, 2018 Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E -174 Abstract The Treaty of Lisbon introduced a new system of weighted votes in the Council, which radically departs from the principles on which the distribution of votes between the Member States of the EU was based for more than half a century. At the same time, the system of double majority is fundamentally different from the assumptions on which voting systems in federal states are based, including in the Bundesrat. Systems used in federal states are usually based on a compromise between the equality of states, and the equality of citizens. Consequently, in the Nice system, smaller Member States in the EU had relatively greater power compared to their populations than smaller federal units in the German Bundesrat. The results presented in this paper indicate that the Lisbon system of voting in the Council differs significantly from voting systems in federal states. Key-words Council of the European Union, Bundesrat, voting power, Nice voting system, double majority voting system Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E -175 1. Introduction Is the European Union evolving towards a federal system? Evidence speaking for the European Union being similar to a federation includes: EU institutions taking over competences previously held by states; the principle of supremacy of European law and its direct effect in national law; and cooperation between federal institutions and the constituent units in executing various tasks.I What speaks against this thesis is: the lack of a European constitution; of the right to impose taxes; as well as the fact that states retain their membership in international organisations, such as the UN. -
Download=47:Poland-Germany-Partnership-For-Europe
BRIEF POLICY AFTER TUSK: POLAND IN EUROPE Piotr Buras SUMMARY The departures of Donald Tusk and Radoslaw Sikorski Poland has just experienced the most mark the end of an era in Polish politics. Tusk will take successful decade in its modern history. It took office as president of the European Council on 1 December, advantage of the opportunities presented by EU integration and has enjoyed stable political and Sikorski left the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after the and economic development. Not hit by the government reshuffle in September to become Marshal of economic crisis and led by the tandem of Tusk the Sejm (chair of the Polish parliament). Together, the and Sikorski, Warsaw won the confidence of former prime minister and the former foreign minister its main EU partners, most notably Berlin, emblematise Poland’s success in recent years in achieving and earned a strong position within the bloc. The nomination of Tusk for the post of the clear economic gains and making a splash in foreign and president of the European Council marked the European affairs. Against a backdrop of financial and end of this unprecedented era. The next decade economic crisis, Poland emerged as an important player on may be more difficult and a continuation of the European stage. Poland’s successful run is by no means certain. The country needs a new economic model As the only country in Europe not to experience an economic to sustain its impressive growth. It faces political dilemmas with regard to accession slump, Warsaw benefited politically from the crisis – and to the eurozone as well as to its eastern and became an important ally to Berlin. -
Assumptions of Law and Justice Party Foreign Policy
Warsaw, May 2016 Change in Poland, but what change? Assumptions of Law and Justice party foreign policy Adam Balcer – WiseEuropa Institute Piotr Buras – European Council on Foreign Relations Grzegorz Gromadzki – Stefan Batory Foundation Eugeniusz Smolar – Centre for International Relations The deep reform of the state announced by Law and Justice party (PiS) and its unquestioned leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, and presented as the “Good Change”, to a great extent also influences foreign, especially European, policy. Though PiS’s political project has been usually analysed in terms of its relation to the post 1989, so called 3rd Republic institutional-political model and the results of the socio-economic transformation of the last 25 years, there is no doubt that in its alternative concept for Poland, the perception of the world, Europe and Poland’s place in it, plays a vital role. The “Good Change” concept implies the most far-reaching reorientation in foreign policy in the last quarter of a century, which, at the level of policy declarations made by representatives of the government circles and their intellectual supporters implies the abandonment of a number of key assumptions that shaped not only policy but also the imagination of the Polish political elite and broad society as a whole after 1989. The generally accepted strategic aim after 1989 was to avoid the “twilight zone” of uncertainty and to anchor Poland permanently in the western security system – i.e. NATO, and European political, legal and economic structures, in other words the European Union. “Europeanisation” was the doctrine of Stefan Batory Foundation Polish transformation after 1989. -
