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Romanian Political Science Review vol. XXI, no. 1
2021

The end of the Cold War, and the extinction of communism both as an ideology and a practice of government, not only have made possible an unparalleled experiment in building a democratic order in Central and Eastern Europe, but have opened up a most extraordinary intellectual opportunity: to understand, compare and eventually appraise what had previously been neither

understandable nor comparable. Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science

Review was established in the realization that the problems and concerns of both new and old democracies are beginning to converge. The journal fosters the work of the first generations of Romanian political scientists permeated by a sense of critical engagement with European and American intellectual and political traditions that inspired and explained the modern notions of democracy, pluralism, political liberty, individual freedom, and civil rights.

Believing that ideas do matter, the Editors share a common commitment as intellectuals and scholars to try to shed light on the major political problems facing Romania, a country that has recently undergone unprecedented political

and social changes. They think of Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science

Review as a challenge and a mandate to be involved in scholarly issues of fundamental importance, related not only to the democratization of Romanian polity and politics, to the “great transformation” that is taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, but also to the make-over of the assumptions and prospects of their discipline. They hope to be joined in by those scholars in other countries who feel that the demise of communism calls for a new political science able to reassess the very foundations of democratic ideals and procedures.

UNIVERSITY OF BUCHAREST
FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

vol. XXI, no. 1
2021

2021

STUDIA POLITICA

(ISSN 1582-4551)

Romanian Political Science Review

is published twice a year by the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Bucharest and is printed and mailed by Bucharest University Press

International Advisory Board

Mauro CALISE (Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II)
Dominique COLAS (Sciences Po Paris)
Jean-Michel DE WAELE (Université Libre de Bruxelles) Jean-Michel EYMERI-DOUZANS (Sciences Po Toulouse)
Raffaella GHERARDI (Università degli Studi di Bologna), Guy HERMET (Sciences Po Paris)
Marc LAZAR (Sciences Po Paris), Ronald H. LINDEN (University of Pittsburgh)
Pierre MANENT (EHESS Paris), Leonardo MORLINO (LUISS “Guido Carli” di Roma)
Gianfranco PASQUINO (Johns Hopkins University)
Cristian PREDA (Universitatea din Bucureşti), Antoine ROGER (Sciences Po Bordeaux)
Marco TARCHI (Università degli Studi di Firenze)

Editor

Caterina PREDA (Universitatea din Bucureşti) Alexandra IANCU (Universitatea din Bucureşti)

Assistant editors

Ramona COMAN (Université de Bruxelles) Ruxandra IVAN (Universitatea din Bucureşti) Sergiu MIȘCOIU (Universitatea Babes-Bolyai) Marina POPESCU (Median Research Center)
Sorina SOARE (Universitá di Firenze)
Andreea ZAMFIRA (Universitatea Lucian Blaga din Sibiu)

Editorial Assistants

Alexandra OPREA (Universitatea din Bucureşti) Vladimir COSTEA (Universitatea din Bucureşti) Maria-Anca SANDU (Universitatea din Bucureşti)
Claudia Craciun CHIVEREANU (Universitatea din Bucureşti)

Editorial Staff

Laurenţiu MUŞOIU
(Editura Universității din București)
(Desktop Publisher Manuscript & Cover Graphic)

© Facultatea de Ştiinţe Politice, Universitatea din Bucureşti

Revistă înregistrată în BDI

Contents

ARTICULI

BIBIANA BAJZOVÁ (Comenius University in Bratislava), LUCIA MOKRÁ (Comenius University in Bratislava),

Who Really Cares about Outer Space? Principal–agent Theory and the Sustainability of Outer Space Regulation  ...........................

11 29
LUKÁŠ NOVOTNÝ (Jan Evangelista Purkyně University), DANIEL ŠÁROVEC (Charles University),

Contemporary Pirate Parties in the Post-Material Era: Comparing

Success Cases ...................................................................................

PASQUALE CERBONE (Universidad UTE), MARIA PEREIRA LOPEZ

(Universidad de Santiago de Compostela), PALOMA CASTRO MARTINEZ (Universidad de Santiago de Compostela),

Post-populism: a comparative analysis of the last Ecuadorian and Venezuelan presidencies of Lenín Moreno and Nicolás Maduro .....

