Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920S–1970S*
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Guide to the Victor G. Reuther Papers LP000002BVGR
*XLGHWRWKH9LFWRU*5HXWKHU3DSHUV /3B9*5 7KLVILQGLQJDLGZDVSURGXFHGXVLQJ$UFKLYHV6SDFHRQ0DUFK (QJOLVK 'HVFULELQJ$UFKLYHV$&RQWHQW6WDQGDUG :DOWHU35HXWKHU/LEUDU\ &DVV$YHQXH 'HWURLW0, 85/KWWSVUHXWKHUZD\QHHGX Guide to the Victor G. Reuther Papers LP000002_VGR Table of Contents Summary Information .................................................................................................................................... 4 History ............................................................................................................................................................ 4 Scope and Content ......................................................................................................................................... 5 Arrangement ................................................................................................................................................... 7 Administrative Information ............................................................................................................................ 8 Related Materials ........................................................................................................................................... 9 Controlled Access Headings .......................................................................................................................... 9 Collection Inventory ....................................................................................................................................... 9 Series I: Reuther Brothers, -
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Economic History 51
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Economic History 51 Fordismens kris och löntagarfonder i Sverige Ilja Viktorov Stockholm University © Ilja Viktorov, Stockholm 2006 ISSN 0346-8305 ISBN 91-85445-51-7 Typesetting: Intellecta Docusys Printed in Sweden by Intellecta Docusys, Västra Frölunda, 2006 Distributor: Stockholm University Library Omslagsbild: Demonstrationen mot löntagarfonder den 4 oktober 1983, Stockholm (© foto från Svenskt Näringslivs arkiv, Centrum för Näringslivshistoria) Till min Mamma Посвящается моей маме Innehåll Förkortningar .............................................................................x Erkänsla / Acknowledgments...................................................11 Kapitel 1. Inledning ..................................................................15 Bakgrund .......................................................................................................................15 Syfte...............................................................................................................................19 Tidigare forskning..........................................................................................................19 Teori och begrepp. Den fordistiska debattens tre riktningar .........................................25 Metod.............................................................................................................................30 Avgränsning...................................................................................................................30 -
Wori(Ers' Participation
Xto I 1 -/ )~ WORI(ERS' PARTICIPATION CHRISTER ASPLUND INSTITUTEOP!N9US TR! A1 APR Ca974 INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS BRUSSELS S~ome aspects of workers' participation: A survey prepared for the ICFTU by CHRISTER ASPLUND a member of the research staff of the Swedish Central Organisation of Salaried Employees (TCO) INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS - BRUSSELSWcM tT-7I2I ? INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS Rue Montagne aux Herbes Potageres, 37-41 - B - 1000 Brussels May 1972 Price: 50 p., $ 1.25 D/1972/0403/8 2 F O R E W O R D Although the term itself is relatively new, the idea behind " workers' participation" has roots going deep into the history of the labour move- ment. Reduced to its simplest form it is merely a question of how to secure a bigger say for the workers in the determination of the conditions governing their everyday working lives. In recent years, however, the growing concentration of production in ever bigger units and the increasing remoteness of the real centres of economic power, especially with the spread of huge multinational com- panies, have lent added urgency to the problem. In every country, whatever its political set-up may be, the worker- at the place of work - is most of the time up against a system which has little in common with democracy. However strong the trade union may be, most of the vital decisions about the organisation and tempo of production, investment, the distribution of profits, the use of manpower, training, promotion, hiring and firing, are still management prerogatives. -
