DOCSLIB.ORG

Naip 1 0 0 0

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Naip 1 0 0 0 Reactions to Apartheid Reactions to Apartheid Relief and Boycott The years 1959-61 saw the emergence in Sweden of expressions of organized solidarity with the oppressed majority in South Africa in the form of a fundraising campaign, a consumer boycott and a national committee to coordinate and strengthen the various initiatives undertaken to raise awareness about apartheid. A number of influential South African politicians started at this time to visit Sweden and exiled students were received by Swedish universities. Following the SFS campaign against the Extension of the University Education Act, in September 1959 the Swedish government raised the issue of black South African students in the UN General Assembly and from 1960 the ruling Social Democratic Party began to pay attention to the situation in South Africa at the traditional Labour Day rallies. The first organized expression of solidarity outside the student movement was the Fund for the Victims of Racial Oppression in South Africa,1 set up by the writer and journalist Per Wastberg together with Gunnar Helander in September 1959. Wdstberg2 had been a Rotary scholar in Rhodesia. Writing a series of articles for Dagens Nyheter, he was asked in mid-1959 to leave the country, subsequently spending some time in South Africa. It was at the time of the Treason Trial. More than any previous Swedish observer, Wdstberg would during his short stay not only contact a number of leading cultural personalities, such as Nadine Gordimer, the future Nobel literature laureate, but the political opposition in general and ANC in particular. The contacts resulted in informative presentations of the Congress and its allies in Dagens Nyheter and other foraj describing both the strength and the precarious situation of the 1 In Swedish, Fondenfdr Rasfdslnyckets Offer i Sydafrika. 2Wistberg was closely involved with the developments in Southern Africa from the late 1950s. With Gunnar Helander, he was among the first members of the Consultative Conunittee on Humanitarian Assistance. In 1963, he was a co-founder later vice president-of the Swedish branch of Amnesty International. Wdistberg was thus involved with the local Amnesty group which in 1965 adopted the Zimbabwean ZANU leader Robert Mugabe as a political prisoner. From the beginning of the 1960s, Wlstberg was also an active member of the International Defence and Aid Fund (IDAF). Between 1976 and 1982, he served as editor-in-chief and cultural editor of Dagens Nyheter. A prominent novelist-a trilogy published in 1968-72 sold one million copies in the Nordic countries he was the president of the Swedish PEN Club from 1967 to 1978 and the president of International PEN between 1979 and 1986 and, again, between 1989 and 1990. In 1997, Wastberg became a member of the Swedish Academy. 3 Per Wistberg: 'Afrika, kom tillbaka till oss!' ('Africa, come back to us') in DagensNyheter, 8 August 1959 and' Mute med Afrikanska Ledare' ('Meeting with African Leaders') in Kudlurkontaki, No 2, 1960. Tor Sellstr6m movement. He also introduced a number of ANC leaders to the Swedish public, such as Albert Luthuli, Duma Nokwe, Walter Sisulu, Oliver Tambo and Lilian Ngoyi. The articles were expanded in 1960 and included in Wastberg's important book On the Black List Like Tingsten, Wastberg did not find any objectionable Communist influence over ANCland the Communists he met-among them Joe Slovo and Ruth First-were given sympathetic portraits, noting that "many of the admirable people one meets [in South Africa] turn out to be either Christian or Marxists. They are often the only ones who dare to practise as they preach".2 Interviewed in 1996, Wastberg explained that "my view when I returned from Rhodesia and South Africa in 1959 was quite narrow. I wrote a great number of articles simply because I was so upset. At the time [...], my only experience of any Swedish commitment was Herbert Tingsten's book on South Africa [and] I had also read one of Gunnar Helander's books".? Coming home as a committed opponent of apartheid and racial discrimination, he, however, took the initiative of establishing the Fund for the Victims of Racial Oppression, launched through an appeal in Dagens Nyheter on 20 September 1959. The appeal stated that the rights we consider self-evident for all human beings are being violated on a daily basis in South Africa. The African is cut off from political influence, denied the right to strike and his life is curtailed by a whole array of decrees that turn existence into a form of imprisonment. He may not settle where he wishes. He may not visit his friends or travel to his parents at a different locality without a permit. Male African urban residents are on average detained once a year. A continuous, bitter and moving, struggle is, however, being waged against all of this. Many of those, white or black, who strive for equality between the races have been deported, ruined or accused of high treason. [...] We live far away from Africa, but through economic assistance we can still achieve something. [...] Silence descends over South Africa, [O]ur assistance can demonstrate that the conscience of the world is awake to the developments there. By assisting the victims of racial oppression we show them that they do not stand alone in their protests against the superior power.4 Financial assistance was envisaged in the form of legal, social and educational aid. It thus paved the way for future official Swedish humanitarian support in these fields: 1Wistberg: "In actual fact, the African National Congress is as anti-Communist as one can expect" (Dagens Nyheter, 8 August 1959). 