Guide to the Victor G. Reuther Papers LP000002BVGR
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The Freeman June 1954
JUNE 28~ 1954 The Union Member: America's Laziest Man By Victor Riesel The Debacle of the Fabians By Russell Kirk Articles and Book Reviews by Max Eastman, Norbert Muhlen, James Burnham, Joseph Wood~ Krutch, Robert Cantwell, Eugene Lyons, Argus, William F. Buckley, Jr. New Rod Mill at J&L's AI"Iqulppa. Works THE A Fortnightly Among Ourselves For With the publication in 1953 of The Conserva ti've Mind, RUSSELL KIRK became nationally re reeman Individualists cognized as one of the foremost young leaders of conservative thought in the country. He enjoys an equal reputation in England, hav Executive Director KURT LASSEN ing contributed frequently to British journals Managing Editor FLORENCE NORTON and taken his doctor's degree at Scotland's famous old St. Andrews University. Because of his personal acquaintance with the British political and intellectual scene, Mr. Kirk has a more than academic interest in the New Contents VOL. 4, NO. 20 JUNE 28, 1954 Fabianism, which he analyzes in this issue (p. 695). At present Mr. Kirk is finishing a new book, A Program for Conserpatives, Editor~als to be published by the Henry Regnery Company. At luncheon not long ago we asked VICTOR 'The Fortnight .. 0•0•00000•00 •••••• 0 0 ••••• 0 0 0 •• 0 0 0 o. 689 RIESEL for his explanation of the general How Not to Run a Party . 0 •••••••••••• 0 •••••••••• 0 •• 691 apathy we had noticed among most of the The Oppenheimer Finding 692 members of labor unions with whom we had In Freedom's Calendar 693 any acquaintance. His answer (p. -
Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920S–1970S*
IRSH 58 (2013), pp. 39–70 doi:10.1017/S0020859012000752 r 2012 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920s–1970s* M AGALY R ODRI´ GUEZ G ARCI´ A Vrije Universiteit Brussel/Research Foundation Flanders (FWO) Pleinlaan 2-5B 407d, 1050 Brussels, Belgium E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT: This article provides an analysis of the construction of labour regionalism between the 1920s and 1970s. By means of a comparative examination of the supranational labour structures in Europe and the Americas prior to World War II and of the decentralized structure of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), I attempt to defend the argument that regionalism was a labour leaders’ construct that responded to three issues: the quest for power among the largest trade-union organizations within the international trade-union movement; mutual distrust between labour leaders of large, middle-sized, and small unions from different regions; and (real or imaginary) common interests among labour leaders from the same region. These push-and-pull factors led to the construction of regional labour identifications that emphasized ‘‘otherness’’ in the world of international labour. A regional labour identity was intended to supplement, not undermine, national identity. As such, this study fills a lacuna in the scholarly literature on international relations and labour internationalism, which has given only scant attention to the regional level of international labour organization. This article provides a comparative analysis of the construction of regional identifications among labour circles prior to World War II, and to the formalization of the idea of regionalism within the International Con- federation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU1) after 1949. -
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Economic History 51
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Economic History 51 Fordismens kris och löntagarfonder i Sverige Ilja Viktorov Stockholm University © Ilja Viktorov, Stockholm 2006 ISSN 0346-8305 ISBN 91-85445-51-7 Typesetting: Intellecta Docusys Printed in Sweden by Intellecta Docusys, Västra Frölunda, 2006 Distributor: Stockholm University Library Omslagsbild: Demonstrationen mot löntagarfonder den 4 oktober 1983, Stockholm (© foto från Svenskt Näringslivs arkiv, Centrum för Näringslivshistoria) Till min Mamma Посвящается моей маме Innehåll Förkortningar .............................................................................x Erkänsla / Acknowledgments...................................................11 Kapitel 1. Inledning ..................................................................15 Bakgrund .......................................................................................................................15 Syfte...............................................................................................................................19 Tidigare forskning..........................................................................................................19 Teori och begrepp. Den fordistiska debattens tre riktningar .........................................25 Metod.............................................................................................................................30 Avgränsning...................................................................................................................30 -