Boycotts and Sanctions Against South Africa: an International History, 1946-1970
Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 Simon Stevens All rights reserved ABSTRACT Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens This dissertation analyzes the role of various kinds of boycotts and sanctions in the strategies and tactics of those active in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. What was unprecedented about the efforts of members of the global anti-apartheid movement was that they experimented with so many ways of severing so many forms of interaction with South Africa, and that boycotts ultimately came to be seen as such a central element of their struggle. But it was not inevitable that international boycotts would become indelibly associated with the struggle against apartheid. Calling for boycotts and sanctions was a political choice. In the years before 1959, most leading opponents of apartheid both inside and outside South Africa showed little interest in the idea of international boycotts of South Africa. This dissertation identifies the conjuncture of circumstances that caused this to change, and explains the subsequent shifts in the kinds of boycotts that opponents of apartheid prioritized. It shows that the various advocates of boycotts and sanctions expected them to contribute to ending apartheid by a range of different mechanisms, from bringing about an evolutionary change in white attitudes through promoting the desegregation of sport, to weakening the state’s ability to resist the efforts of the liberation movements to seize power through guerrilla warfare. -
William and Ann Kemsley Papers
THE WILLIAM AND ANN KEMSLEY COLLECTION Papers, 1943-1961 4.5 linear feet Accession Number 943 L.C. Number MS The papers of William and Ann Kemsley were placed in the Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs in March of 1980 by William and Ann Kemsley. and were opened for research in June of 1983. Additional material was opened for research in June of 2002. William Kemsley was born in Brandon, Manitoba, Canada on May 11, 1908. Mr. Kemsley moved to the United States in 1920. He became active in the trade union movement as early as 1932 and joined the UAW-CIO in 1937. He served as plant chairman of the Detroit United Auto Workers Westside Local 174, and held other offices including local organizer and local union education director. In 1945, Kemsley went to Germany as a labor specialist in the Manpower Division of the Office of Military Government, U.S. (OMGUS). The following year he returned to the U.S. to become education director of the Michigan CIO Council. Mr. Kemsley went to Paris in 1952 as a staff member of the Ecomomic Cooperation Administration where he served until 1954. In 1954, he was appointed representative of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) to the United Nations. Mr. Kemsley held this position until his retirement in May 1961. Ann Kemsley, nee Terech, was born in Minneapolis on October 29, 1918. She is Mr. Kemsley's second wife. Mrs. Kemsley is a former editor of the Wisconsin CIO News and worked as a journalist for numerous trade union papers. -
The TUC and the Histadrut, 1945-1982: a Problematic Relationship
The TUC and the Histadrut, 1945-1982: a problematic relationship Ronnie Fraser Royal Holloway College Doctor of Philosophy 1 Declaration of Authorship I, Ronnie Fraser hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 The TUC and the Histadrut, 1945-1982: a problematic relationship Ronnie Fraser Abstract The main purpose of this study is to explore and explain the attitude of the British trade union movement towards Zionism and Israel and how and why it has changed over the years. There have been several studies that concentrate on the attitude of the British Labour Party towards Israel but none that focus on the relationship between the British trade union movement and its Israeli counterpart. Although the unions and the Labour Party had a close relationship, their policies were not always the same with regard to Israel. The relationship between the TUC and the Histadrut, rooted in the 1920s and 1930s, changed fundamentally after the creation of Israel in 1948. This research analyses how that relationship developed and why. Key factors included the attitude of the TUC General Secretaries, the TUC's relationship with the Foreign Office, the context of the international trade union movement, Cold War politics, Britain's post-war role in the Middle East, and the (sometimes surprising) approach of individual trades union leaders such as Jack Jones. The four wars between Israel and the Arabs between 1948-82 also played a part. One constant throughout most of this study is the pro-Zionist stance of the Parliamentary Labour Party compared with the much more ambivalent TUC-Histadrut relations. -
Socialists at the Gate: Swedish Business and the Defense of Free