53 79
PATRYK TOMASZEWSKI (Nicolaus Copernicus University),

A Comparative Discursive Analysis of the Polish Foreign Ministers’ Speeches Regarding Poland’s Security Policy and Its Cooperation with Ukraine, the Republic of Belarus, and the Russian Federation in the Period 2011-2019  ..................................

RENA MARUTIAN (National Academy for Public Administration under the President of Ukraine), OLEKSII POLTORAKOV (Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv), JOHN CALLAHAN (New England College),

“The Tanks of Post-truth:” Post-truth Hybrid Warfare Operations......... 101

MARINA V. FALVO (University of Córdoba),

The Structuring of State Political Opportunities Towards-and-from Capital and Labor. An Analytical Proposal  .................................... 121

BRUNILDA ZENELAGA (University of Tirana), KLODIANA BESHKU

(University of Tirana),

Volunteering and Political Systems: The Role of State and Civil Society Organizations in People’s Willingness to Volunteer in

Post-communist Albania  .................................................................. 151

RECENT ELECTIONS

Section coordinated by Marina Popescu and Sorina Soare, together with Centro Italiano Studi Electorali.

ANDRIJA HENJAK (Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb), RALUCA TOMA (MRC - Median Research Centre, Bucharest),

The 2020 Croatian parliamentary elections  ................................. 178

MATTIA COLLINI (University of Florence),

The Hungarian Local Elections of 2019: Unity Makes Strength  .. 193

GÁBOR TÓKA (Central European University, Budapest),

The 2020 Belarusian Presidential Election ................................... 211

RECENSIONES

LARRY DIAMOND, Ill Winds: Saving Democracy from Russian Rage, Chinese
Ambition, and American Complacency, New York, Penguin Press, 2019 (BOGDAN MUREȘAN, University of Bucharest) ............................... 233

ROBERT ADAM, Două veacuri de populism românesc [Two Centuries of
Romanian Populism], Bucharest, Humanitas, 2018 (ANDREI GHEORGHE, University of Bucharest) .............................................. 237

BOGDAN-IULIAN RANTEȘ, Relațiile României cu state din Africa Ecuatorială și de Vest (1960-1974) [The Relations between Romania and States from Equatorial and Western Africa (1960-1974)], Târgoviște, Cetatea de Scaun, 2017 (DOMNICA GOROVEI, University of Bucharest) ........... 241

H. R. MCMASTER, Battlegrounds: The Fight to Defend the Free World,
New York, Harper Collins Publishers, 2020 (ROBERT MANEA, University of Bucharest) .................................................................. 245

ABSTRACTS ............................................................................................ 249 AUTORES ................................................................................................. 255

ARTICULI
Who Really Cares about Outer Space?
Principal-agent Theory and the Sustainability of Outer Space Regulation

BIBIANA BAJZOVÁ*

(Comenius University)

LUCIA MOKRÁ**
(Comenius University)

Abstract

States are primary actors in international law. The development of international relations after the Second World War and the founding of the United Nations increased the power of international organizations (IOs) in the international sphere. The distribution of competences between states and IOs is tackled in the framework of principal–agent theory, which holds that sovereign states are principals, and IOs are agents acting on the state’s behalf. In terms of international law and international relations, the key international legislation regulating outer space is the Outer Space Treaty (OST). The OST contains the most important principles and guidance relating to activities in outer space. According to the OST, states coordinate their interests, whereas IOs operate in the common good and outer space is in the common ownership of all mankind.1 The IOs’ mandate is defined in a wide-ranging and vague manner in the OST and even in practice there is no clear distinction between the competences of these two original actors and private actors – a new actor operating in outer space. The presence of another actor in outer space raises the question of whether the current regulation of outer space in international law, primarily the Outer Space Treaty, is sufficient in terms of sustainability and the capabilities of the various actors involved – states, IOs and private actors. This paper focuses on the application of principal–agent theory to outer space governance in the present day in light of this new actor and the division of competences and responsibility.

Keywords: outer space, principal–agent, actors, private interest, collective ownership.

