Poland External Relations Briefing: Reviving the Weimar Triangle and Rapprochement with the West Dominik Mierzejewski
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Program and Pleuger Lecture Poznan 6.9.12
Committee for the promotion of French-German-Polish Cooperation (« Weimar Triangle ») Komitet Wspierania Wspólpracy Francusko-Niemiecko-Polskiej (« Trójk ąt Weimarski ») Adam Mickiewicz University, Pozna ń (AMU) FIRST ANNUAL ADAM MICKIEWICZ LECTURE ON FRENCH -GERMAN -POLISH COOPERATION (‘W EIMAR TRIANGLE ’) THURSDAY , 6 SEPTEMBER 2012 AUDITORIUM MAXIMUM ‘C OLLEGIUM MINUS ’ ul. Wieniawskiego 1, Pozna ń 11.00 Address of Welcome: Prof. Dr. hab. Bronisław Marciniak, Ph.D. Rector of the Adam Mickiewicz University Chairman, Standing Committee of Rectors of Polish Universities, Pozna ń 11.05 Introductory Remarks: Prof. h.c. Dr. Drs.h.c. Klaus-Heinrich Standke Doctor honoris causa, Economics University Pozna ń Former Director for Science and Technology, United Nations, New York President, Committee for the French-German-Polish Cooperation, Berlin/Cabourg 11.15 First Annual Adam Mickiewicz Lecture on French-German-Polish Cooperation: Dr. Gunter Pleuger Former Secretary of State, German Foreign Office Rector of the Europa University Viadrina, Frankfurt/Oder “Academic impulses for the Weimar Triangle cooperation” 12.00 Discussion Moderator: prof. dr. hab. Jacka Witkosia Prorektora ds. nauki i współpracy mi ędzynarodowej 12.30 Reception „Academic Impulses for the Weimar Triangle Cooperation“ Gunter Pleuger Dear Rector Marciniak, Dear Professor Standke, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, Before I begin developing my thoughts on „Academic Impulses for the Weimar Triangle Cooperation“, let me first thank the organizers and hosts for inviting me to this lecture today. The Adam Mickiewicz University is inextricably linked to the Weimar Triangle through the naming of the Adam Mickiewicz Award. Adam Mickiewicz is the rightful patron of both the Award as well as this lecture. -
Romanian Political Science Review Vol. XXI, No. 1 2021
Romanian Political Science Review vol. XXI, no. 1 2021 The end of the Cold War, and the extinction of communism both as an ideology and a practice of government, not only have made possible an unparalleled experiment in building a democratic order in Central and Eastern Europe, but have opened up a most extraordinary intellectual opportunity: to understand, compare and eventually appraise what had previously been neither understandable nor comparable. Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review was established in the realization that the problems and concerns of both new and old democracies are beginning to converge. The journal fosters the work of the first generations of Romanian political scientists permeated by a sense of critical engagement with European and American intellectual and political traditions that inspired and explained the modern notions of democracy, pluralism, political liberty, individual freedom, and civil rights. Believing that ideas do matter, the Editors share a common commitment as intellectuals and scholars to try to shed light on the major political problems facing Romania, a country that has recently undergone unprecedented political and social changes. They think of Studia Politica. Romanian Political Science Review as a challenge and a mandate to be involved in scholarly issues of fundamental importance, related not only to the democratization of Romanian polity and politics, to the “great transformation” that is taking place in Central and Eastern Europe, but also to the make-over of the assumptions and prospects of their discipline. They hope to be joined in by those scholars in other countries who feel that the demise of communism calls for a new political science able to reassess the very foundations of democratic ideals and procedures. -
The Voting Systems in the Council of the EU and the Bundesrat – What Do They Tell Us About European Federalism? by Jacek Czaputowicz and Marcin Kleinowski