2 Per Wistberg: PAi Svarta Listan ('On the Black List'), p. 76. 3 Interview with PerWistberg, Stockholm, 28 February 1996. 4 Dagens Nyheter, 20 September 1959. Some questioned an action exclusively centred on South Africa. Victor Vinde, chief editor of the social democratic Stockholms-Tidnmngen, commented: "Those who are horrified by racial oppression in South Africa should feel the same strong indignation when they get reports about torture in Algeria and the police reign in Nyasaland. [...]. [T]he action regarding the South African question should only be seen as a beginning. No racial oppression may leave us indifferent" (Stockholms-Tidningen, 29 September 1959). Reactions to Apartheid We can arrange legal aid to those who have been exposed to legalized racial persecution and assist in bringing the political mass trials in South Africa before the eyes of the civilized world. We can give social aid to families where the children have been left alone because the parents have been imprisoned or banished to another place. [And] we can help young people who have not had the same opportunities as the whites to receive Western education to take correspondence courses at foreign schools or [we can] deposit the amount [of money] needed to get [them] a passport to go abroad.1 The original appeal was signed by fifteen leading Swedish political and cultural personalities. Among them were the chairman of the Liberal Party, professor Bertil Ohlin, the former Social Democratic Minister of Finance, Ernst Wigforss, and the chief editors Ivar Harrie, Herbert Tingsten and Victor Vinde, the latter at the social democratic Stockholms-Tidningen. The academic world was represented by the vice-chancellor of Uppsala university, professor Torgny Segerstedt, the church by bishop Gert Borgenstierna, Gunnar Helander and Ake Zetterberg,2 while the prominent writers Eyvind Johnson and Harry Martinson3 together with Wastberg represented the field of letters. 4 To the extent that the signatories were active in party politics, they were from the Liberal and Social Democratic parties. Wdstberg later recalled that we were extremely energetic in trying to have signatures of leading Swedes from all over the political spectrum, I regret to say that the only person that could be regarded as conservative [...] was the bishop of Karlstad, Gert Borgenstierna. Otherwise, all the conservative politicians and all the people from the business sector refused to sign. [...] As opinion makers we were all the time suffering from the fact that the conservatives were so reluctant to take sides. I think that they thought that the struggle-especially after Sharpeville-was led by too many lefties.5 The Fund for the Victims of Racial Oppression was inspired by the British Defence and Aid Fund, which had its roots in an appeal made in 1953 by John Collins, chairman of Christian Action, to help the South Africans convicted for participating in the 1952 Defiance Campaign. Canon Collins and Christian Action also provided legal aid for the accused in the 1956 Treason Trial, setting up the Treason Trial Defence Fund, which in 1959 became the British Defence and Aid Fund. After the formation of various national committees and extending the operations into South West Africa and Rhodesia, the International 1 Dagens Nyheker, 20 September 1959. 2 Zetterberg, a Social Democratic MP, was a leading member of the Brotherhood Movement. 3 Johnson and Martinson were members of the Swedish Academy. They shared the Nobel Prize for literature in 1974. 4 The remaining signatories were Reverend Eric Grbnlund, Mrs. Signe Hjer and the editor Arvid SvArd. 5 Interview with Per WAstberg, Stockholm, 28 February 1996. Allan Hernelius, chief editor of the conservative daily Svenska Dagbladet, was the only representative of a major Swedish newspaper refusing to sign the appeal (conversation with Per WAstberg, Stockholm, 28 February 1996). Tor Sellstrbm Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa (IDAF) was formed in June 1964.1 WAstberg visited Canon Collins in London in the autumn of 1960. It marked the beginning of a close personal relationship between Wastberg and Collins2 and a lasting political understanding between Sweden and IDAF.3 The Swedish chapter was in the beginning coordinated by a small secretariat, with Eyvind Johnson as chairman, Gunnar Helander as vice chairman and Per WAstberg as secretary.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Guide to the Victor G. Reuther Papers LP000002BVGR
