Croatia's Constitution of 1991 with Amendments Through 2010
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Romanian Political Science Review Vol. XXI, No. 1 2021
Romanian Political Science Review vol. XXI, no. 1 2021 The end of the Cold War, and the extinction of communism both as an ideology and a practice of government, not only have made possible an unparalleled experiment in building a democratic order in Central and Eastern Europe, but have opened up a most extraordinary intellectual opportunity: to understand, compare and eventually appraise what had previously been neither understandable nor comparable. Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review was established in the realization that the problems and concerns of both new and old democracies are beginning to converge. The journal fosters the work of the first generations of Romanian political scientists permeated by a sense of critical engagement with European and American intellectual and political traditions that inspired and explained the modern notions of democracy, pluralism, political liberty, individual freedom, and civil rights. Believing that ideas do matter, the Editors share a common commitment as intellectuals and scholars to try to shed light on the major political problems facing Romania, a country that has recently undergone unprecedented political and social changes. They think of Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review as a challenge and a mandate to be involved in scholarly issues of fundamental importance, related not only to the democratization of Romanian polity and politics, to the “great transformation” that is taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, but also to the make-over of the assumptions and prospects of their discipline. They hope to be joined in by those scholars in other countries who feel that the demise of communism calls for a new political science able to reassess the very foundations of democratic ideals and procedures. -
Spotlight on Parliaments in Europe
Spotlight on Parliaments in Europe Issued by the EP Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments N° 13 - November 2016 Quality of legislation stemming from the EU On 19 September 2016, the Italian Senate submitted a request to the ECPRD network concerning the quality of legislation stemming from the EU. This request was an opportunity for National Parliaments to exchange best practices on how to ensure the quality of legislation with specific regard to transposition, implementation and enforcement of EU law. From the 21 answers provided by National Parliaments it is clear that transposition and implementation of EU Law is highly unlikely to require special attention. While almost all of them are using legislative guidelines and procedures for guaranteeing high standard of general law-making, only a few have felt the need to establish special mechanisms to ensure the quality of legislation stemming from the EU. The use of legislative guidelines and procedures; the main way to ensure the quality of legislation stemming from the EU. The use of legislative guidelines and procedures appears to be the most common way for National Parliaments to ensure the quality of legislation, also the legislation stemming from the EU. It allows for good linguistic coherence in the national languages while enhancing the standardization of the law. For example, in the case of Austria, the Federal Chancellery has published specific “Legistische Richtlinien”. In Spain, the instrument used is the Regulation Guidelines adopted in the Agreement of the Council of Ministers of 22 July 2005. Both Italian Chambers use Joint Guidelines on drafting of national legislation. -
Open-And-Shut: Senate Impeachment Deliberations Must Be Public Marjorie Cohn
Hastings Law Journal Volume 51 | Issue 2 Article 3 1-2000 Open-and-Shut: Senate Impeachment Deliberations Must Be Public Marjorie Cohn Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Marjorie Cohn, Open-and-Shut: Senate Impeachment Deliberations Must Be Public, 51 Hastings L.J. 365 (2000). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_law_journal/vol51/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Law Journal by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Open-and-Shut: Senate Impeachment Deliberations Must Be Public by MARJORIE COHN* Table of Contents I. Impeachment Rules and Precedents ................................................ 368 A. Current Impeachment Rules ............................................... 368 B. A Tradition of Senate Secrecy ............................................ 370 (1) Congressional Rule-Making Authority ........................ 370 (2) The "Closed-Door Policy"............................................. 370 (3) The Twentieth Century: The Door Opens Wider ...... 374 (4) When the Doors Are Closed ......................................... 376 C. Historical Impeachment Rules ............................................ 377 D. Why Did the Presumption of Openness Change in .. 1868 with the Andrew Johnson Impeachment? -
