Den Första Tiden 1993 – 2010
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Programtidning 6-8 Juli
Almedals-Almedals- ProgramtidningProgramtidning 6-8 1 juli juli Folkpartiet SÖNDAG � i Almedalen Sön 1 JULI torsdag 5 juli 8 juli � � Jan Björklund talar 11.00 � � kl. 19.00 i Alme- kl 19.00 Välkommen! Idépolitiskt seminarium 5/7 dalen 15.00-17.00, Wisby Hotel Stefan Löfven Ekonomiskt seminarium 6/7 Almedalen lördag 7/7 kl. 15 12.00-13.30, Gotlands museum www.kristdemokraterna.se 112 ALMEDALSVECKAN 2012 TORSDAG FREDAG ALMEDALSVECKAN 2012 113 Kontakt: Karin Glaumann, 0768254217, jordbrukspolitik för Kom, mingla och lyssna på ett panelsam- 070 - 345 68 59, Kontakt: Cecilia Eriksson, 08-519 264 06, Kontakt: Ellen Pettersson, 0702 440733, Fredag Annie Lööf: 5/7 14.00-14.45, Lena Ek: 4/7 kristdemokratisk profil vis kan allas kompetens, engagemang, [email protected] 2010-talet ut? tal med representanter från olika re- [email protected] [email protected] [email protected], www.digidel.se 10.15-11.15, Eskil Erlandsson: 6/7 10.15- Arrangör: Kristdemokraterna kreativitet och energi tillvaratagas. www.swedishwaterhouse.se Arrangör: EU-kommissionens och ligiösa samfund som diskuterar relati- www.almega.se www.kulturradet.se 11.15, Anna-Karin Hatt: 4/7 15.00-16.00 , Rösta på dig själv via Aktiv Demokrati. onen mellan sex och religion, både Hur ska miljöpolitiken se Kontakt: Annica Roos, 072-716 38 67, Medverkande: Robert Wensman, Aktiv Europa-parlamentets Sverigekontor Moderaternas nickedockor? Seminarium Religionskritik som Seminarium internationellt och i Sverige. Världen idag ut i framtiden? 6 juli [email protected] Tid: 15:00 - 16:30 Demokrati. Övriga allianspartier om främlingsfientlighet - Tid: 17:00 - 18:15 Kontakt: Pernilla Springfeldt, Arrangör: Sveriges Radio Arrangör: Miljöaktuellt Centerpartiets dag www.centerpartiet.se Plats: Clarion Hotel Wisby, Strandgatan 6 Kontakt: Robert Wensman Islamofobi och antisemi- Plats: Clematis, Strandgatan 20 08-6421097 / 0739947957, biståndspolitiken. -
Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003
Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003 Based on information by the National Focal Points of the RAXEN Information Network Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 – 2003 Based on information by the National Focal Points of the EUMC - RAXEN Information Network EUMC - Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003 2 EUMC – Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 – 2003 Foreword Following concerns from many quarters over what seemed to be a serious increase in acts of antisemitism in some parts of Europe, especially in March/April 2002, the EUMC asked the 15 National Focal Points of its Racism and Xenophobia Network (RAXEN) to direct a special focus on antisemitism in its data collection activities. This comprehensive report is one of the outcomes of that initiative. It represents the first time in the EU that data on antisemitism has been collected systematically, using common guidelines for each Member State. The national reports delivered by the RAXEN network provide an overview of incidents of antisemitism, the political, academic and media reactions to it, information from public opinion polls and attitude surveys, and examples of good practice to combat antisemitism, from information available in the years 2002 – 2003. On receipt of these national reports, the EUMC then asked an independent scholar, Dr Alexander Pollak, to make an evaluation of the quality and availability of this data on antisemitism in each country, and identify problem areas and gaps. The country-by-country information provided by the 15 National Focal Points, and the analysis by Dr Pollak, form Chapter 1 and Chapter 2 of this report respectively. -
Research Questions
Aalborg Universitet National and Transnational Identities Turkish Organising Processes and Identity Construction in Denmark, Sweden and Germany Jørgensen, Martin Bak Publication date: 2009 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication from Aalborg University Citation for published version (APA): Jørgensen, M. B. (2009). National and Transnational Identities: Turkish Organising Processes and Identity Construction in Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Institut for Historie, Internationale Studier og Samfundsforhold, Aalborg Universitet. Spirit PhD Series No. 19 General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. ? Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. ? You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain ? You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us at [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from vbn.aau.dk on: November 28, 2020 SPIRIT Doctoral Programme Aalborg University Fibigerstraede 2-97 DK-9220 Aalborg East Phone: +45 9940 7195 Fax: +45 9635 0044 Mail: [email protected] National and Transnational identities: Turkish identity in Denmark, Sweden and Germany Martin Bak Jørgensen SPIRIT PhD Series Thesis no. -
Future Party Leaders Or Burned Out?