ISSN: 2036-5438 The voting systems in the Council of the EU and the Bundesrat – What do they tell us about European Federalism? by Jacek Czaputowicz and Marcin Kleinowski Perspectives on Federalism, Vol. 10, issue 1, 2018 Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E -174 Abstract The Treaty of Lisbon introduced a new system of weighted votes in the Council, which radically departs from the principles on which the distribution of votes between the Member States of the EU was based for more than half a century. At the same time, the system of double majority is fundamentally different from the assumptions on which voting systems in federal states are based, including in the Bundesrat. Systems used in federal states are usually based on a compromise between the equality of states, and the equality of citizens. Consequently, in the Nice system, smaller Member States in the EU had relatively greater power compared to their populations than smaller federal units in the German Bundesrat. The results presented in this paper indicate that the Lisbon system of voting in the Council differs significantly from voting systems in federal states. Key-words Council of the European Union, Bundesrat, voting power, Nice voting system, double majority voting system Except where otherwise noted content on this site is licensed under a Creative Commons 2.5 Italy License E -175 1. Introduction Is the European Union evolving towards a federal system? Evidence speaking for the European Union being similar to a federation includes: EU institutions taking over competences previously held by states; the principle of supremacy of European law and its direct effect in national law; and cooperation between federal institutions and the constituent units in executing various tasks.I What speaks against this thesis is: the lack of a European constitution; of the right to impose taxes; as well as the fact that states retain their membership in international organisations, such as the UN. -
Poland External Relations Briefing: Reactivation of the Weimar Triangle? Joanna Ciesielska-Klikowska
ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 33, No. 4 (PL) October 2020 Poland external relations briefing: Reactivation of the Weimar Triangle? Joanna Ciesielska-Klikowska 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: CHen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Reactivation of the Weimar Triangle? In mid-October, a meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of France, Germany and Poland took place in Paris. The consultations of the heads of diplomacy of the Weimar Triangle states were the first in such a formula since 2016. This is an important change and a step forward for this tripartite cooperation that has been in abeyance for several years. It used to be a key communication channel from Warsaw to Berlin and Paris and vice versa. Today the forum is not used, but potentially it can be an important transmission belt of concepts for European integration and cooperation. MFA’s meeting in Paris The talks held on October 15, 2020 in the French capital city by the heads of diplomacy of France, Germany and Poland - Jean-Yves Le Drian, Heiko Maas and Zbigniew Rau - focused on the most important challenges of the last months and the near future. During the meeting, the Ministers centred primarily on the dynamic situation in the neighbourhood of the European Union (especially in the context of the current developments in Belarus), European Union relations with the Russian Federation, and the prospects of strengthening of the Eastern Partnership. Moreover, the Ministers discussed the situation in the Eastern Mediterranean and in Libya. -
In Annual Speeches of the Republic of Poland Ministers of Foreign Affairs After 2001
Przegląd Strategiczny 2017, nr 10 Piotr POCHYŁY DOI : 10.14746/ps.2017.1.12 University of Zielona Góra THE CONCEPT OF “SECURITY” IN ANNUAL SPEECHES OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND MINISTERS OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AFTER 2001 The purpose of the publication is to present how the concept of security has been de- fined in annual speeches of Poland’s foreign ministers after the 9/11 attacks in 2001. Research problem: the impact of the international situation on ways of ensuring Po- land’s security in the annual speeches of Polish foreign ministers. Apart from the as- pect of classically understood security, the analysis also covers modern categories of security that is economic, public, ecological, energy or food security. The temporal range is from 2001 to 2017. Following the definition in the Polish Language Diction- ary published by PWN I define “security” as “the state of non-threat” (Bezpieczeństwo, 2017). * * * Every year foreign ministers of Poland give their annual speeches – officially known as the