    *XLGHWRWKH9LFWRU*5HXWKHU3DSHUV /3B9*5 7KLVILQGLQJDLGZDVSURGXFHGXVLQJ$UFKLYHV6SDFHRQ0DUFK (QJOLVK 'HVFULELQJ$UFKLYHV$&RQWHQW6WDQGDUG :DOWHU35HXWKHU/LEUDU\ &DVV$YHQXH 'HWURLW0, 85/KWWSVUHXWKHUZD\QHHGX Guide to the Victor G. Reuther Papers LP000002_VGR Table of Contents Summary Information .................................................................................................................................... 4 History ............................................................................................................................................................ 4 Scope and Content ......................................................................................................................................... 5 Arrangement ................................................................................................................................................... 7 Administrative Information ............................................................................................................................ 8 Related Materials ........................................................................................................................................... 9 Controlled Access Headings .......................................................................................................................... 9 Collection Inventory ....................................................................................................................................... 9 Series I: Reuther Brothers,
    [Show full text]
  • Twenty-Four Conservative-Liberal Thinkers Part I Hannes H
    Hannes H. Gissurarson Twenty-Four Conservative-Liberal Thinkers Part I Hannes H. Gissurarson Twenty-Four Conservative-Liberal Thinkers Part I New Direction MMXX CONTENTS Hannes H. Gissurarson is Professor of Politics at the University of Iceland and Director of Research at RNH, the Icelandic Research Centre for Innovation and Economic Growth. The author of several books in Icelandic, English and Swedish, he has been on the governing boards of the Central Bank of Iceland and the Mont Pelerin Society and a Visiting Scholar at Stanford, UCLA, LUISS, George Mason and other universities. He holds a D.Phil. in Politics from Oxford University and a B.A. and an M.A. in History and Philosophy from the University of Iceland. Introduction 7 Snorri Sturluson (1179–1241) 13 St. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) 35 John Locke (1632–1704) 57 David Hume (1711–1776) 83 Adam Smith (1723–1790) 103 Edmund Burke (1729–1797) 129 Founded by Margaret Thatcher in 2009 as the intellectual Anders Chydenius (1729–1803) 163 hub of European Conservatism, New Direction has established academic networks across Europe and research Benjamin Constant (1767–1830) 185 partnerships throughout the world. Frédéric Bastiat (1801–1850) 215 Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–1859) 243 Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) 281 New Direction is registered in Belgium as a not-for-profit organisation and is partly funded by the European Parliament. Registered Office: Rue du Trône, 4, 1000 Brussels, Belgium President: Tomasz Poręba MEP Executive Director: Witold de Chevilly Lord Acton (1834–1902) 313 The European Parliament and New Direction assume no responsibility for the opinions expressed in this publication.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920S–1970S*
    IRSH 58 (2013), pp. 39–70 doi:10.1017/S0020859012000752 r 2012 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920s–1970s* M AGALY R ODRI´ GUEZ G ARCI´ A Vrije Universiteit Brussel/Research Foundation Flanders (FWO) Pleinlaan 2-5B 407d, 1050 Brussels, Belgium E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT: This article provides an analysis of the construction of labour regionalism between the 1920s and 1970s. By means of a comparative examination of the supranational labour structures in Europe and the Americas prior to World War II and of the decentralized structure of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), I attempt to defend the argument that regionalism was a labour leaders’ construct that responded to three issues: the quest for power among the largest trade-union organizations within the international trade-union movement; mutual distrust between labour leaders of large, middle-sized, and small unions from different regions; and (real or imaginary) common interests among labour leaders from the same region. These push-and-pull factors led to the construction of regional labour identifications that emphasized ‘‘otherness’’ in the world of international labour. A regional labour identity was intended to supplement, not undermine, national identity. As such, this study fills a lacuna in the scholarly literature on international relations and labour internationalism, which has given only scant attention to the regional level of international labour organization. This article provides a comparative analysis of the construction of regional identifications among labour circles prior to World War II, and to the formalization of the idea of regionalism within the International Con- federation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU1) after 1949.