Lund University STVM25 Department of Political Science Tutor: Michael Hansen/Moira Nelson Future party leaders or burned out? A mixed methods study of the leading members of the youth organizations of political parties in Sweden Elin Fjellman Abstract While career-related motives are not given much attention in studies on party membership, there are strong reasons to believe that such professional factors are important for young party members. This study is one of the first comprehensive investigations of how career-related motives impact the willingness of Swedish leading young party members to become politicians in the future. A unique survey among the national board members of the youth organizations confirms that career-related motives make a positive impact. However, those who experienced more internal stress were unexpectedly found to be more willing to become politicians in the future. The most interesting indication was that the factor that made the strongest impact on the willingness was the integration between the youth organization and its mother party. Another important goal was to develop an understanding of the meaning of career-related motives for young party members. Using a set of 25 in-depth interviews with members of the youth organizations, this study identifies a sense among the members that holding a high position within a political party could imply professional reputational costs because some employers would not hire a person who is “labelled as a politician”. This notation of reputational costs contributes importantly to the literature that seeks to explain party membership. Key words: Sweden, youth organizations, political recruitment, career-related motives, stress, party integration Words: 19 995 . -
Naip 1 0 0 0
From Popular Solidarity to From Popular Solidarity to Official Support Emergence of Local Solidarity Committees In response to the SUlL campaign, locally constituted South Africa Committees emerged at the beginning of 1963. Taking the boycott question further than formal demands and statements, they abandoned SUL's exclusive concentration on the youth, broadened the base of the solidarity movement and placed the anti- apartheid struggle on the national political agenda through active mobilization and lobbying. They also widened their scope of action, increasingly paying attention to the rest of the Southern African region. The committees reached their height in 1966, but were then rapidly overshadowed by the Vietnam movement. However, some of them-such as the Lund committeesurvived the turbulent years of the late 1960s and would at the beginning of the 1970s form the nucleus of a second generation solidarity movement with Southern Africa, reorganized as the Africa Groups in Sweden (AGIS). The first local South Africa committees were formed in Lund and Jbnkbping in southern Sweden. Both were set up in support of the SUL campaign,1 but had different origins. The Lund committee was mainly formed by students, who could build upon a long involvement with South Africa at the local university and to a large extent were inspired by resident Southern Africans.2 Billy Modise from ANC played a prominent and active part in the committee's work from the very beginning, later joined by students from Namibia, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The Jonkhping committee, on the other hand, was almost exclusively the brainchild of one person, Anders Johansson,3 a young journalist 1 Lunds Sydafrikakomnsnitt6: ('Presentation') [no date] (AJC) and Sbdra Vtterbygdens Sydafrikakonunitt6: 'Verksamhetsberattelse for 1963' ('Annual report for 1963'), Jinkiping, 7 February 1964 (AJC). -
Vilka Bär Ansvar?