*

Bibiana Bajzová is a PhD student at the Institute of European Studies and International Relations, Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences, Comenius University in Bratislava ([email protected]). Lucia Mokrá, PhD, is the Dean of Comenius University in Bratislava, Faculty of Social and

**

Economic Sciences. She is Associate Professor of International and European Union Law at the Institute of European Studies and International Relations ([email protected]). The Preamble of the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the

1

Exploration and Use of Outer Space, Including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies refers to “recognizing the common interest of all mankind.” Preferring gender sensitive language, we understand this to mean all human beings regardless of gender. The term humankind is used throughout the article, with the exception of the quotation from the treaty’s provision. United Nations, Office for Outer Space Affairs, Treaty on Principles

Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, RES 2222 (XXI), 1966.

10

BIBIANA BAJZOVÁ, LUCIA MOKRÁ

Introduction

Outer space is thought of as the final frontier for human beings seeking to explore new worlds and to go where no human being has gone before. Just as humankind explored Earth and travelled the oceans to find new continents, civilization has moved onto a new environment. Outer space is one of four global commons, along with the high seas, the atmosphere and the two polar regions. These places and resources lie beyond the sovereignty of any state and the limits of national jurisdictions.2 Outer space is therefore seen as either the property of no-one (res nullius) – it belongs to nobody but could be appropriated by anyone – or as common property (res communis) available to all, but with no possibility of exercising sovereignty or ownership. Some define it as a res extra commercium, claiming that space is free of commerce.3
The main reason for understanding outer space as one of the global commons relates to its historical connotation. COPUOS (Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space) forms part of the United Nations’ (UN) system of multilateral treaties that set up the framework of more specific rules. Space regulation in international law started in the Cold War era with the drafting of the Outer Space Treaty (OST) in 1966 and continued through the adoption of other related treaties.4 The potential threat of the misuse of outer space in the Cold War led to the agreement of the provisions of the OST, aimed at preventing further rivalries between the two sides in the Cold War by extending the prohibition on battle into outer space the early commercialization of outer space, the extraction of natural resources, and individual economic profit, scientific or economic inequalities of states. The most effective way of regulating space in the competitive and highly sensitive political context of the Cold War era was to treat it as a global common. The final wording of the OST, which required a consensus between the opposing parties involved in the Cold War, took the form of provisions containing guiding principles, but no rules of enforcement. In the current era, the OST does not address the new types of challenges that states and international organizations (mainly the UN and its agencies) face in outer space. For example, it does not specify passive military

2

Nico Schrijver, “Managing the Global Commons: Common Good or Common Sink?,”

Third World Quarterly 37, no. 7 (2016): 1252.

Fabio Tronchetti, “The Exploitation of Natural Resources of the Moon and other Celestial

3

Bodies: A Proposal for a Legal Regime,” Studies in Space Law 4 (2009): 11-13. United Nations, Office for Outer Space Affairs, “Agreement on the Rescue of Astronauts,

4

the Return of Astronauts and the Return of Objects Launched into Outer Space,” accessed

introrescueagreement.html; Convention on International Liability for Damage Caused by Space Object.

Romanian Political Science Review  vol. XXI  no. 1  2021
Who Really Cares about Outer Space?

11 purposes and active military usage, the dual usage of satellites, exotic weapons, commercial space flights, asteroid mining, ASAT technologies and many others.
The current legal regulation of outer space as understood in the OST is based on the premise that the sovereign states agreed to regulate and use outer space based on the principle that it is a global common and that its competences are delegated to an international organization. The international organization that operates in outer space and exercises the OST provisions together with the states is the UN and its agency, UNOOSA. These two actors cooperate in outer space governance, which we understand as the system of the institutions and applicable rules and procedures. According to the original principal–agent theory, the states are then considered the principals and the international organization (UNOOSA) the agent. Nonetheless, the material, social, technical and scientific developments in outer space have led to the emergence of other actors in outer space – non-state entities, mainly private actors or multinational companies.5 These private actors have space capabilities and have started contributing to space activities, with the support of a national state or a substation belonging to the national state with an outer space presence.
We aim to analyze how the original principal-agent theory may be applicable to the regulation of relations between national states, international organizations and private actors and ask whether re-defining the division of competences between the three actors (states, IOs and private actors) might help to improve implementation of the Outer Space Treaty or, conversely, accelerate the need to amend its provisions.