SOCIALISTS AT THE GATE Rikard Westerberg Twice in the last century, organized capital in Sweden clashed with organized labor on the issue of private ownership and state intervention. First, in the 1940s following proposals on increased regulation, higher taxes, and potential nation- alization. Thirty years later, when business interests felt pressured by radical- SOCIALISTS AT THE GATE ized politics and a threat of losing ownership to union-controlled wage-earner funds in the midst of an economic crisis. For the captains of industry, the perils SWEDISH BUSINESS AND THE DEFENSE of socialism were to be fought by convincing the general public of the benefits OF FREE ENTERPRISE, 1940–1985 of free enterprise and assisting the non-socialists parties to return to power. This study analyzes business counter-reactions: its attempt to influence public opinion through PR-campaigns, public protests, research financing, press sub- sidies, and political donations. Applying theories on interest group formation and with access to previously closed archives, it finds that it was the level of radicalism within the internationally uniquely strong Swedish labor movement which incentivized business to act. It also analyzes the previously unresearched connections between Swedish employers and pro-market organizations abroad, including the relationship between prominent free-market economists and pub- lic-relations experts within the Swedish business community. In addition to shedding new light on how organized business tried to reach its Westerberg Rikard political goals during the Cold War era, the thesis helps us understand how ideas of deregulation, competition, and individual choice got a foothold in a country so characterized by social democracy. -
Dynamics of Assertive Labour Movementism in Ethiopia: Organised Labour, Unrest and Wages in a Socio-Historical Perspective
UNIVERSITÀ DI PAVIA Dottorato in Storia – XXX ciclo TESI IN COTUTELA CON UNIVERSITY OF BASEL PhD Programme in African Studies Dynamics of Assertive Labour Movementism in Ethiopia: Organised Labour, Unrest and Wages in a Socio-Historical Perspective A dissertation submitted to the Department of Political and Social Sciences of the University of Pavia and the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Basel in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Presented by: Samuel Andreas Admasie Under the Supervision of: Massimo Zaccaria, Università di Pavia Elisio Macamo, University of Basel Basel 2019 Buchbinderei Bommer Original document stored on the publication server of the Uniyersity of Basel edoc.unibas.ch This is to certify that this doctoral dissertation has been approved by the Department of Political and Social Sciences, University of Pavia and the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Basel, upon the formal request of Massimo Zaccaria and Elisio Macamo. Pavia, July 2, 2018. ii Acknowledgements The research presented in this dissertation has been supported by funding from the University of Pavia, the University of Basel, and the Freiwillige Akademische Gesellschaft Basel. I am deeply grateful for this. I am thankful to the Department of Political and Social Sciences of the University of Pavia, the Centre for African Studies of the University of Basel, and the Graduate School of Social Sciences of the University of Basel for all the support they have extended -
Dimitrus Tsarouhas- Social Democracy in Sweden
SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN SWEDEN Dimitris Tsarouhas is Assistant Professor at the Department of International Relations, Bilkent University, Turkey. He has published on labour politics and social partnership, comparative social policy and Europeanization. SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN SWEDEN The Threat from a Globalized World DIMITRIS TSAROUHAS Tauris Academic Studies LONDON • NEW YORK Published in 2008 by Tauris Academic Studies, an imprint of I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd 6 Salem Road, London W2 4BU 175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010 www.ibtauris.com In the United States of America and in Canada distributed by Palgrave Macmillan a division of St Martins Press, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010 Copyright © 2008 Dimitris Tsarouhas The right of Dimitris Tsarouhas to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by the author in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patent Act 1988. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Library of European Studies 6 ISBN: 978 1 84511 786 3 A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library A full CIP record for this book is available from the Library of Congress Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: available Printed and bound in India by Thomson Press from camera-ready copy supplied by Oxford Publishing Services Contents List of Tables and Figures vi Acronyms and Abbreviations vii Note on Transliteration x Acknowledgements xi 1. -
1 Misunderstanding the Swedish Model Svante Nycander* Abstract