Kapitel 15: VILKA BÄR ANSVAR? “Nu beskrivs den allvarliga situation, Avsnitt som skapades av politiker som Bengt Westerberg (fp), Mona Sahlin(s), Carl a) Moderaterna Bildt(m), Ingvar Carlsson(s) som ‘en ödesfråga för Sverige och alla som bor b) Socialdemokraterna här att hitta strategier för att leva till- sammans i det mångkulturella samhäl- c) Folkpartiet let’ (Aftonbladet 27 okt). Hade det inte varit lämpligt att ta upp det temat för d) Miljöpartiet 20 år sedan?” e) Småpartierna “Sent ska syndaren vakna står det i bi- beln. Så vad händer nu, när de fariséer f) Intresseorganisationer som slagit sig för bröstet och utropat sig själva till godhetens apostlar kan g) Godhetsorganisationer se vad de ställt till med? Hur hanterar de insikten att verkligheten inte stäm- h) Journalister som grupp mer med kartan som de ritade upp? Jo, i brist på bättre fortsätter de sin i) TV och radio nedlåtande uppfostran av de trilska svenskar som sett att kejsaren inte har j) TT och dagstidningar några kläder.” k) Övriga media Ian Wachtmeister l) Kolumnister och krönikörer m) Biskopar, präster, mm n) Författare, musiker och skådespelare o) Läkare och annan vårdpersonal p) Fackliga företrädare q) Byråkrater och tjänstemän r) Forskare och “experter” “Det är förvisso ett oerhört svek de se- s) Yrkesdebattörer naste generationerna västerlänningar har gjort sig skyldiga till. Politikerna t) Militanter och profitörer först och främst, men givetvis även folkflertalet genom sitt tysta medg- u) Invandrare ivande. Men det hade inte gått utan en massiv hjärntvätt från massmedia.” v) Svenskarna “Om vi lägger alla sexualmoraliska as- x) Giganterna pekter åt sidan så kan vi hursomhelst konstatera att P-pillret mycket väl kan visa sig vara Västerlandets självmord- spiller, dess cyanidampull. -
Swedish Disarmament Policy During the Cold War
Swedish Disarmament Policy during the Cold War Conference Report, 26 November 2012, Stockholm, Sweden Editors: Thomas Jonter, Professor of International Relations, and Emma Rosengren, PhD Candidate, Department of Economic History, Stockholm University Foreword Ever since Sweden got engaged in the process leading up to the creation of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968, Sweden has been an important player in the international game of disarmament. With committed politicians, skilled diplomats, technical competence and high ambitions, Sweden has become known as an important contributor in international disarmament and arms control efforts. Still, little academic attention has been paid to this field of research. Therefore, the Department of Economic History at Stockholm University invited academics, diplomats and civil society representatives to a conference in 2011, to initiate a broader research project on Sweden’s engagement in international disarmament diplomacy during the cold war. The issue of Swedish disarmament involvement needs to be further explored. Therefore, the Department of Economic History, in cooperation with the Swedish Physicians against Nuclear Weapons, the Swedish Affiliate of the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW), held a second conference on the 26th of November 2012, this time addressing academics. The Swedish Physicians against Nuclear Weapons funded the conference. The conference served to lay the basis for a joint research project on Swedish disarmament policy and included presentations on three themes: Historical; Theoretical; and Comparative perspectives on disarmament. Dr. Hans Blix, Director- General Emeritus of the IAEA and the Executive Chairman of the UN Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) for Iraq between 2000 and 2003, and chair of the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission (WMDC) and Robert Kelley, Associate Senior Researcher at SIPRI and former Director of nuclear inspections in Iraq, 1992 and 2001, also addressed the conference with keynote speeches. -
Sweden As a Gravitation Center for the Kurds – Diaspora Formation and Transnational Relations