The Economic and Political Situation in Croatia
DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT D: BUDGETARY AFFAIRS The Economic and Political Situation in Croatia NOTE 08/06/2010 PE 411.280 EN This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Budgetary Control. AUTHOR Ms Yana Mechkova RESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR Mr Christian EHLERS Policy Department D: Budgetary Affairs European Parliament B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR To contact the Policy Department or to subscribe to its monthly newsletter please write to: poldep- [email protected] Manuscript completed in June 2010. Brussels, © European Parliament, 2010. This document is available on the Internet at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/studies DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorized, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice and sent a copy. The Economic and Political Situation in Croatia ___________________________________________________________________________________ TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION............................................................................................... 2 2. THE POLITICAL SITUATION............................................................................. 2 2.1. THE POLITICAL STRUCTURE................................................................................... -
Lithuania Country Chapter
EU Coalition Explorer Results of the EU28 Survey on coalition building in the European Union an initiative of Results for Lithuania © ECFR May 2017 Design Findings Chapters Preferences Influence Partners Policies ecfr.eu/eucoalitionexplorer Findings Lithuania Coalition Potential Preferences Policies Ranks 1 to 14 Top 3 for LT Ranks 15 to 28 Lithuania ranks overall #21 at Preferences Lithuania ranks #11 at ‘More Europe’ Top 3 for LT 1. Latvia 2. Estonia Country Findings 1. Latvia #11 3. CZ EL AT Austria #19 Q1 Most Contacted 2. Estonia Q14 Deeper Integration BE Belgium 3. Poland BG Bulgaria 1. Latvia Q16 Expert View Level of Decision-Making Q17 Public View HR Croatia #22 Q2 Shared Interests 2. Poland 3. Sweden CY Cyprus 63% 52% All EU member states 50% 46% CZ Czech Rep. 1. Latvia 13% 19% Legally bound core 14% 18% DK Denmark #22 Q3 Most Responsive 2. Sweden 17% 15% Coalition of states 14% 21% EE Estonia 3. Slovenia 7% 8% Only national level 22% 15% FI Finland LT EU EU LT FR France DE Germany EL Greece HU Hungary Partners Networks IE Ireland Lithuania ranks overall #20 at Partners Voting for IT Italy Top 3 for LT Latvia LV Lithuania Latvia 1. Latvia Top 8 for LT LT Lithuania #19 Q10 Foreign and Development Policy 2. Poland Poland LU Luxembourg 3. Sweden MT Malta Estonia 1. Latvia NL Netherlands #12 Q11 Security and Defense Policy 2. HR RO PL Poland 3. DK PL SE Sweden PT Portugal LT 1. Estonia RO Romania #21 Q12 Economic and Social Policy 2. -
The Impeachment and Trial of a Former President
Legal Sidebari The Impeachment and Trial of a Former President January 15, 2021 For the second time in just over a year, the House of Representatives has voted to impeach President Donald J. Trump. The House previously voted to impeach President Trump on December 18, 2019, and the Senate voted to acquit the President on February 5, 2020. Because the timing of this second impeachment vote is so close to the end of the Trump Administration, it is possible that any resulting Senate trial may not occur until after President Trump leaves office on January 20, 2021. This possibility has prompted the question of whether the Senate can try a former President for conduct that occurred while he was in office. The Constitution’s Impeachment Provisions The Constitution grants Congress authority to impeach and remove the President, Vice President, and other federal “civil Officers” for treason, bribery, or “other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.” Impeachment is one of the various checks and balances created by the Constitution, and it serves as a powerful tool for holding government officers accountable. The impeachment process entails two distinct proceedings carried out by the separate houses of Congress. First, a simple majority of the House impeaches—or formally approves allegations of wrongdoing amounting to an impeachable offense. The second proceeding is an impeachment trial in the Senate. If the Senate votes to convict with a two-thirds majority, the official is removed from office. The Senate also can disqualify an official upon conviction from holding a federal office in the future; according to Senate practice, this vote follows the vote for conviction. -
Impeachment As Judicial Selection?