    [Show full text]
  • ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Economic History 51
    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in Economic History 51 Fordismens kris och löntagarfonder i Sverige Ilja Viktorov Stockholm University © Ilja Viktorov, Stockholm 2006 ISSN 0346-8305 ISBN 91-85445-51-7 Typesetting: Intellecta Docusys Printed in Sweden by Intellecta Docusys, Västra Frölunda, 2006 Distributor: Stockholm University Library Omslagsbild: Demonstrationen mot löntagarfonder den 4 oktober 1983, Stockholm (© foto från Svenskt Näringslivs arkiv, Centrum för Näringslivshistoria) Till min Mamma Посвящается моей маме Innehåll Förkortningar .............................................................................x Erkänsla / Acknowledgments...................................................11 Kapitel 1. Inledning ..................................................................15 Bakgrund .......................................................................................................................15 Syfte...............................................................................................................................19 Tidigare forskning..........................................................................................................19 Teori och begrepp. Den fordistiska debattens tre riktningar .........................................25 Metod.............................................................................................................................30 Avgränsning...................................................................................................................30
    [Show full text]
  • Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003
    Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003 Based on information by the National Focal Points of the RAXEN Information Network Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 – 2003 Based on information by the National Focal Points of the EUMC - RAXEN Information Network EUMC - Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003 2 EUMC – Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 – 2003 Foreword Following concerns from many quarters over what seemed to be a serious increase in acts of antisemitism in some parts of Europe, especially in March/April 2002, the EUMC asked the 15 National Focal Points of its Racism and Xenophobia Network (RAXEN) to direct a special focus on antisemitism in its data collection activities. This comprehensive report is one of the outcomes of that initiative. It represents the first time in the EU that data on antisemitism has been collected systematically, using common guidelines for each Member State. The national reports delivered by the RAXEN network provide an overview of incidents of antisemitism, the political, academic and media reactions to it, information from public opinion polls and attitude surveys, and examples of good practice to combat antisemitism, from information available in the years 2002 – 2003. On receipt of these national reports, the EUMC then asked an independent scholar, Dr Alexander Pollak, to make an evaluation of the quality and availability of this data on antisemitism in each country, and identify problem areas and gaps. The country-by-country information provided by the 15 National Focal Points, and the analysis by Dr Pollak, form Chapter 1 and Chapter 2 of this report respectively.
    [Show full text]
  • MONT PELERIN SOCIETY by Eamonn Butler Based on a History of the Mont Pelerin Society by Max Hartwell
    A SHORT HISTORY OF THE MONT PELERIN SOCIETY By Eamonn Butler Based on A History of the Mont Pelerin Society by Max Hartwell INTRODUCTION In 1995 the Liberty Fund published A History of the Mont Pelerin Society, written by the Oxford historian (and past President of the Society), Professor Max Hartwell. The book is comprehensive, but is now difficult to obtain; and much has happened since 1995. So the Board of the Society asked me to précis the History and bring it up to date, giving members and prospective members a short guide to the history and ethos of the Society and to some of the key individuals and events that have shaped it. The Society and I are very grateful to the family of our friend Max Hartwell for their permission to borrow very heavily from his work. WHAT IS THE MONT PELERIN SOCIETY? Hartwell opens his History by saying that the Mont Pelerin Society is “not well known” and has “no demonstrably proven role in world affairs.” Many of its individual members, by contrast have indeed been well known and influential. Some have become senior government ministers (such as Sir Geoffrey Howe of the United Kingdom, Antonio Martino of Italy, Ruth Richardson of New Zealand, and George Shultz of the United States) or senior officials (e.g. former Federal Reserve Chairman Arthur Burns). A few have even become presidents or prime ministers (among them Ludwig Erhard of Germany, Luigi Einaudi of Italy, Mart Laar of Estonia, Ranil Wickremasinghe of Sri Lanka and Václav Klaus of the Czech Republic).
