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Guide to the Victor G. Reuther Papers LP000002BVGR
*XLGHWRWKH9LFWRU*5HXWKHU3DSHUV /3B9*5 7KLVILQGLQJDLGZDVSURGXFHGXVLQJ$UFKLYHV6SDFHRQ0DUFK (QJOLVK 'HVFULELQJ$UFKLYHV$&RQWHQW6WDQGDUG :DOWHU35HXWKHU/LEUDU\ &DVV$YHQXH 'HWURLW0, 85/KWWSVUHXWKHUZD\QHHGX Guide to the Victor G. Reuther Papers LP000002_VGR Table of Contents Summary Information .................................................................................................................................... 4 History ............................................................................................................................................................ 4 Scope and Content ......................................................................................................................................... 5 Arrangement ................................................................................................................................................... 7 Administrative Information ............................................................................................................................ 8 Related Materials ........................................................................................................................................... 9 Controlled Access Headings .......................................................................................................................... 9 Collection Inventory ....................................................................................................................................... 9 Series I: Reuther Brothers, -
Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920S–1970S*
IRSH 58 (2013), pp. 39–70 doi:10.1017/S0020859012000752 r 2012 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920s–1970s* M AGALY R ODRI´ GUEZ G ARCI´ A Vrije Universiteit Brussel/Research Foundation Flanders (FWO) Pleinlaan 2-5B 407d, 1050 Brussels, Belgium E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT: This article provides an analysis of the construction of labour regionalism between the 1920s and 1970s. By means of a comparative examination of the supranational labour structures in Europe and the Americas prior to World War II and of the decentralized structure of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), I attempt to defend the argument that regionalism was a labour leaders’ construct that responded to three issues: the quest for power among the largest trade-union organizations within the international trade-union movement; mutual distrust between labour leaders of large, middle-sized, and small unions from different regions; and (real or imaginary) common interests among labour leaders from the same region. These push-and-pull factors led to the construction of regional labour identifications that emphasized ‘‘otherness’’ in the world of international labour. A regional labour identity was intended to supplement, not undermine, national identity. As such, this study fills a lacuna in the scholarly literature on international relations and labour internationalism, which has given only scant attention to the regional level of international labour organization. This article provides a comparative analysis of the construction of regional identifications among labour circles prior to World War II, and to the formalization of the idea of regionalism within the International Con- federation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU1) after 1949. -
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Economic History 51
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Economic History 51 Fordismens kris och löntagarfonder i Sverige Ilja Viktorov Stockholm University © Ilja Viktorov, Stockholm 2006 ISSN 0346-8305 ISBN 91-85445-51-7 Typesetting: Intellecta Docusys Printed in Sweden by Intellecta Docusys, Västra Frölunda, 2006 Distributor: Stockholm University Library Omslagsbild: Demonstrationen mot löntagarfonder den 4 oktober 1983, Stockholm (© foto från Svenskt Näringslivs arkiv, Centrum för Näringslivshistoria) Till min Mamma Посвящается моей маме Innehåll Förkortningar .............................................................................x Erkänsla / Acknowledgments...................................................11 Kapitel 1. Inledning ..................................................................15 Bakgrund .......................................................................................................................15 Syfte...............................................................................................................................19 Tidigare forskning..........................................................................................................19 Teori och begrepp. Den fordistiska debattens tre riktningar .........................................25 Metod.............................................................................................................................30 Avgränsning...................................................................................................................30 -