William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 18 (2009-2010) Issue 3 Article 3 March 2010 Impeachment as Judicial Selection? Tuan Samahon Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Courts Commons, and the Judges Commons Repository Citation Tuan Samahon, Impeachment as Judicial Selection?, 18 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 595 (2010), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol18/iss3/3 Copyright c 2010 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj IMPEACHMENT AS JUDICIAL SELECTION? Tuan Samahon* Ideological judicial selection encompasses more than the affirmative nominating, confirming, and appointing of judges who pre-commit to particular legal interpretations and constructions of constitutional text. It may also include deselection by way of im- peachment and removal (or at least its threat) of judges subscribing to interpretations and constructions of the Constitution that one disapproves. This negative tactic may be particularly effective when deployed against judges on closely divided collegial courts, such as the U.S. Supreme Court and the U.S. courts of appeals, where per- sonnel determine voting majorities and, in turn, majorities determine case outcomes. The Pickering-Chase, Fortas-Douglas, and Christian Coalition impeachments and threats of impeachment illustrate that the use or threat of this tactic is more common than might be supposed. Indeed, recent calls for the removal of Circuit Judge Jay Bybee demonstrate the continuing allure of impeachment as judicial selection. This Article examines the phenomenon of impeachment as judicial selection through Professors Tushnet’s and Balkin’s framework of “constitutional hardball.” In the case of impeachment as judicial selection, Congress plays constitutional hardball by claiming that it is an appropriate tool for political control and a fraternal twin to the modern appointments process. -
The Three Seas Initiative
Updated April 26, 2021 The Three Seas Initiative The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is a regional effort in According to EU data, the 3SI region remains less well-off Europe to expand cross-border energy, transportation, and economically compared with the rest of the EU; the 3SI digital infrastructure and boost economic development in countries together comprise just under 30% of EU territory the area between the Adriatic Sea, Baltic Sea, and Black and 22% of its population but account for 10% of the EU’s Sea. Twelve countries (Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, the gross domestic product (the EU data predate Brexit and so Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, include the United Kingdom). Infrastructure gaps are Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia), all of which are considered a factor behind regional economic disparities. members of the European Union (EU), participate in the According to EU data, road and rail travel in the 3SI region 3SI (see Figure 1). take, on average, roughly two to four times longer than comparable travel in the rest of the EU. The U.S. government, including some Members of Congress, have indicated strong backing for the 3SI. In Figure 1. Three Seas Initiative November 2020, the House of Representatives passed a bipartisan resolution “expressing support of the Three Seas Initiative in its efforts to increase energy independence and infrastructure connectivity thereby strengthening the United States and European national security” (H.Res. 672, 116th Congress). Officials from the Biden Administration and the Trump Administration have expressed diplomatic support for the 3SI, and high-level U.S. officials (including then- President Trump in 2017) have joined its annual summits. -
Agreement Between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Poland on the Reciprocal Promotion and Protection of Investments
AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND ON THE RECIPROCAL PROMOTION AND PROTECTION OF INVESTMENTS Preamble The Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Poland, thereinafter referred to as the Contracting Parties, Desiring to intensify economic cooperation to the mutual benefit of both States, Intending to create and maintain favourable conditions for investments by investors of one Contracting party in the territory of the other Contracting Party, Recognizing the need to promote and protect foreign investments with the aim to foster the economic prosperity of both Contracting Parties, Have agreed as follows: Article 1 Definitions For the purpose of this Agreement: 1. The term "investor" refers with regard to either Contracting Party to: a) natural parsons having the nationality of the Contracting Party; b) legal entities, including companies, corporations, business associations and other organizations, which are constituted or otherwise duly organized under the law of that Contracting Party and have their seat, together with economic activities, in the territory of that same Contracting Party; 2. The term "investment" means any kind of asset invested by an investor of one Contracting Party, provided that they have been made in accordance with the laws and regulations of the other Contracting Party and shall include in particular though not exclusively: a) movable and immovable property as well as any other rights in ram, such as servitude, mortgages, liens, pledges; b) shares, parts or any other kinds of participation in companies; c) claims to money or the any performance having economic value; d) copyrights, industrial property rights (such as patents, utility models, industrial designs or models, trade or service marks, trade names, indications or origin), know-how and goodwill; e) rights granted by a public authority to carry out an economic activity, including concessions, for example, to search for, extract on exploit natural resources. -