Kennethj. Heineman Ohio University-Lancaster
REFORMATION: MONSIGNOR CHARLES OWEN RICE AND THE FRAGMENTATION OF THE NEW DEAL ELECTORAL COALITION IN PITTSBURGH, 1960-1972 Kennethj. Heineman Ohio University-Lancaster he tearing apart of the New Deal electoral coalition in the i96os has attracted growing scholarly and media attention. Gregory Schneider and Rebecca Klatch emphasized the role collegiate lib- ertarians played in moving youths to the Right. Rick Perlstein, focusing on conservatives who came of age during World War II, argued that the New Right wedded southern white racism to midwestern conspiracy-obsessed anti-Communism. For his part, Dan Carter contended that Alabama governor George Wallace's racist politics migrated north where they found a receptive audi- ence in urban Catholics.' Samuel Freedman chronicled the ideological evolution of sev- eral generations of northern Catholics as they moved into the GOP in reaction to black protest, mounting urban crime, and the Vietnam War. Ronald Formisano, Jonathan Rieder, and Thomas Sugrue, in their studies of Boston, New York, and Detroit, respectively, gave less attention to the Vietnam War, emphasizing the racial attitudes of working-class Catholics and unionists. In PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY: A JOURNAL OF MID-ATLANTIC STUDIES, VOL. 7 1, NO. I, 2004. Copyright © 2004 The Pennsylvania Historical Association PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY their surveys of the relationship between Catholics and blacks, John McGreevy and Gerald Gamm argued that urban Catholics frequently did not respond well to blacks. 2 Ronald Radosh and Steven Gillon took a different tack from Carter, Gamm, and Sugrue. In their studies of the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), an organization that anti-Communist Democrats such as Minneapolis mayor Hubert Humphrey had helped create in I947, Radosh and Gillon examined the middle-class activists who rejected America's anti-Communist foreign policy and the racial conservatism of many unionists. -
Uvfuv 90.7 F M New York
FORDHAM UNIVERSITY BRONX, NEW YORK 10458 (212) 933-2233 EXT. 243-244 uvfuv 90.7 f m new york May 7th, 1973 160 West 73d St. New York City 10023 Miss Jane Becker Publicity Manager ALFRED A. KNOPF INC. 201 East 50th St. New York City Dear Miss Becker: I note that the publication date for Artur Rubinstein's new book is near. I thought I would send you this £ote in regard to my broadcasts^ in the even something might be worked out. As the enclosed indicates—I am a concert pianist, having been a scholarship student at the Juilliard with the late Olga Samaroff- Stokowsky, and also having spent a summer with Josef Hofmann. My radio show----- "BERNARD GABRIEL VIEWS THE MUSIC SCENE" has been on the air nearly 7 years now-.....- and I interview such musical figures as: YEHUDI MENUHIN, SIR RUDOLF BING, ERICA MORINI, LILI KRAUS, LEON BARZIN, THOMAS SCHERMAN, EARL WILD, WILLIAM MASSELOS, JOHN STEINWAY etc. etc. I mention the above-------because, I imagine Artur Rubinstein might be tempted to do an interview, since I am a professional musician —and might not just do the usual generalized type of chat with him. My broadcasts are heard by a great many radio stations coast to coast-------via "NATIONAL PUBLIC RADIO", and are heard independently over WFUV in NYC every Monday night---------- 9-9:30PM. I should greatly like to talk with Mr. Rubinstein-------but in any everiTwould like to review the book.(l di a great many book reviews on the show, and talk with a variety of authors.) Possibly you would show Mr. -
Commentary Strictly Onfidential Heard in the Lobbies You and Me
Page Two -THE JEWISH. NEWS Friday, April 6, •1945 Purely My Host: The Jewish Brigade Between , By JOHN FREDERICK Commentary EDITOR'S NOTE: John Frederick, screen and stage actor now on tour entertaining the U. S. forces in Europe, started his career in Hollywood under Jesse Lasky, and was recently You and Me By PHILIP SLOMOVITZ featured in a Guy Named Joe, Song of Russia, and other pictures. His report on the Jewish Brigade, probably the first by a Gentile, was contained in a letter he wrote a friend. By BORIS SMOLAR HARVARD'S JEWISH QUOTAS SOMEWHERE IN ITALY—I have just come from a most awe-inspiring (Copyright, 1945, Jewish Telegraphic A legislative committee. in Massachu- three-day leave in a little village high in the mountains of liberated Italy, Agency, Inc.) setts was told last week, by Prof. Albert where I had the rare privilege of being present at a unique and unprece- SAN FRANCISCO SIDELIGHTS Sprague Coolidge, that Harvard Univer- dented development of history. sity makes it a point not to award schol- At the outbreak of war, when Palestine Jes,vry's demand - for -a Jewish Zionist leaders in America are becom- arships to Jews and that "we know per- army was refused by . the :English, 20,000 Palestine Jews enlisted in the ing more and more certain that while no British Army. In 1944, Prime Minister Churchill, at long last, announced the fectly well that names ending in 'berg' other Jewish groups will have a chance creation of a complete Jewish Infantry Brigade to serve in combat, flying of even coming close to the United Na- and 'stein' have to be skipped by the their own flag and under Jeivish command. -