    [Show full text]
  • Naip 1 0 0 0
    From Popular Solidarity to From Popular Solidarity to Official Support Emergence of Local Solidarity Committees In response to the SUlL campaign, locally constituted South Africa Committees emerged at the beginning of 1963. Taking the boycott question further than formal demands and statements, they abandoned SUL's exclusive concentration on the youth, broadened the base of the solidarity movement and placed the anti- apartheid struggle on the national political agenda through active mobilization and lobbying. They also widened their scope of action, increasingly paying attention to the rest of the Southern African region. The committees reached their height in 1966, but were then rapidly overshadowed by the Vietnam movement. However, some of them-such as the Lund committeesurvived the turbulent years of the late 1960s and would at the beginning of the 1970s form the nucleus of a second generation solidarity movement with Southern Africa, reorganized as the Africa Groups in Sweden (AGIS). The first local South Africa committees were formed in Lund and Jbnkbping in southern Sweden. Both were set up in support of the SUL campaign,1 but had different origins. The Lund committee was mainly formed by students, who could build upon a long involvement with South Africa at the local university and to a large extent were inspired by resident Southern Africans.2 Billy Modise from ANC played a prominent and active part in the committee's work from the very beginning, later joined by students from Namibia, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The Jonkhping committee, on the other hand, was almost exclusively the brainchild of one person, Anders Johansson,3 a young journalist 1 Lunds Sydafrikakomnsnitt6: ('Presentation') [no date] (AJC) and Sbdra Vtterbygdens Sydafrikakonunitt6: 'Verksamhetsberattelse for 1963' ('Annual report for 1963'), Jinkiping, 7 February 1964 (AJC).
    [Show full text]
  • Wori(Ers' Participation
    Xto I 1 -/ )~ WORI(ERS' PARTICIPATION CHRISTER ASPLUND INSTITUTEOP!N9US TR! A1 APR Ca974 INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS BRUSSELS S~ome aspects of workers' participation: A survey prepared for the ICFTU by CHRISTER ASPLUND a member of the research staff of the Swedish Central Organisation of Salaried Employees (TCO) INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS - BRUSSELSWcM tT-7I2I ? INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS Rue Montagne aux Herbes Potageres, 37-41 - B - 1000 Brussels May 1972 Price: 50 p., $ 1.25 D/1972/0403/8 2 F O R E W O R D Although the term itself is relatively new, the idea behind " workers' participation" has roots going deep into the history of the labour move- ment. Reduced to its simplest form it is merely a question of how to secure a bigger say for the workers in the determination of the conditions governing their everyday working lives. In recent years, however, the growing concentration of production in ever bigger units and the increasing remoteness of the real centres of economic power, especially with the spread of huge multinational com- panies, have lent added urgency to the problem. In every country, whatever its political set-up may be, the worker- at the place of work - is most of the time up against a system which has little in common with democracy. However strong the trade union may be, most of the vital decisions about the organisation and tempo of production, investment, the distribution of profits, the use of manpower, training, promotion, hiring and firing, are still management prerogatives.
    [Show full text]
  • Boycotts and Sanctions Against South Africa: an International History, 1946-1970
    Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2016 © 2016 Simon Stevens All rights reserved ABSTRACT Boycotts and Sanctions against South Africa: An International History, 1946-1970 Simon Stevens This dissertation analyzes the role of various kinds of boycotts and sanctions in the strategies and tactics of those active in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. What was unprecedented about the efforts of members of the global anti-apartheid movement was that they experimented with so many ways of severing so many forms of interaction with South Africa, and that boycotts ultimately came to be seen as such a central element of their struggle. But it was not inevitable that international boycotts would become indelibly associated with the struggle against apartheid. Calling for boycotts and sanctions was a political choice. In the years before 1959, most leading opponents of apartheid both inside and outside South Africa showed little interest in the idea of international boycotts of South Africa. This dissertation identifies the conjuncture of circumstances that caused this to change, and explains the subsequent shifts in the kinds of boycotts that opponents of apartheid prioritized. It shows that the various advocates of boycotts and sanctions expected them to contribute to ending apartheid by a range of different mechanisms, from bringing about an evolutionary change in white attitudes through promoting the desegregation of sport, to weakening the state’s ability to resist the efforts of the liberation movements to seize power through guerrilla warfare.