Dignity М Freedom М Human Rights
Differences in the understanding of human dignity are born from the rejection by EU legislation of the religious element and DIGNITY – FREEDOM the laws of nature, which for Christians are essential sources of human dignity, freedom and human rights. The EU developed – HUMAN RIGHTS them mostly from the state endowment, and relative stability is not attributed to them. In reading the convergences and divergences in the understanding of these three fundamental The Role of the Catholic Church concepts of human dignity, freedom and human rights, a particular difficulty in dialogue with the EU comes from the in the European Integration Process language which we use to express our views. The terms dignity, freedom and human rights mean something completely different This publication contains the transcripts in both the Christian and Union contexts. This discrepancy arose from speeches and discussions during the conference because Christianity derives dignity, freedom and human rights in Krakow on 25-26 September 2015 from the truth, and this is the revealed truth, while the EU has adopted the principle of freedom as its source. [...] Bp Prof. Tadeusz Pieronek 0*%)$#$%0$ 8#*0$99: <$;9(&$ <<<=>*90(*4?$"#*6,=*#-=64 )"%.9 8,#&L 8,#4(,+$%& DIGNITY – FREEDOM HUMAN RIGHTS NBO ! M M 8 5 3 N 2 7 M B @ The Pontifical University The Robert Schuman The Konrad Adenauer The Group ‘Wokó³ nas’ European People’s Party Commission of John Paul II Foundation Foundation of the European People's Party Publishing House of -
Zaufanie Do Polityków W Kwietniu
Warszawa, kwiecień 2013 BS/53/2013 ZAUFANIE DO POLITYKÓW W KWIETNIU Znak jakości przyznany CBOS przez Organizację Firm Badania Opinii i Rynku 11 stycznia 2013 roku Fundacja Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej ul. Żurawia 4a, 00-503 Warszawa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] http://www.cbos.pl (48 22) 629 35 69 Największym zaufaniem Polaków niezmiennie cieszy się prezydent Bronisław Komorowski. W kwietniu1 zaufanie do głowy państwa zadeklarowało 70% ankietowanych, a więc dokładnie tyle samo, co w dwóch poprzednich miesiącach. Na dobrą pamięć Polaków zasłużył, jak się okazuje, były prezydent Aleksander Kwaśniewski, który po wieloletniej przerwie ponownie włączył się w nurt bieżącej polityki, patronując lewicowej inicjatywie Europa Plus. Według deklaracji uzyskanych w pierwszej dekadzie kwietnia 2013 roku, Aleksandrowi Kwaśniewskiemu ufa 54% ankietowanych. Zaufanie do pozostałych osób aktywnych na scenie politycznej kształtuje się na znacznie niższym poziomie. Niezmiennie zaliczający się do ścisłej czołówki naszego rankingu Ryszard Kalisz oraz najlepiej oceniany spośród przedstawicieli rządzącej koalicji szef MSZ Radosław Sikorski cieszą się zaufaniem mniej niż połowy badanych. Wykluczonemu ostatnio z SLD Ryszardowi Kaliszowi ufa 46% respondentów, nieco mniej osób (43%) deklaruje zaufanie do szefa polskiej dyplomacji. Kolejne miejsca na liście najczęściej obdarzanych zaufaniem polityków zajmują: lider SLD Leszek Miller (36%), wiceprzewodniczący PO Grzegorz Schetyna (35%), premier Donald Tusk i przewodniczący Solidarnej Polski Zbigniew Ziobro (po 34% deklaracji zaufania) oraz prezes PiS Jarosław Kaczyński (33%). Nieco rzadziej z zaufaniem respondentów spotykają się inni prominentni politycy rządzącej koalicji: minister sprawiedliwości Jarosław Gowin (31%), marszałek Sejmu Ewa Kopacz (30%) oraz szef PSL, wicepremier i minister gospodarki Janusz Piechociński (28%). Prawie jedna czwarta badanych ufa liderowi NSZZ „Solidarność” Piotrowi Dudzie (24%) i niemal tyle samo (23%) deklaruje zaufanie do szefa sejmowego zespołu ds. -
Legal Think Tanks and Governments. Country Report. Poland