Chapter SWEDEN AS A GRAVITATION CENTER FOR THE KURDS – DIASPORA FORMATION AND TRANSNATIONAL RELATIONS Khalid Khayati Linkoping University, Linkoping, Sweden ABSTRACT This study investigates the general social and political conditions of diasporan Kurds in Sweden who have created considerable networks and organizations that function for them not only as a substantial means of integration in their residing society, but also as genuine transnational institutions that aim, in one way or another, to affect the politics of their former homelands. The formation and development of the Kurdish diaspora in Sweden depends on two principal factors: the social and political composition of the Kurdish population in Sweden which shows an exceedingly diversified diaspora and the advantageous Swedish political climate which promotes diasporic and transnational activities among the Kurds. Certain scholars regard Sweden as a center of gravity where the development of the Kurdish culture, Kurdish politics and generally speaking the Kurdish identity is considered as a response to those repressive policies that the dominant states have imposed on the Kurds throughout the years. In this regard, the diasporic and transnational E-mail: [email protected] 2 Khalid Khayati activities among the Kurds in Sweden partly transfer the Kurdish nationalist movement to a transnational and de-territorial context. INTRODUCTION At the end of January 2006 the former Kurdistan Regional Government’s (KRG) Nordic Representative, Taha Barwari, was the host of the first Kurdish Gala in Stockholm. The Gala, which was attended by numerous Kurdish and Swedish celebrities, gave Mr. Barwari an opportunity to appraise not only a group of leading Kurds who for years had been successful in various areas of Swedish life, but also native Swedes who had in many ways taken an interest in the Kurds and publicly promoted their cause. -
Evert Vedung Kärnkraften Och Regeringen Fälldins Fall
Stiftelsen Riksbankens Jubileumsfond: Politik som rationellt handlande 3 Evert Vedung Kärnkraften och regeringen Fälldins fall Rabén & Sjögren KF © Evert Vedung 1979 Omslagsfoto: Reportagebild Tryckt hos Tryckeri AB Aurora, 1979 ISBN 91 29 53994 3 Skrifter utgivna av Statsvetenskapliga föreningen i Uppsala nr 85 Efterord 2019 Denna digitala version från vårvintern 2019 återger troget text och struktur i den 40 år gamla tryckta bokversionen från 1979 med tre undantag. Några få stavfel har korrigerats. Ett par källhänvisningar har lagts till (s 54, 224). Ett antal uppslagsord i Person- och sakregister har lagts till för att om möjligt rädda några företeelser åt eftervärlden. Hit hör t.ex. avsiktsförklaring; arenabyte; Bohmans konkludenta handlingar; Bohmans oförbindliga hypotes; folkomröstning, gaullistisk à la Bohman; KBS-metoden; kommuniké; kärnkraftinspektionen; plutoniumfrågan; regeringsfrågan. Min bror, civiljägmästare Tage Vedung, Uppsala, har skannat och ocr-at bokversionen till digital, sökbar text, gjort en första grov korrekturläsning samt sett till att jag själv hyggligt hänger med i den digitala teknikens fenomenala utveckling. Informatör Ulrika Wahlberg vid Institutet för bostads- och urbanforskning (IBF), Uppsala universitet, har ombesörjt skriftens utläggning i DiVa. Varmt tack till er båda! Vad gäller ordbehandling var jag troligen en pionjär bland statsvetarna i riket. Jag hade nämligen lyckan att börja med denna omvälvande teknik redan hösten 1982, vid Lyndon Johnson School of Public Affairs vid University of Texas i Austin. God bless America! I will never forget what you have done for me! Och fortsatte i augusti 1983 när jag kom hem till Uppsala genom att skriva via en nyinköpt monitor hemma på Sehlstedtsgatan i Nyby uppkopplad med telefonmodem mot en stordator vid Uppsala datacentral på Sysslomansgatan i Luthagen. -
Namn Att Minnas Per Ahlmark
438 NAMN ATT MINNAS PER AHLMARK Ett av de intressantaste fenomenen i utmärkta debattörer och skribenter, svensk politik på senare år är fram som systematiskt utbildat sig för sin stormandet av de unga liberaler, som uppgift som politisk stöttrupp och fått det kanske mera pittoreska än därmed också - trots sin ungdom; de adekvata vedernamnet hattifnattarna. är kring 30 - lyckats bli en faktor att Det bör observeras att epitetet appli räkna med i svensk politik. cerats av en - ja, partivän kanske Deras ledare heter Per Ahlmark och inte är det lämpligaste uttrycket i sam det är inte för intet de - till omväx• manhanget, men i varje fall en annan ling med hattifnattarna - kallas Ahl ledamot av folkpartiet och inte vem marksfalangen, ty