Information of the Foreign Minister on the goals of foreign policy, in which they define priorities, characterize challenges, and present corrections to the policy. Sometimes it is just an ordinary fulfilment of the obligation, which does not provoke greater conflicts or reflections and is presented in the nearly empty hall, but since 2010, after the plane crash near Smolensk, there have been very exciting debates connected with disputes in the Parliament (speeches given by Radosław Sikorski between 2011–2014), also in connection to responsibility for state security. The speeches which were urgent responses to events in the world (Sikorski, 2014) and the ones that were given when new governments came to power: (Cimoszewicz, 2002; Meller, 2006; Sikorski, 2008; Sikorski, 2012; Waszczykowski, 2016) will be particularly relevant to the search for answers to the research problem because apart from presenting current issues the ministers were obliged to discuss four-year for- eign policy assumptions. -
Z Instytucji Unii Europejskiej
nr 15(21) • 29 sierpnia 2019 Przegląd wydarzeń w Unii Europejskiej i informacji o Unii Europejskiej e Ursula von der Leyen nową przewodniczącą Komisji Europejskiej e e Polscy posłowie w komisjach PE e e Uzasadniona opinia KE dotycząca nowego systemu środków dyscyplinarnych wobec polskich sędziów e e Pozycja Niemiec w Unii Europejskiej e Z INSTYTUCJI UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ PARLAMENT EUROPEJSKI lament zdecyduje w głosowaniu, czy poprze skład nowej Komisji, któ- 16 lipca e Parlament Europejski w tajnym głosowaniu (przy użyciu pa- ry ostatecznie musi zostać zatwierdzony większością kwalifikowaną pierowych kart do głosowania) wybrał na stanowisko przewodniczącej Ko- przez Radę Europejską. Ursula von der Leyen ma objąć urząd 1 listo- misji Europejskiej Ursulę von der Leyen. W głosowaniu oddano 733 głosy pada 2019 r. (kadencja obecnej Komisji trwa do 31 października). (w tym 1 nieważny) – 383 eurodeputowanych głosowało za, 327 przeciw, 10 lipca e Odbyły się posiedzenia inauguracyjne komisji i podkomisji a 22 wstrzymało się od głosu. Ursula von der Leyen jest pierwszą kobietą Parlamentu Europejskiego. W IX kadencji PE powołano 20 wyspecjalizo- wybraną na stanowisko przewodniczącej Komisji Europejskiej. wanych komisji stałych. W skład każdej z nich wchodzi od 25 do 73 człon- Podczas poprzedzającej głosowanie debaty parlamentarnej kan- ków. Komisje wybierają spośród swoich członków przewodniczącego dydatka wygłosiła oświadczenie, w którym przedstawiła swoją wizję oraz maksymalnie czterech wiceprzewodniczących, którzy razem tworzą i plan działania. Wśród -
Poland's Second Return to Europe?
BRIEF POLICY POLAND’S SECOND RETURN TO EUROPE? Paweł Swieboda´ SUMMARY The parliamentary elections on 21 October 2007 produced Donald Tusk, the new Polish Prime Minister, wants to bring Poland back to the heart of Europe, a new governing coalition between the Civic Platform and the rebuilding ties with Germany and France to create Polish People’s Party, prompting a sigh of relief in Warsaw’s a ‘Weimar Triangle’, lessening tensions with Russia, foreign policy establishment. The new government, headed and trying to make the country a genuine player by Donald Tusk, is set on changing the country’s foreign in European foreign policy. policy profi le and wants to erase memories associated with The new Government will try to rebalance its the self-centred style of their predecessors. The Kaczyn´ski relationship with the United States, slowing down twins wholeheartedly believed that Poland needed to use the move towards missile defence and withdrawing every opportunity to assert its national interests, and its troops from Iraq. eagerly used their veto power on a range of issues, including the new EU-Russia partnership agreement, the January Although there will be a change of style on contentious issues like Russia, the new government 2006 tax package, the directive on the transfer of prisoners, will still be an ‘assertive partner’ opting out of the and the European Day Against the Death Penalty. Donald Charter of Fundamental Rights; unlikely to join Tusk’s new team will follow a different logic, working more the euro; and likely to put up a fi ght against reform through discussion and persuasion rather than obstruction. -
Opinia Nurtu Niepodległościowego Nr 20