“Legal Think Tanks and government – capacity building”: project supported by the International Visegrad Fund www.visegradfund.org Project partners: POLAND HUNGARY Legal Think Tanks and Government CZECH REPUBLIC – Capacity Building Country Report. Poland SLOVAKIA UKRAINE Authors Łukasz BOJARSKI Grzegorz WIADEREK MOLDOVA 1 Authors of the study Łukasz BOJARSKI President and co-founder of INPRIS, lawyer. Co-founder and Chairman of the Board of the Polish Legal Clinics Foundation (FUPP). Expert of Polish and international institutions (including European Commission, OSCE, Council of Europe, academia, private foundations including Stefan Batory Foundation, Open Society Institute). Member of the Editorial Board of the „National Judicial Council. Quarterly” (http://www.krs.pl/pl/kwartalnik-krs). Before: Member of the National Council of the Judiciary of Poland, (2010-2015). Member of the Board of Directors of PILnet – The Global Network for Public Interest Law (2008-2016). Employee of the Helsinki Foundation of Human Rights in the years 1998-2010. Member of the Experts Council of the „Citizen and the Law” (Obywatel i Prawo) program of the Polish- American Freedom Foundation (2005-2013), Member of the Committee on the Efficiency of Justice in the Ministry of Justice. Fields of interest: judiciary, legal services, legal profession, legal education, non- discrimination, human rights. Author of the reform proposals on the access to legal aid and the legal profession. Author of numerous publications on the judiciary, access to justice and interactive innovative methods in legal education, see list of main publications. Contact: lukasz.bojarski at inpris.pl Grzegorz WIADEREK Co-founder of INPRIS and member of the Management Board, lawyer. -
Current Judicial Reform in Ukraine and in Poland: Onstitutional and European Legal Aspect in the Context of Independent Judiciary
RESEARCH ARTICLES CURRENT JUDICIAL REFORM IN UKRAINE AND IN POLAND: ONSTITUTIONAL AND EUROPEAN LEGAL ASPECT IN THE CONTEXT OF INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY Grzegorz Borkowski, Doctor of Law, Judge seconded to the Regional Court Warszawa-Praga, former Head of Office of the National Council of Judiciary (Poland) Olga Sovgyria, Doctor of Science (Law), professor of the Department of Constitutional Law, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv (Kyiv, Ukraine) https://doi.org/10.33327/AJEE-18-2.3-a000011 Summary: 1. Introduction. – 2. The Judicial System of Poland at the Present Stage. – 2.1. Constitutional Tribunal. – 2.1.1. Composition of the Constitutional Tribunal. – 2.1.2. Refusal of Publication of Certain Judgments of the Constitutional Tribunal. – 2.2. The Common Courts System. – 2.2.1. Merger of the Functions of Minister of Justice and Prosecutor General and its Consequences. – 2.2.2. Court directors. – 2.2.3. Random Allocation of Cases. – 2.2.4. Judicial Appointments. – 2.2.5. Secondment of Judges. – 2.2.6. Appointment and Dismissal of Court Presidents. – 2.3. Supreme Court. – 2.3.1. Extraordinary Complaint (Article 86). – 2.3.2. Changes in the Structure of the Supreme Court. – 2.3.3. Lay Judges. – 2.3.4. Changes in Disciplinary Proceedings in Respect of the SC and the Common Judiciary. – 2.4. National Council for Judiciary. – 2.4.1. Entrusting the Sejm with the Competence to Elect the Members of the Council. – 2.4.2 Termination of Office of the Current Members of the Council. – 3. Judicial Reform in Ukraine in 2016: Problems of Implementation. – 3.1. General Characteristics of the Judiciary in Ukraine. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions. -
The Normative Cycle of Shaping Judicial Independence in Domestic
Chicago Journal of International Law Volume 10 Number 1 Article 13 6-1-2009 The Normative Cycle of Shaping Judicial Independence in Domestic and International Law: The Mutual Impact of National and International Jurisprudence and Contemporary Practical and Conceptual Challenges Shimon Shetreet Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cjil Recommended Citation Shetreet, Shimon (2009) "The Normative Cycle of Shaping Judicial Independence in Domestic and International Law: The Mutual Impact of National and International Jurisprudence and Contemporary Practical and Conceptual Challenges," Chicago Journal of International Law: Vol. 10: No. 1, Article 13. Available at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cjil/vol10/iss1/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago Journal of International Law by an authorized editor of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Normative Cycle of Shaping Judicial Independence in Domestic and International Law: The Mutual Impact of National and International Jurisprudence and Contemporary Practical and Conceptual Challenges Shimon Shetreet* I. INTRODUCTION The creation of the culture of judicial independence has been a combined process of national and international developments. The process consists of a cycle of normative and conceptual impact of national law on international law and later, of international law on national law. In the cycle's first phase, which began in 1701 with England's enactment of the Act of Settlement,' judicial independence was conceived domestically. In the second phase, which began shortly thereafter, this domestic development crossed national boundaries and impacted the thinking of scholars and political leaders in the international community.