Principal and Agent in Outer Space

In general, the traditional principal-agent (PA) theory distinguishes between two types of actors – principals and agents. The original source of the power lies in the hands of national states who exercise sovereignty over their territory and people. Increasingly international organizations, starting in the twentieth century, have taken on the role of transferring what were originally the state’s competences to international organizations acting as agents. How are tasks distributed between these two types of actors in relation to outer space? Do the states delegate sovereignty to international organizations, which are then tasked with exercising it based on their own decision-making or is there opportunity for the nation state to engage in policymaking? If so, which of these

5

As a non-state entity may differ in character from a private, non-governmental or even multinational entity, we will use the umbrella term of private actor, as it does not distinguish the ownership structure of non-state actors.

Romanian Political Science Review  vol. XXI no. 1  2021

12

BIBIANA BAJZOVÁ, LUCIA MOKRÁ

actors is seen as the principal and which is the agent? And is there opportunity for other actors, such as private actors, to engage in outer space activities?
The role of international organizations is becoming increasingly important and sometimes crucial to achieving consensus between different states and in international policymaking. As Alexander Andreev has argued, “the reality of growing complex interdependence facilitates a structure of global governance, radically challenging state-centric approaches to international policy-making.”6 The number of international organizations is constantly growing,7 and the behavior and conduct of states is limited because of the numerous positive obligations arising from the various international and regional agreements. The role of international organizations in the international system, understood as multilateralism, is key as it allows for inter-state discussions, consensus finding, the drafting of international treaties and the adoption of decisions.
The position of international organizations in international relations can be understood in various ways, depending on the theoretical perspective. The relationship between the state and the international organization depends on national interests, the transfer of competences, political power and so on. Traditional international relations theories, such as realism and liberal institutionalism, emphasize the importance of states and their national interests for formulating the foreign policy priorities and setting priorities as part of the international agenda. As Michael Barnett and Martha Finnemore have argued, these “are theories of states and state behavior.”8 In confirmation of this, Mearsheimer argued that “realists maintain that institutions are basically a reflection of the distribution of power in the world. They are based on the selfinterested calculations of the great powers, and they have no independent effect on state behavior.”9 Liberal institutionalists see international organizations as providing a platform for inter-state policy cooperation. This approach also foresees the position of other actors in the international community, as states exist alongside international organizations. But the liberal institutionalist view is state-centric, because it argues that “international organizations in the

6

Alexander Andreev, “To What Extent Are International Organizations (IOs) Autonomous Actors in World Politics?,” Opticon 1826 0(2) (2007), accessed on February 19, 2021, https://student-journals.ucl.ac.uk/opticon/article/id/846/. According to the Yearbook of International Organizations, compiled and published regularly

7

by the Union of International Associations, approximately 1,200 new organizations are added to the list each year. The Yearbook of International Organizations 2015-2016, accessed

page_yb_faq-0.

89

Michael Barnett and Martha Finnemore, Rules for the World: International Organizations

in Global Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004), 5. John Mearsheimer, “The False Promise of International Institutions,” International Security 19, no. 3 (1994-1995): 7.

Romanian Political Science Review  vol. XXI  no. 1  2021
Who Really Cares about Outer Space?

13 contemporary world are not powerful independent actors, and relatively universal organizations such as the United Nations find it extraordinarily difficult to reach agreement on significant issues.”10 This means that international organizations have limited competences to act or to adopt decisions, and their independent conduct as an actor therefore depends on the political will and consensus of the states.
Bob Reinalda and Bertjan Verbeek agree that “many international organizations have clearly succeeded in formulating, sometimes implementing, policies that cannot be described as the simple product of interstate bargaining.”11 It is undoubtedly the case that the activities of international organizations reflect states’ interests, but that was the original reason behind the sovereign states’ decision to found international organizations in the first place – to bring all the actors together and to coordinate or integrate their interests based on common values and principles. That means that international organizations work as the agents of interests, representing the achieved consensus and the actions of the organization’s members. Reinalda and Verbeek argue that “it appears that sub-national and trans-national organized interests have become influential actors in politics and are noticeably active on their own or by means of collective action through a number of existing and rapidly emerging international organizations.”12 Hence, the international organizations are a kind of actor in international relations, visible mainly due to their normative power and ability to create and implement rules as well as to set social norms based on the interest of the IO’s members – the sovereign states. For Barnett and Finnemore, the role of the international organizations is one of rule-setting: “not only to regulate but also to constitute and construct the social world.”13 From this, it is clear that the position of the international organizations is to communicate and coordinate the interests of their members and to act in accordance with the agreed norms and rules.
However, Yoram Z. Haftel and Alexander Thompson also take the autonomous conduct of international organization into consideration: “the independence of an institution largely determines its authority and influence, its ability to shape international politics.”14 While Barnett and Finnemore claim that “the rational-legal authority that international organizations embody gives