Wori(Ers' Participation
Xto I 1 -/ )~ WORI(ERS' PARTICIPATION CHRISTER ASPLUND INSTITUTEOP!N9US TR! A1 APR Ca974 INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS BRUSSELS S~ome aspects of workers' participation: A survey prepared for the ICFTU by CHRISTER ASPLUND a member of the research staff of the Swedish Central Organisation of Salaried Employees (TCO) INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS - BRUSSELSWcM tT-7I2I ? INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS Rue Montagne aux Herbes Potageres, 37-41 - B - 1000 Brussels May 1972 Price: 50 p., $ 1.25 D/1972/0403/8 2 F O R E W O R D Although the term itself is relatively new, the idea behind " workers' participation" has roots going deep into the history of the labour move- ment. Reduced to its simplest form it is merely a question of how to secure a bigger say for the workers in the determination of the conditions governing their everyday working lives. In recent years, however, the growing concentration of production in ever bigger units and the increasing remoteness of the real centres of economic power, especially with the spread of huge multinational com- panies, have lent added urgency to the problem. In every country, whatever its political set-up may be, the worker- at the place of work - is most of the time up against a system which has little in common with democracy. However strong the trade union may be, most of the vital decisions about the organisation and tempo of production, investment, the distribution of profits, the use of manpower, training, promotion, hiring and firing, are still management prerogatives. -
Boycotts and Sanctions Against South Africa: an International History, 1946-1970
Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 Simon Stevens All rights reserved ABSTRACT Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens This dissertation analyzes the role of various kinds of boycotts and sanctions in the strategies and tactics of those active in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. What was unprecedented about the efforts of members of the global anti-apartheid movement was that they experimented with so many ways of severing so many forms of interaction with South Africa, and that boycotts ultimately came to be seen as such a central element of their struggle. But it was not inevitable that international boycotts would become indelibly associated with the struggle against apartheid. Calling for boycotts and sanctions was a political choice. In the years before 1959, most leading opponents of apartheid both inside and outside South Africa showed little interest in the idea of international boycotts of South Africa. This dissertation identifies the conjuncture of circumstances that caused this to change, and explains the subsequent shifts in the kinds of boycotts that opponents of apartheid prioritized. It shows that the various advocates of boycotts and sanctions expected them to contribute to ending apartheid by a range of different mechanisms, from bringing about an evolutionary change in white attitudes through promoting the desegregation of sport, to weakening the state’s ability to resist the efforts of the liberation movements to seize power through guerrilla warfare. -
Das Europa Der Arbeiter: Leitbilder Gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik Bis in Die Mitte Der 1970Er Jahre
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Fattmann, Rainer Research Report Das Europa der Arbeiter: Leitbilder gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik bis in die Mitte der 1970er Jahre Study der Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, No. 387 Provided in Cooperation with: The Hans Böckler Foundation Suggested Citation: Fattmann, Rainer (2018) : Das Europa der Arbeiter: Leitbilder gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik bis in die Mitte der 1970er Jahre, Study der Hans-Böckler- Stiftung, No. 387, ISBN 978-3-86593-299-0, Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, Düsseldorf This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/179249 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/de/legalcode www.econstor.eu STUDY Nr. 387 · Mai 2018 DAS EUROPA DER ARBEITER Leitbilder gewerkschaftlicher Europapolitik bis in die Mitte der 1970er Jahre Rainer Fattmann Dieser Band erscheint als 387. -
National Trade Unions and the ETUC: a History of Unity and Diversity National Trade Unions Andrea Ciampani and Pierre Tilly (Eds) and the ETUC