1 Misunderstanding the Swedish Model Svante Nycander* Abstract: Labour historians and labour law researchers tend to neglect the fact that Swedish industrial relations developed in a situation of “collective laissez faire”, that prevailed between 1864 and the 1970s. The political background of the Swedish labour law and employer-union relations has often been distorted. The reshaping of labour legislation that took place in the 1970s was fundamental. Researchers have seen this sharp turn of policy as an effect of trade union influence, but contemporary documents tell another story. The paper is based on the author´s recent work “Makten över arbetsmarknaden. Ett perspektiv på Sveriges 1900-tal. (The Power over the Labour Market. A perspective on Sweden´s 20th Century. SNS Förlag, Stockholm 2002.) Economic laissez-faire was introduced in Sweden in 1864, year zero in the development of modern Swedish industrial relations. In the labour market, the predominant doctrine became “the free employment contract”; the few remaining regulations were soon disregarded and in general seen as obsolete. Trade unions, strikes, lockouts and collective bargaining were left to the free play of economic and social forces. Neither the government nor the courts tried to enforce free competition and individual contracts in the labour market, as in Great Britain and America. Few labour disputes came before the courts. 1 Jörgen Westerståhl, Sweden´s foremost political scientist, wrote in 1945 that the incipient trade union movement “acted within a sphere that the existing legislation left almost totally unregulated”. He made an extensive survey of the Swedish Parliament´s legislative activity in this field until the late 1930s and concluded that this was in the main a negative story, a story about proposals that had been rejected. -
Swedish Social Democracy and the Vietnam War
AND THE VIETNAM WAR SWEDISH SOCIAL DEMOCRACY SWEDISH West European leaders had good reasons to oppose US Vietnam war policy. It threatened to alter the global balance of power while igniting unrest at home. Such turbulence led to a radicalized political atmosphere domestically. In this new environment, the “New Left” established a SOCIAL powerful foothold among the “68-generation”. In many West European countries the new radical left rejected the older Socialist and Communist parties in favor of more radical political alternatives. In Sweden the Social Democratic government struggled to maintain a DEMOCRACY workable relationship with Washington while at the same time placating domestic anti-war opinion – thus preventing this issue from being hijacked by the far left. How did the Swedish Social Democrats resolve this dilemma? AND THE Although this is the most written-about episode in Swedish postwar diplomacy, this is the first book to scrutinize the impact of Sweden,s Vietnam War policy on its domestic politics. VIETNAM WAR CARL-GUSTAF SCOTT CARL-GUSTAF Södertörns högskola | www.sh.se/publications | [email protected] CARL-GUSTAF SCOTT CARL-GUSTAF Swedish Social Democracy and the Vietnam War SWEDISH SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE VIETNAM WAR CARL-GUSTAF SCOTT CARL-GUSTAF Södertörns högskola (Södertörn University) Library SE-141 89 Huddinge www.sh.se/publications © Carl-Gustaf Scott Cover: Jonathan Robson Graphic form: Per Lindblom & Jonathan Robson Printed by Elanders, Stockholm 2017 Södertörn Academic Studies 64 ISSN 1650-433X ISBN 978-91-87843-35-8 -
Neutrality and Solidarity in Nordic Humanitarian Action
HPG Working Paper Neutrality and solidarity in Nordic humanitarian action Carl Marklund January 2016 HPG Humanitarian Policy Group About the author Carl Marklund is a Stockholm-based researcher in history and political science. He has published widely on Nordic welfare state policies, public diplomacy and global outreach, especially during the Cold War era. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank Christina Bennett and Matthew Foley at the Overseas Development Institute, Eleanor Davey at the Humanitarian and Conflict Response Institute at University of Manchester, Norbert Götz at the Institute for Contemporary History at Södertörn University and Agneta Landqvist at Swedish Fundraising Control for invaluable assistance during the finalisation of this Working Paper. Humanitarian Policy Group Overseas Development Institute 203 Blackfriars Road London SE1 8NJ United Kingdom Tel. +44 (0) 20 7922 0300 Fax. +44 (0) 20 7922 0399 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.odi.org/hpg © Overseas Development Institute, 2016 Readers are encouraged to quote or reproduce materials from this publication but, as copyright holders, ODI requests due acknowledgement and a copy of the publication. This and other HPG Reports are available from www.odi.org.uk/hpg. Contents Acronyms iii 1 An introduction to Nordic humanitarian action 1 1.1 Outline 2 2 Humanitarian action and the world wars 5 2.1 Humanitarian action during and after the Second World War 6 2.2 Post-war relief 7 3 Post-war aid frameworks and government structures 9 3.1 Government ministries