endast sällan har ett som helst, utan riksdagsgruppens sek kotteri politiskt intresserade ungdo reterare Sven Lantz. Vid folkpartiets mar så tidigt och i så hög grad präg• landsmöte i juni detta år slungade lats av en dominerande personlighet. denne generationskamrat till de unga Det är Per Ahlmarks brinnande poli liberalerna i fråga stridshandsken mot tiska ambition, hänsynslösa framåtan• dem och belönades med livliga applå• da och h{trda disciplin som mer än der. något annat gjort dem till vad de är Hattifnattarna är alltså en även - låt vara alt dc också fått en match inom folkpartiet omstridd grupp. ~len ning av både parti och press (fram också om man som Sven Lantz kan för allt Expressen) utan motstycke. ställa sig kritisk mot dem ur åtskil• Ahlmark 1ir född 1939 och son till liga synpunkter, finns det goda skäl en professor i hygien. -
Kap 15: ”1954/80 – En Ny Författning”
Kap 15 : ”1954/80 – En ny författning” Första världskriget var ingen bra tid för monarkier och det gällde även Sverige. Fram till 1917 gällde devisen ”Kungen äger allena styra riket”. Därefter var det slut med den saken men det dröjde länge innan regeringsformen som var från 1809 skrevs om så att den överensstämde med läget. 1954-1963 arbetade ”författningsutredningen” med en delrevision men långsamt, långsamt. Det färdiga förslaget sköts ned från båda hållen: Monarkisterna kritiserade det för att eliminera kungens roll i det dagliga regeringsarbetet. Republikanerna kritiserade kungens fortsatta inflytande som regeringsbildare, t ex att kunna upplösa riksdagen och utlysa nyval. En ny utredning, ”grundlagsberedningen” tillsattes 1966 för att skriva om hela författningen. En motion från socialdemokraten Nancy Eriksson m fl att även utreda alternativet republik (KU 1966:10) vann i riksdagen efter fem timmars debatt men röstades med knapp majoritet ned i konstitutionsutskottet (genom lottning faktiskt). Stämningen var hätsk. Skådespelaren Ulf Palme kallade motionen för ”en spark i baken av en fru Eriksson i spetsen för 34 andra skrikare.”380 På slottet var det locket på som vanligt. Republikanen Ulla Lindström: ”1966 när Nancy Eriksson lade fram sin stora republikmotion råkade jag komma på middagar både till prins Bertil och kungen. De kungligas förmåga att hålla god min under republikdebatten ingav respekt. De vek inte en hårsmån från sin neutrala älskvärdhet även mot republikaner och syndare av min typ.”381 Gustaf VI protesterade aldrig direkt mot Nancy Erikssons motion via någon politisk kanal (någon sådan fanns inte) men gjorde sina farhågor kända på omvägar och genom personliga samtal. T ex framförde han i enrum efter konseljerna sina reaktioner till Tage Erlander att han blivit oerhört sårad av denna brist på förtroende. -
Four Hundred Thousand Swedish Perverts
FOUR HUNDRED THOUSAND SWEDISH PERVERTS Don Kulick In 1998 Sweden suddenly acquired hundreds of thousands of new perverts. Their existence was asserted in a report, commissioned by the government, called Sex in Sweden. The 284-page report discussed the results of a questionnaire survey, the fi rst of its kind in thirty years, in which 187 of 2,810 respondents answered yes to a new question, “Have you ever, with money or other remuneration, paid to be together sexually with someone else?” That 187 Swedes, all of them men, claimed to have paid for sex at one time or another was regarded as so disturbing that the report devoted an entire thirty-page chapter (more than 10 percent of the text) to trying to understand it and similar phenomena, such as that 725 men also reported that they had seen one or more pornographic fi lms during the previous year.1 The 187 men who answered yes to the question about paying for sex consti- tuted 12.7 percent of the male respondents to the survey (see table 1). The report extrapolates this fi gure to claim that one in eight men in Sweden has purchased sexual services. In sheer numbers this must mean, the report tells us, that “more than four hundred thousand men over eighteen years of age have at some point in their lives paid for sexual services.”2 This fi gure has circulated widely in Sweden, most prominently in a 2002 government-fi nanced campaign to promote public awareness of a law passed several years previously that made it a crime to pur- chase sexual ser vices.