European Trade Union Institute Bd du Roi Albert II, 5 1210 Brussels Belgium +32 (0)2 224 04 70 [email protected] www.etui.org National trade unions and the ETUC: A history of unity and diversity National trade unions Andrea Ciampani and Pierre Tilly (eds) and the ETUC: A follow-up to the book 1973-2013: 40 years of history of the European Trade Union Confede- ration, this publication looks more closely at how different trade union models, traditions and A history of unity and diversity cultures have come together within this organisation. — As in the first volume, the contributors take a historical perspective, highlighting the determi- Andrea Ciampani and Pierre Tilly (eds) nants, developments and legacies of the relationship that the union confederations have had with the European integration process over a forty- plus year period. The authors examine the dynamic relationship between the Brussels-based ETUC and its member organisations in ten different EU countries, within the context of the highs and lows of the European integration project. At the same time, they study the possible influence of the ETUC upon these organisations in their home countries, via the unions’ international or National trade unions and the ETUC: A history of unity and diversity Andrea Ciampani and Pierre Tilly (eds) European departments or through the feedback effects of debates at both the European and national levels. D/2017/10.574/07 ISBN 978-2-87452-430-1 National trade unions and the ETUC: A history of unity and diversity — Andrea Ciampani and Pierre Tilly -
The TUC and the Histadrut, 1945-1982: a Problematic Relationship
The TUC and the Histadrut, 1945-1982: a problematic relationship Ronnie Fraser Royal Holloway College Doctor of Philosophy 1 Declaration of Authorship I, Ronnie Fraser hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 The TUC and the Histadrut, 1945-1982: a problematic relationship Ronnie Fraser Abstract The main purpose of this study is to explore and explain the attitude of the British trade union movement towards Zionism and Israel and how and why it has changed over the years. There have been several studies that concentrate on the attitude of the British Labour Party towards Israel but none that focus on the relationship between the British trade union movement and its Israeli counterpart. Although the unions and the Labour Party had a close relationship, their policies were not always the same with regard to Israel. The relationship between the TUC and the Histadrut, rooted in the 1920s and 1930s, changed fundamentally after the creation of Israel in 1948. This research analyses how that relationship developed and why. Key factors included the attitude of the TUC General Secretaries, the TUC's relationship with the Foreign Office, the context of the international trade union movement, Cold War politics, Britain's post-war role in the Middle East, and the (sometimes surprising) approach of individual trades union leaders such as Jack Jones. The four wars between Israel and the Arabs between 1948-82 also played a part. One constant throughout most of this study is the pro-Zionist stance of the Parliamentary Labour Party compared with the much more ambivalent TUC-Histadrut relations. -
Wp N. 11/2018
Fondazione Tarantelli Centro Studi Ricerca e Formazione Radici e sfide del sindacato mondiale Working Papers Fondazione Tarantelli wp n. 11/2018 LAVORO Working Papers Fondazione Tarantelli [email protected] www.fondazionetarantelli.it Direttore: Giuseppe Gallo Vicedirettore e coordinatore redazionale: Francesco Lauria WP n. 11, febbraio 2018 Progetto grafico: Typeface, Cerveteri (Roma) Impaginazione: Francesca Romani Edizioni Lavoro, via Salaria 89, Roma ISSN 2531-8586 Sommario Editoriale Radici e sfide globali del movimento sindacale internazionale: uno sguardo peculiare, generatore di futuro di Francesco Lauria e Giuseppe Gallo 4 Il lavoro e il movimento dei lavoratori al centro dello sviluppo umano integrale, sostenibile e solidale di Annamaria Furlan 6 Lettera del Santo Padre Francesco al cardinale Peter K. A. Turkson in occasione della Conferenza internazionale «Dalla Populorum progressio alla Laudato si’» 12 Documento finale della Conferenza internazionale 17 La scelta di Pastore e Romani: la Confederazione internazionale dei sindacati liberi di Guido Formigoni 20 Dalla Cisl alla guida del sindacato mondiale di Enzo Friso 23 Vienna 2006: un’unica confederazione sindacale mondiale di Emilio Gabaglio 29 Sfide e strumenti del sindacato mondiale di Giuseppe Iuliano 32 Il quadro globale per lo sviluppo: l’Agenda 2030 e l’azione del sindacato mondiale di Paola Simonetti 43 Quanto vale una rosa? Riflessioni a margine di un progetto promosso da Iscos Emilia Romagna di Sarah Alessandroni 48 «Mia patria è il mondo intero»: lo sguardo vivo di Alberto Tridente di Francesco Lauria 52 Editoriale Radici e sfide globali del movimento sindacale internazionale: uno sguardo peculiare, generatore di futuro di Francesco Lauria* e Giuseppe Gallo** Quello che presentiamo è un Working Paper molto ampio, denso di contenuti e di pluralità di prospettive. -
Socialists at the Gate: Swedish Business and the Defense of Free