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    European Union launches full scale war against internet privacy with #ChatControl (ePrivacy Derogation) On July 6, 2021, the European Union voted on the new “ChatControl” proposal. With a shocking number of 537 Members of the European Parliament voting in favor, 133 voting against and 20 abstentions, it was approved. The proposal was put forward under the banner of “emergency measures” and it allows internet companies to scan users’ private messages for material containing child sex abuse. This controversial decision is supposed to fix problems with the European Electronics Communications Code, which came into force last December. The so called “e-Privacy Interim Regulation” (2020/0259(COD)) requires online messenger and email service providers to automatically scan private message content in real time for suspicious text and image content using error-prone artificial intelligence. All cases identified by AI would be automatically disclosed to investigative authorities in the EU, without the individuals concerned knowing about it. This is intended to counter the spread of child pornography on the internet, at least that is the story behind it. But the EU’s plans for ChatControl have beenconfirmed to violate fundamental rights by a former judge of the European Court of Justice. The delegation of the European Pirate Party inserted in the Greens / EFA group has strongly condemned what it considers automated mass surveillance, which as they say means the end of privacy in digital correspondence. German Pirate Party Member of the European Parliament Patrick Breyer plans to take legal action against the regulation and is looking for victims of abuse who would file such a complainant.
  • Venezuelan Refugee Crisis: a Consequence of U.S

    Venezuelan Refugee Crisis: a Consequence of U.S

    University at Albany, State University of New York Scholars Archive Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Honors Program Studies Fall 2019 Venezuelan Refugee Crisis: A Consequence of U.S. Economic Sanctions Joel Alexander Lopez University at Albany, State University of New York, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.library.albany.edu/lacs_honors Part of the Latin American Studies Commons Recommended Citation Lopez, Joel Alexander, "Venezuelan Refugee Crisis: A Consequence of U.S. Economic Sanctions" (2019). Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Honors Program. 9. https://scholarsarchive.library.albany.edu/lacs_honors/9 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies at Scholars Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies Honors Program by an authorized administrator of Scholars Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Venezuelan Refugee Crisis: A Consequence of U.S. Economic Sanctions ​ ALC S 495: LACS​ Departmental Honors Project Fall 2019 Joel Alexander Lopez Escobar 1 Introduction Significant trends of outward migration from Venezuela date back to the 1998 election of former Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez. These migratory trends may be attributed to a number of reasons such as political corruption, economic mismanagement and hyper-dependency on oil. Venezuelans have since fled from the political turmoil and extreme economic recession that continues to ravage their country and impoverish their families at an alarming rate. However, it was not until the year 2017 that migration in Venezuela skyrocketed into the state of crisis it is in today.
  • European Parliament Elections 2019 - Forecast

    European Parliament Elections 2019 - Forecast

    Briefing May 2019 European Parliament Elections 2019 - Forecast Austria – 18 MEPs Staff lead: Nick Dornheim PARTIES (EP group) Freedom Party of Austria The Greens – The Green Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) (EPP) Social Democratic Party of Austria NEOS – The New (FPÖ) (Salvini’s Alliance) – Alternative (Greens/EFA) – 6 seats (SPÖ) (S&D) - 5 seats Austria (ALDE) 1 seat 5 seats 1 seat 1. Othmar Karas* Andreas Schieder Harald Vilimsky* Werner Kogler Claudia Gamon 2. Karoline Edtstadler Evelyn Regner* Georg Mayer* Sarah Wiener Karin Feldinger 3. Angelika Winzig Günther Sidl Petra Steger Monika Vana* Stefan Windberger 4. Simone Schmiedtbauer Bettina Vollath Roman Haider Thomas Waitz* Stefan Zotti 5. Lukas Mandl* Hannes Heide Vesna Schuster Olga Voglauer Nini Tsiklauri 6. Wolfram Pirchner Julia Elisabeth Herr Elisabeth Dieringer-Granza Thomas Schobesberger Johannes Margreiter 7. Christian Sagartz Christian Alexander Dax Josef Graf Teresa Reiter 8. Barbara Thaler Stefanie Mösl Maximilian Kurz Isak Schneider 9. Christian Zoll Luca Peter Marco Kaiser Andrea Kerbleder Peter Berry 10. Claudia Wolf-Schöffmann Theresa Muigg Karin Berger Julia Reichenhauser NB 1: Only the parties reaching the 4% electoral threshold are mentioned in the table. Likely to be elected Unlikely to be elected or *: Incumbent Member of the NB 2: 18 seats are allocated to Austria, same as in the previous election. and/or take seat to take seat, if elected European Parliament ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• www.eurocommerce.eu Belgium – 21 MEPs Staff lead: Stefania Moise PARTIES (EP group) DUTCH SPEAKING CONSITUENCY FRENCH SPEAKING CONSITUENCY GERMAN SPEAKING CONSTITUENCY 1. Geert Bourgeois 1. Paul Magnette 1. Pascal Arimont* 2. Assita Kanko 2. Maria Arena* 2.
  • LONCHENA-THESIS-2020.Pdf