KWARTALNIK OŚRODKA MYŚLI NIEPODLEGŁOŚCIOWEJ Redaguje zespół: Marek Albiniak, Zbigniew Adamczyk, Andrzej Anusz (redaktor naczelny), Karol Chylak, Andrzej Chyłek, Michał Janiszewski (sekretarz redakcji), Mirosław Lewandowski, Marek Michalik, Mariusz Olszewski, Zbigniew Śniadecki, Bohdan Urbankowski, Jerzy Wawrowski, Kazimierz Wilk Artykuły są recenzowane Wydawca: Ośrodek Myśli Niepodległościowej Instytutu Historycznego NN im. Andrzeja Ostoja Owsianego ul. Nowy Świat 48/11 00-363 Warszawa e-mail: [email protected] © Wszelkie prawa zastrzeżone Przedruk możliwy za podaniem źródła Wszystkie dotychczasowe numery pisma dostępne na stronie ihoo.pl ISSN 2352-5725 Skład, łamanie i druk: Akces, Warszawa SPIS TREŚCI Podsumowanie konferencji „Niepodległa 4.0” . 9 Josepf Conrad Literature Award dla Bohdana Urbankowskiego . 12 Pokaz fi lmu Marsze Niepodległości . 16 Posiedzenie Rady do Spraw Działaczy Opozycji Antykomunistycznej oraz Osób Represjonowanych z Powodów Politycznych . 19 Święto Niepodległości . 21 Koncert „Polska – Zasłużonym dla Ojczyzny” . 23 DR JERZY BUKOWSKI Okiem fi lozofa spod kopca Piłsudskiego . 29 DR DARIUSZ MACIEJ GRABOWSKI O ekonomii i nie tylko... 33 ANDRZEJ ROZPŁOCHOWSKI SB, milicja, wojsko, prokuratury, sądy, urzędy PRL kontra Andrzej Rozpłochowski . 55 DR BOHDAN URBANKOWSKI Czy fi lozofi a (polska) może wybić się na niepodległość? . 79 „DROGA” Reprint miesięcznika nr 5/1935. Po śmierci Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego . 113 MARIA WOŁOSZCZUK-CZERNIAK Wspomnienia . 148 STANISŁAW LIKIERNIK Diabelne szczęście czy palec Boży? Cz. III . 162 KATARZYNA ŚNIADECKA „Nie cierpię fanatyzmu” – rozmowa z Marią Moczulską . 213 3 ŁUKASZ PERZYNA Dziecięca choroba Solidarności . 227 MACIEJ SZUMOWSKI Rozmowa Macieja Szumowskiego z Romualdem Szeremietiewem z 1985 roku . 237 DR ANDRZEJ ANUSZ W Polskim Londynie 1988 roku . 285 DR ANDRZEJ ANUSZ „Żeby Polska była Polską” (1981–1989) – najmniejsze pismo drugiego obiegu (cz. -
Energy Cooperation Under the Aegis of the Weimar Triangle Springboard for a Common European Energy Policy
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Energy Cooperation under the Aegis of the Weimar Triangle Springboard for a Common European Energy Policy SAMI ANDOURA October 2010 In light of the renewed interest among the political leadership in the three countries, energy and sustainable development offer a highly visible and attractive oppor- tunity to relaunch cooperation within the Weimar Triangle. The diversity of national strategies within the EU27 makes the emergence of a truly European common energy policy difficult. Issues in energy policy can, however, be fully addressed only if action is undertaken collectively. Germany, France and Poland manifest huge differences in terms of energy choices, industrial landscape, technological structures, institutions, regulatory practice and, above all, energy mixes. A rapprochement between their respective national positions through the Weimar platform could pave the way for enhanced cooperation be- tween EU countries in the field of energy, and should, above all, help to foster a common European energy policy. Furthermore the Weimar Triangle could serve as a mediation forum between the partners in order to pre-empt and settle differences before they turn into crises which affect the EU as a whole. Through ad hoc projects, transnational, interregional and intergovernmental co- operation, collaboration between the Germany, Poland and France should focus on three main issues, collective research, regional networks and a common approach to external energy supply. Given the wide range of instruments available to Germany, France and Poland, a pragmatic and results-oriented approach, focused on concrete projects would lead to decisive changes. SAMI ANDOURA | ENERGY COOPERATION UNDER THE AEGIS OF THE WEIMAR TRIANGLE Content Introduction . -
Public of Poland in New Zealand