FOI Feb May 1965 Vol XVII N
HOWARD, CATHERINE STENO 200 • • published by NEW YORK STATE SCHOOL OF INDUSTRIAL AND LABOR RELATIONS, AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY for faculty, staff, students, friends Vol. XVII, No. 3 February 1965 TWO NEW APPOINTEES A full-time Extension worker and a Visiting Professor have been added to the staff. William Gellerman, formerly a Lecturer at SUNY, Buffalo in industrial relations and business organization, has been named Assistant Professor and Ex_ tensicn Specialist in the Metropolitan New York Distict. He has a Ph.D. from University of California (Los Angeles), where he was a teaching fel- low and graduate scholar, and masters and Bachelor degrees from Univer- sity of Washington. He was employed for five years as a C.P.A. with Arthur Anderson and Co. in New York City and Detroit. John H. Portus, Commissioner of Conciliation and Arbitration, Common- wealth of Australia, has been named Visiting Professor for the Spring term. He holds B.A. degrees from Sydney University and from Oxford University. In 1961 he was Australian representative to an ILO Asian Regional Seminar on the Prevention and Settlement of Industrial Disputes. He is author of "Development of Australian Trade Union Law," 1958. At ILR he and Mrs. McKelvey are teaching the Arbitration course. The Portuses are living at Fairview Heights. LANDSBERGER TO ENGLAND Professor Henry A. Landsberger, who has been working on the Schools Chilean project for the past 31 years, will travel to England in early April. There he will enter Nuffield College, Oxford University, for the second semester. He will remain abroad until late summer, when he will return to Ithaca. -
The Texas State Government and the Second Red Scare, 1947-1954
MANIPULATING FEAR: THE TEXAS STATE GOVERNMENT AND THE SECOND RED SCARE, 1947-1954 Shaffer Allen Bonewell, B.A. Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS May 2019 APPROVED: Todd Moye, Committee Chair Andrew Torget, Committee Member Graham Cox, Committee Member Harold Tanner, Chair of the Department of History David Holdeman, Dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences Victor Prybutok, Dean of the Toulouse Graduate School Bonewell, Shaffer Allen. Manipulating Fear: The Texas State Government and the Second Red Scare, 1947-1954. Master of Science (History), May 2019, 114 pp., bibliography, 57 primary sources, 31 secondary sources. Between 1947 and 1954, the Texas State Legislature enacted a series of eight highly restrictive anti-communist laws. Designed to protect political, military, and economic structures in the state from communist infiltration, the laws banned communists from participating the political process, required registration of all communists who entered the state and eventually outlawed the Communist Party. Drawn from perceptions about Cold War events, such as the Truman Doctrine and the Korean War, and an expanding economy inside of Texas, members of the state legislature perceived that communism represented a threat to their state. However, when presented with the opportunity to put the laws into action during the 1953 Port Arthur Labor Strike, the state government failed to bring any charges against those who they labeled as communists. Instead of actually curtailing the limited communist presence inside of the state, members of the state government instead used the laws to leverage political control throughout the state by attacking labor, liberals in education and government, and racial minorities with accusations of communism. -
How Labor Won and Lost the Public in Postwar America, 1947-1959
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 6-2014 The Fight Over John Q: How Labor Won and Lost the Public in Postwar America, 1947-1959 Rachel Burstein Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/179 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] The Fight Over John Q: How Labor Won and Lost the Public in Postwar America, 1947-1959 by Rachel Burstein A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2014 © 2014 Rachel Burstein All Rights Reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in History in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. __________________ _______________________________________ Date Joshua Freeman, Chair of Examining Committee __________________ _______________________________________ Date Helena Rosenblatt, Executive Officer Joshua Brown Thomas Kessner David Nasaw Clarence Taylor Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract The Fight Over John Q: How Labor Won and Lost the Public in Postwar America, 1947-1959 by Rachel Burstein Adviser: Joshua Freeman This study examines the infancy of large-scale, coordinated public relations by organized labor in the postwar period. Labor leaders’ outreach to diverse publics became a key feature of unions’ growing political involvement and marked a departure from the past when unions used organized workers – not the larger public – to pressure legislators. -