SOCIALISTS AT THE GATE Rikard Westerberg Twice in the last century, organized capital in Sweden clashed with organized labor on the issue of private ownership and state intervention. First, in the 1940s following proposals on increased regulation, higher taxes, and potential nation- alization. Thirty years later, when business interests felt pressured by radical- SOCIALISTS AT THE GATE ized politics and a threat of losing ownership to union-controlled wage-earner funds in the midst of an economic crisis. For the captains of industry, the perils SWEDISH BUSINESS AND THE DEFENSE of socialism were to be fought by convincing the general public of the benefits OF FREE ENTERPRISE, 1940–1985 of free enterprise and assisting the non-socialists parties to return to power. This study analyzes business counter-reactions: its attempt to influence public opinion through PR-campaigns, public protests, research financing, press sub- sidies, and political donations. Applying theories on interest group formation and with access to previously closed archives, it finds that it was the level of radicalism within the internationally uniquely strong Swedish labor movement which incentivized business to act. It also analyzes the previously unresearched connections between Swedish employers and pro-market organizations abroad, including the relationship between prominent free-market economists and pub- lic-relations experts within the Swedish business community. In addition to shedding new light on how organized business tried to reach its Westerberg Rikard political goals during the Cold War era, the thesis helps us understand how ideas of deregulation, competition, and individual choice got a foothold in a country so characterized by social democracy. -
The Driving Force BIRTH and EVOLUTION of TRIPARTISM – ROLE the ILO WORKERS’ GROUP the ILO in 1991 and Was Appointed Deputy Director-General in 1996
THE DRIVING FORCE The Driving Force Beyond stating that the International Labour Organization has, since 1919, had a unique tripartite structure, with the participation of govern- BIRTH AND EVOLUTION ments and employers’ and workers’ organizations, not much has been written about how tripartism actually works. In our days, the question is even sometimes asked: what is the “added value” of the social partners OF TRIPARTISM – ROLE in discussing and deciding on labour and social policies? Equally, the fundamental link between social justice and industrial peace — and indeed peace in general — is frequently overlooked. However, the world of labour is not an isolated area and cannot be treated in a vacuum. This OF THE ILO WORKERS’ GROUP book tries to show how tightly intermeshed it is with the world economy and political circumstances and how tripartite cooperation influences them. It also shows how this labour agenda has crystallized and promoted universally recognized human rights. It recounts the story of the hundred years of the ILO from the perspec- tive of the Workers’ Group. The goals and guiding principles of the first Kari Tapiola modern multilateral organization set up at the Paris Peace negotiations in 1919 were determined by the trade unions and social reformers. The body of International Labour Standards lies on the foundation which, above all, the Workers’ Group has advanced. At the same time, social justice also calls for direct negotiations and agreement between the trade unions and the employers. The book gives examples of the dynamics at work between the three groups of the ILO and explains how, over time, the force that has driven its agenda has been the Workers’ BIRTH AND EVOLUTION OF TRIPARTISM – ROLE THE ILO WORKERS’ GROUP Group. -
Dynamics of Assertive Labour Movementism in Ethiopia: Organised Labour, Unrest and Wages in a Socio-Historical Perspective
UNIVERSITÀ DI PAVIA Dottorato in Storia – XXX ciclo TESI IN COTUTELA CON UNIVERSITY OF BASEL PhD Programme in African Studies Dynamics of Assertive Labour Movementism in Ethiopia: Organised Labour, Unrest and Wages in a Socio-Historical Perspective A dissertation submitted to the Department of Political and Social Sciences of the University of Pavia and the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Basel in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Presented by: Samuel Andreas Admasie Under the Supervision of: Massimo Zaccaria, Università di Pavia Elisio Macamo, University of Basel Basel 2019 Buchbinderei Bommer Original document stored on the publication server of the Uniyersity of Basel edoc.unibas.ch This is to certify that this doctoral dissertation has been approved by the Department of Political and Social Sciences, University of Pavia and the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Basel, upon the formal request of Massimo Zaccaria and Elisio Macamo. Pavia, July 2, 2018. ii Acknowledgements The research presented in this dissertation has been supported by funding from the University of Pavia, the University of Basel, and the Freiwillige Akademische Gesellschaft Basel. I am deeply grateful for this. I am thankful to the Department of Political and Social Sciences of the University of Pavia, the Centre for African Studies of the University of Basel, and the Graduate School of Social Sciences of the University of Basel for all the support they have extended