    [Show full text]
  • Denmark,Liberalism
    Discuss this article at Journaltalk: http://journaltalk.net/articles/5895 ECON JOURNAL WATCH 12(3) September 2015: 400–431 Classical Liberalism and Modern Political Economy in Denmark Peter Kurrild-Klitgaard1 LINK TO ABSTRACT Over the last century, classical liberalism has not had a strong presence in Danish social science, including economics. Several studies have shown that social scientists in Denmark tilt leftwards. In a 1995–96 survey only 7 percent of political scientists and 3 percent of sociologists said they had voted for (classical-)liberal or conservative parties, whereas support for socialist parties among the same groups were 51 percent and 78 percent. Lawyers and economists were more evenly split between left and right, but even there the left dominated: 31 percent and 25 percent for at least nominally free-market friendly parties and 38 percent and 36 percent for socialist parties.2 Very vocal free-market voices in academia have been rare. This marginalization of liberalism was not always the case. Denmark was among the first countries to see publication of a translation of Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations (Smith 1779/1776; see Rae 1895, ch. 24; Kurrild-Klitgaard 1998; 2004). Throughout the 19th century the emerging field of economics at the University of Copenhagen was visibly inspired not only by Smith and David Ricardo but also the “Manchester liberals” and French classical liberal economists Jean Baptiste Say and Frédéric Bastiat, of whose works timely translations were made. The university had professors of economics who today would be termed classical liberals, e.g., Oluf Christian Olufsen (1764–1827), Christian G.
    [Show full text]
  • This Is the Author's Original Manuscript of an Article
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Helsingin yliopiston digitaalinen arkisto This is the author’s original manuscript of an article published in the Journal of Modern European History vol. 17, no. 4., 2019, pp. 500-518. https://doi.org/10.1177/1611894419880462 Author correspondence: Johan Strang, Associate Professor, University of Helsinki ([email protected]) Centre for Nordic Studies P.O.Box 59 00014 University of Helsinki Finland Title of article: The other European post-war democratic settlement? Scandinavian intellectuals contemplating the fragility of democracy in the wake of the Second World War Abstract: It is often argued that the Scandinavian post-war period was marked by a democratic optimism that contrasts with the deep concerns for the inherent dangers of popular sovereignty and the thorough moral reconsideration that took place on the European continent in the wake of the Second World War. This article seeks to balance this view by exploring what Scandinavian intellectuals believed had caused the collapse of democracy in Europe in the 1930s and what they saw as the main threats to democracy in the emerging post-war societies. Focusing on the fears of socialist planning, concerns about the position of individual rights and freedoms in modern societies, and the anxieties concerning the secular total state, the article suggests that the Scandinavian post-war democratic settlement was indeed built around a different set of ideas from those evident in many other places in Europe, but that it was no less informed by recent historical experiences, or concerns for the fragility of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • A European Declaration of Fascism? En Analys Av Anders Behring Breiviks Manifest 2083
    A European Declaration of Fascism? En analys av Anders Behring Breiviks manifest 2083 Henrik Kjölstad Huvudhandledare: Niklas Bolin Biträdande handledare: Sara Nyhlén Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap Licentiatavhandling i statsvetenskap Mittuniversitetet Sundsvall, 2020-03-27 Akademisk avhandling som med tillstånd av Mittuniversitetet i Sundsvall framläggs till offentlig granskning för avläggande av filosofie licentiatexamen fredag, 27 mars, 13.00, sal O111, Mittuniversitetet Sundsvall. Seminariet kommer att hållas på svenska. A European Declaration of Fascism? – En analys av Anders Behring Breiviks manifest 2083 © Henrik Kjölstad 2020 Printed by Mid Sweden University, Sundsvall ISSN: 1652-8948 ISBN: 978-91-88947-40-6 Department of humanities and social sciences Mid Sweden University, Holmgatan 10, SE-851 70, Sundsvall Phone: +46 (0)10 142 80 00 Mid Sweden University Licentiate Thesis 168 Till minne av Torbjörn Kjölstad Innehållsförteckning ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................... XI SAMMANFATTNING .................................................................................... XIII FÖRORD ............................................................................................................... XV 1 INLEDNING ........................................................................................................ 1 1.1 BAKGRUND ...................................................................................................... 1 1.2
    [Show full text]