Wori(Ers' Participation
Xto I 1 -/ )~ WORI(ERS' PARTICIPATION CHRISTER ASPLUND INSTITUTEOP!N9US TR! A1 APR Ca974 INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS BRUSSELS S~ome aspects of workers' participation: A survey prepared for the ICFTU by CHRISTER ASPLUND a member of the research staff of the Swedish Central Organisation of Salaried Employees (TCO) INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS - BRUSSELSWcM tT-7I2I ? INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS Rue Montagne aux Herbes Potageres, 37-41 - B - 1000 Brussels May 1972 Price: 50 p., $ 1.25 D/1972/0403/8 2 F O R E W O R D Although the term itself is relatively new, the idea behind " workers' participation" has roots going deep into the history of the labour move- ment. Reduced to its simplest form it is merely a question of how to secure a bigger say for the workers in the determination of the conditions governing their everyday working lives. In recent years, however, the growing concentration of production in ever bigger units and the increasing remoteness of the real centres of economic power, especially with the spread of huge multinational com- panies, have lent added urgency to the problem. In every country, whatever its political set-up may be, the worker- at the place of work - is most of the time up against a system which has little in common with democracy. However strong the trade union may be, most of the vital decisions about the organisation and tempo of production, investment, the distribution of profits, the use of manpower, training, promotion, hiring and firing, are still management prerogatives. -
Boycotts and Sanctions Against South Africa: an International History, 1946-1970
Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 Simon Stevens All rights reserved ABSTRACT Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens This dissertation analyzes the role of various kinds of boycotts and sanctions in the strategies and tactics of those active in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. What was unprecedented about the efforts of members of the global anti-apartheid movement was that they experimented with so many ways of severing so many forms of interaction with South Africa, and that boycotts ultimately came to be seen as such a central element of their struggle. But it was not inevitable that international boycotts would become indelibly associated with the struggle against apartheid. Calling for boycotts and sanctions was a political choice. In the years before 1959, most leading opponents of apartheid both inside and outside South Africa showed little interest in the idea of international boycotts of South Africa. This dissertation identifies the conjuncture of circumstances that caused this to change, and explains the subsequent shifts in the kinds of boycotts that opponents of apartheid prioritized. It shows that the various advocates of boycotts and sanctions expected them to contribute to ending apartheid by a range of different mechanisms, from bringing about an evolutionary change in white attitudes through promoting the desegregation of sport, to weakening the state’s ability to resist the efforts of the liberation movements to seize power through guerrilla warfare. -
Socialists at the Gate: Swedish Business and the Defense of Free
SOCIALISTS AT THE GATE Rikard Westerberg Twice in the last century, organized capital in Sweden clashed with organized labor on the issue of private ownership and state intervention. First, in the 1940s following proposals on increased regulation, higher taxes, and potential nation- alization. Thirty years later, when business interests felt pressured by radical- SOCIALISTS AT THE GATE ized politics and a threat of losing ownership to union-controlled wage-earner funds in the midst of an economic crisis. For the captains of industry, the perils SWEDISH BUSINESS AND THE DEFENSE of socialism were to be fought by convincing the general public of the benefits OF FREE ENTERPRISE, 1940–1985 of free enterprise and assisting the non-socialists parties to return to power. This study analyzes business counter-reactions: its attempt to influence public opinion through PR-campaigns, public protests, research financing, press sub- sidies, and political donations. Applying theories on interest group formation and with access to previously closed archives, it finds that it was the level of radicalism within the internationally uniquely strong Swedish labor movement which incentivized business to act. It also analyzes the previously unresearched connections between Swedish employers and pro-market organizations abroad, including the relationship between prominent free-market economists and pub- lic-relations experts within the Swedish business community. In addition to shedding new light on how organized business tried to reach its Westerberg Rikard political goals during the Cold War era, the thesis helps us understand how ideas of deregulation, competition, and individual choice got a foothold in a country so characterized by social democracy.