List of Participants Liste Des Participants
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS LISTE DES PARTICIPANTS 142nd IPU Assembly and Related Meetings (virtual) 24 to 27 May 2021 - 2 - Mr./M. Duarte Pacheco President of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Président de l'Union interparlementaire Mr./M. Martin Chungong Secretary General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Secrétaire général de l'Union interparlementaire - 3 - I. MEMBERS - MEMBRES AFGHANISTAN RAHMANI, Mir Rahman (Mr.) Speaker of the House of the People Leader of the delegation EZEDYAR, Mohammad Alam (Mr.) Deputy Speaker of the House of Elders KAROKHAIL, Shinkai (Ms.) Member of the House of the People ATTIQ, Ramin (Mr.) Member of the House of the People REZAIE, Shahgul (Ms.) Member of the House of the People ISHCHY, Baktash (Mr.) Member of the House of the People BALOOCH, Mohammad Nadir (Mr.) Member of the House of Elders HASHIMI, S. Safiullah (Mr.) Member of the House of Elders ARYUBI, Abdul Qader (Mr.) Secretary General, House of the People Member of the ASGP NASARY, Abdul Muqtader (Mr.) Secretary General, House of Elders Member of the ASGP HASSAS, Pamir (Mr.) Acting Director of Relations to IPU Secretary to the delegation ALGERIA - ALGERIE GOUDJIL, Salah (M.) Président du Conseil de la Nation Président du Groupe, Chef de la délégation BOUZEKRI, Hamid (M.) Vice-Président du Conseil de la Nation (RND) BENBADIS, Fawzia (Mme) Membre du Conseil de la Nation Comité sur les questions relatives au Moyen-Orient KHARCHI, Ahmed (M.) Membre du Conseil de la Nation (FLN) DADA, Mohamed Drissi (M.) Secrétaire Général, Conseil de la Nation Secrétaire général -
Impeachment and Removal
Impeachment and Removal Jared P. Cole Legislative Attorney Todd Garvey Legislative Attorney October 29, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44260 Impeachment and Removal Summary The impeachment process provides a mechanism for removal of the President, Vice President, and other “civil Officers of the United States” found to have engaged in “treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.” The Constitution places the responsibility and authority to determine whether to impeach an individual in the hands of the House of Representatives. Should a simple majority of the House approve articles of impeachment specifying the grounds upon which the impeachment is based, the matter is then presented to the Senate, to which the Constitution provides the sole power to try an impeachment. A conviction on any one of the articles of impeachment requires the support of a two-thirds majority of the Senators present. Should a conviction occur, the Senate retains limited authority to determine the appropriate punishment. Under the Constitution, the penalty for conviction on an impeachable offense is limited to either removal from office, or removal and prohibition against holding any future offices of “honor, Trust or Profit under the United States.” Although removal from office would appear to flow automatically from conviction on an article of impeachment, a separate vote is necessary should the Senate deem it appropriate to disqualify the individual convicted from holding future federal offices of public trust. Approval of such a measure requires only the support of a simple majority. Key Takeaways of This Report The Constitution gives Congress the authority to impeach and remove the President, Vice President, and other federal “civil officers” upon a determination that such officers have engaged in treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. -
Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities in the Republic of Croatia
Antonija Petričušić * Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities in the Republic of Croatia I. I is article explores the disposition of the new Croatian Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities (hereinafter “the Constitutional Law” or “the Law”)1 adopted on December . e legislation previously governing the protection of minority rights was politically an extremely controversial and much-discussed law, and was amended and suspended quite a number of times in its existence of just over ten years. e adop- tion of the Constitutional Law was one of Croatia’s international obligations upon entry into the Council of Europe (CoE),2 as well as an imperative for implementation of the European Union Association and Stabilization Agreement.3 Even at the Law’s drafting phase, the European Commission for Democracy through Law (hereinafter “the Venice Commission”) concluded that it constituted “an important step forward in the protection of national minorities in Croatia. It provides a comprehensive and coherent framework for further legislative and regulatory action in the field of minorities’ protection”.4 e Law was drafted on the blueprint of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM), and therefore applies the most generally accepted stan- dards in minority protection. * Researcher at the European Academy of Bolzano/Bozen, Italy. e author wishes to thank her colleagues Emma Lantschner, Francesco Palermo and Jens Woelk for their useful comments to a draft of this article. 1 Constitutional Law on the Rights of National Minorities in the Republic of Croatia in Croatian language can be found in the Narodne Novine (hereinafter “Official Gazette”) 155/2002.