    LONCHENA-THESIS-2020.Pdf

    FAILED STATES: DEFINING WHAT A FAILED STATES IS AND WHY NOT ALL FAILED STATES AFFECT UNITED STATES NATIONAL SECURITY by Timothy Andrew Lonchena A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Global Security Studies Baltimore, Maryland May 2020 2020 Timothy Lonchena All rights reserved Abstract: Failed States have been discussed for over the past twenty years since the terrorist attacks of the United States on September 11th, 2001. The American public became even more familiar with the term “failed states” during the Arab Spring movement when several countries in the Middle East and North Africa underwent regime changes. The result of these regime changes was a more violent group of terrorists, such as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). This thesis will address how to define failed states to ensure there is an understood baseline when looking to determine if a state could possibly fail. Further, this thesis will examine the on-going debate addressing the question of those who claim failed states can’t be predicted and determine if analytic modeling can be applied to the identification of failed states. The thesis also examines the need to identify “failed states” before they fail and will also discuss the effects certain failed states have directly on United States national security. Given this, the last portion of this paper and argument to be addressed will determine if there are certain failing states that the United States will not provide assistance to, as it is not in the best interest of our national security and that of our allies.
  • 2 Fifteenth Berkeley Festival & Exhibition 2

    2 Fifteenth Berkeley Festival & Exhibition 2

    2 FIFTEENTH BERKELEY FESTIVAL & EXHIBITION 2 june 3–10, 2018 Festival Advisory Committee, Board of Directors & Staff ...............................................................................................2 Festival Supporters ...........................................................................................................................................................3 Welcome ..........................................................................................................................................................................6 Festival Calendar .............................................................................................................................................................8 Main Stage Players Sunday, June 3 Seattle Historical Arts for Kids ...............................................................................................................................14 California Bach Society ..........................................................................................................................................17 Monday, June 4 Christine Brandes & Elizabeth Blumenstock ..........................................................................................................23 Tuesday, June 5 San Francisco Conservatory Baroque Ensemble Students and Alumni ...................................................................27 Davis Senior High School Baroque Ensemble ........................................................................................................30
  • Dear President of the European Parliament, Dear President of The

    Dear President of the European Parliament, Dear President of The

    Dear President of the European Parliament, Dear President of the European Council, Dear President of the European Commission and Dear President of the French Republic, We all have a responsibility for the shared future of Europe. In this time of crisis, it is high time to re-evaluate some of the rules we have upheld till now and focus on the most important aspects of the European project, which will help us move forward. An unprecedented health crisis is currently affecting millions of people in Europe and tragically taking thousands of lives. However, this is not the end. The economic crisis will crush the hopes and dreams of generations of Europeans. We sincerely hope that we will all do whatever is in our power not to leave anyone behind. We firmly believe that the European Parliament needs to take on its responsibility and share the burden since it is the highest European directly elected body. We need to be part of the solution, not part of the problem. If we want the people to have confidence and trust in the European project, we need to show them that we are also ready to make concessions. Therefore, we would like to ask you to do everything in your power to change the treaties in order to have just a single seat of the Parliament in Brussels. This call has again gained a large majority of support in the 2018 Parliament discharge resolution adopted on 13 May 2020 and shall now be taken into account and acted upon. The financial and environmental costs of moving the Parliament are, especially in these times of digitally connected Europe, extremely high and hard to justify.