NEWSLETTER No 26 EMBASSY OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND IN NEW ZEALAND UNUSUAL TIMES May 2020 While most of us have been spending more Polish Embassy in Wellington has faced its In this issue: time at home, we encourage all of you to take biggest consular challenge in history. Since the POLISH RESPONSE TO COVID -19 2 this opportunity and explore Poland using nu- introduction of various border restrictions POLISH BUSINESS PLATFORM 2 merous valuable online resources - see some around the world, including New Zealand and 80 YEARS AFTER KATYŃ 3 links in this issue. the Pacific Islands, we have assisted with the 1945 IN POLISH HISTORY 3 Great prizes are offered in the competition "My repatriation - either by commercial flights or REFLECTIONS ON VE DAY 3 most interesting online meeting with Poland" with the help of our colleagues from the Euro- WW2 MUSEUM VISITS NZ 4 for the younger audience. Have a look at the pean Union countries - hundreds of Polish na- MONTE CASSINO REMEMBERED 4 last page. tionals. Even though we were not able to commemo- We would also like to extend our thanks to all JOIN „L IFE AFTER PAHIATUA ” 4 rate many of the beautiful as well as sombre of those New Zealand -based wonderful Polish WAITANGI DAY 2020 5 anniversaries, we have acknowledged them. people - including Polish Associations mem- AMBASSADOR IN TONGA 5 You will find more details on the next pages. bers, Honorary Consuls, a Polish doctor and MAY 2020 ANNIVERSARIES 6 Some of the events, such as Katyń Massacre many others - who supported us and their POLONIA 4 NEIGHBOURS 6 commemorations have been postponed while countrymen in this unusual time. -
Focus on Poland
Focus on Poland Monthly Newsletter – January Topic of the month Murder of Paweł Adamowicz Mayor of Gdańsk, Paweł Adamowicz was murdered during the charity event in his home town. Paweł Adamowicz was 53 years old, and had been mayor for more than 20 years. He was recently re- elected in November 2018 municipal elections. He was seen as an anchor of the rapid transformation of Gdańsk into a modern and open city. He was himself a moderate conservative or centrist politician who was leading one of the most liberal metropolises in Poland. Pawel Adamowicz was often a progressive voice in Polish politics, supporting LGBT+ rights and tolerance for minorities. He marched in last year's gay pride parade, a rare action for a mayor in Poland. He also supported the Jewish community when the city's synagogue had its windows broken last year. He was one of the initiators of creating European Solidarity Center in Gdańsk, interactive museum of the “Solidarność” movement and living monument of Poland’s modern history. Paweł Adamowicz grabbed his stomach and collapsed in front of the audience at the 27th annual fundraiser organised by the Great Orchestra of Christmas Charity, Poland’s biggest charity event (organized every January when around 200.000 volunteers collects money to buy hospital equipment). Television footage of the incident showed the mayor speaking to the crowd while holding a sparkler, before his attacker moved towards him. He was resuscitated at the scene and then transported to the Medical University. After carrying out the attack, the man shouted from the stage “I was jailed but innocent. -
L Eip 3-18.Indd
Mateusz Czasak* THE ROLE OF THE WEIMAR TRIANGLE IN THE PROCESSES OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION IN 1991–2004 DOI: 10.26399/meip.3(62).2018.37/m.czasak INTRODUCTION The collapse of the Yalta-Potsdam world order took place at the turn of the eighties and nineties of the twentieth century. The Gorbachev reforms carried out from the second half of the 1980s did not heal the situation in the USSR, which contributed to the gradual breakup of the Eastern Bloc at the turn of the decades. Other states, former USSR satellites, gained more and more independence, and then gradually regained their full sovereignty. At the same time, the collapse of a stable, bipolar world order created numerous dangers. The new world order emerging at that time was not very legible, after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact in 1991 a number of Central and Eastern European countries, including Poland, found themselves in a grey security zone (Balcerowicz 2001: 107–108). They were states that did not belong to any alliance, neither did they create any, and at the same time they did not decide to be neutral or uninvolved (Balcerowicz 2001: 108). Political changes began in Poland before the final collapse of the Warsaw Pact. They were initiated by the government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki formed in August 1989, after the partially free parliamentary elections held on 4 June. These elections ended with the success of the current democratic opposition, * Mateusz Czasak – M.A., Research-and-Teaching Assistant, Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw, [email protected] 174 MATEUSZ CZASAK which won almost all seats allocated for candidates not belonging to the Communist Party.