NOTE D'ARCHIVIO

PER LA STORIA MUSICALE nuovasene

ANNO II,1984, SUPPLEMENTO

EDIZIONI FONDAZIONE LEVI VENEZIA 1984

EFL.V.B.2

John Burke

MUSICIANS OF S. MARIA MAGGIORE ROME, 1600-1700

A SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC STUDY

EDIZIONI FONDAZIONE LEVI VENEZIA 1984 COMITATO DIRETTIVO

ALBERTO BASSO, FRANCESCO LUISI OSCAR MISCHIATI, GIANCARLO ROSTIROLLA

Direttore responsabile Francesco Luisi

Rivista annuale con supplemento semestrale per l'Italia (escluso supplemento) L. 18.000 per l'estero (escluso supplemento) L. 26.000 Supplemento Anno I per l'Italia L. 20.000 Supplemento Anno I per l'estero L. 28.000 Supplemento Anno II per l'Italia L. 10.000 Supplemento Anno II per l'estero L. 15.000

Direzione, redazione e amministrazione: FONDAZIONE UGO E OLGA LEVI, Palazzo Giustinian-Lolin, S. Vidal 2893, Venezia (c.a.p. 30124). Tel. (041) 24264 I 703161 clc postale n. 11084308

In redazione: Marcella Ilari

Autorizzazione del Tribunale di Venezia n. 736/1983 © 1984 by FONDAZIONE LEVI, Venezia Tutti i diritti riservati per tutti i Paesi Acknowledgements

I wish to express my gratitude to the following individuals: Fr. Jean Coste, archivist; Professor Denis Arnold, who offered criticism of an earlier stage of the Introduction; Jean Lionnet, who made available to me material for his forthcoming article on the cappella musicale of S. Luigi de' Francesi (1981) and his current work on the Sistine Chapel. Thanks are also due to the Canons of S. Maria Maggiore for allowing me to consult their archives, and to the staff of Archivio di Stato, Rome. Ci scusiamo con i lettori per il ritardo con cui il lavoro vede la luce: si è reso neces­ sario un minuzioso lavoro di controllo redazionale che ha imposto il ricorso alla do­ cumentazione originale. La Direzione esprime pertanto un particolare ringrazia­ mento alla Dott.ssa Marcella Ilari. Bibliographic abbreviations

ACSLD: Archivio Capitolare di S. Lorenzo in _Damaso (at A li) ACSMM: Archivio Capitolare di S. Maria Maggiore (Piazza S. Maria Maggiore, 6, Roma) ACSMT: Archivio Capitolare di S. Maria in Trastevere (at A V) ACSMV: Archivio della Congregazione (Padri dell'Oratorio) di S. Maria in Vallicella (Piazza della Chiesa Nuova, 18, Roma) ACSPV: Archivio Capitolare di S. Pietro in Vaticano (at BAV) ARSI: Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (Borgo S. Spirito, 5, Roma) ASR: Archivio di Stato di Roma (corso Rinascimento, 40, Roma) ASRSP: Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria ASV: Archivio Segreto Vaticano AV: Archivio storico del Vicariato di Roma (Tabularium Vica­ riatus Urbis) (via Amba Aradam, 3, Roma) BAV: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana CNRS: Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique GROVE 6: The New Grave Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 6th edn., ed. Stanley Sadie, 20 vols., London, 1980. LM: Liber Mortuorum. LStA: Liber Status Animarum MEFR: Mélanges de l'Ecole française de Roma MGG: Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart NdA: Note d'Archivio per la Storia Musica/e RISM: Répertoire Internationa/ des Sources Musica/es RMI: Rivista Musicale Italiana RSI: Rivista Storica Italiana

Library sigla follow those of RISM.

7 Manuscript Sources

Archivio di Stato di Roma (ASR) Collegio dei 30 notai capitolini: Ufficio 30 Acts of Franciscus De Romanlis 1591-1610 Petrus Antonius Cathalonus 1595-1603 id. et Arsenius Musea 1604-1611 Antonius Lucatellus 1612-1648 Bernardinus De Sanctis 1648-1664 Carolus Caesar Gerardinus 1665-1672 Vincentinus Octavianus 1673-1686 Thomas Octavianus 1686-1695 Dominicus Pascasio Magno 1695-1699 (also conserved at): Archivio Capitolare di S. Maria Maggiore in Roma (ACSMM) Instromenti, t. XX-XXXI Decreti (Libri decretorum) a. 1595-1606; 1609-10 b. 1611-1639 c. 1641-1651 d. 1683-1721 Cappella Musicale Entrata et Uscita i. t. IV 1589-1600 ii. t. V 1601-1603 iii. t. VI 1603-1619 (lacking 1615-1618) iv. t. VII 1620-1631 (lacking 1624) v. t. VIII 1631-1644 Giustificazioni dei mandati I. 1650-1696 II. 1647-1694 Miscellanea della Cappella Musicale I, II, III. Bianchini, Giuseppe: Historiae Basilicae Liberianae S.M. Maioris, MS, 10 vols., Roma, 1759. Archivio storico del Vicariato di Roma (Tabularium Vicariatus Urbis) (t. IV) (AV): Liber Status Animarum; Liber Mortuorum (various parishes, 1600-1700)

8 INTRODUCTION a. The basilica, Iiturgy and personnel.

A pilgrim visiting Rome at the end of the sixteenth century would have been impressed by the centraI position occupied by the basilica of S. Maria Maggiore in the town pIan of Pope Sixtus V. About the basilica a concentric road system had been created which provided access to places of pilgrimage, the city gates and densely-populated areas of Rome. Building operations, suspended on the Esquiline Hill since the pontificate of Nicholas V (1447-1455), were renewed under Sixtus V, who built a chapel at S. Maria Maggiore in which to be buried. The basilica was further dignified by Paul V Borghese, who constructed a chapel there in the early seventeenth century. The various stages through which the fabric of the basilica passed have been well documented, and an authoritative account, by Richard Krautheimer, now exists 1• For a history of the institution one can turn in the first pIace to a long and diffuse ten-volume MS work by Giuseppe Bianchini2 or to even more diffuse notes by the same author in the fondo Bianchini at ACSMM, search through scattered studies on important people or families associated with the basilica, or consult obscure ecclesiastical dictionaries, and there exists no recommendabIe study of the institution as such. Where the basilica's possessions are concerned, on which its wealth depended, the situation is a little better, and will be considerabIy illuminated when the researches of Jean Coste, on the topography of the Roman campagna outside Porta Maggiore, are completed and published. Inside the basilica, on the site of the present baptistery built by Pope Paul V (as early as 1604) stood a «choretto» used for the Divine Office. Before this was constructed, the Divine Office took pIace in the apse, and

l R. KRAUTHEIMER (et al.), Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae, iii, Città del Vaticano, 1967, which includes a full bibliography.

2 See supra, Manuscript Sources, 1759.

9 traditions of greatest antiquity supported this practice. During the four light and warm summer months between May and August, the Divine Office took pIace in the apse during the seventeenth century, but the south­ facing chapel of S. Caterina, off the left aisle, was the preferred pIace for psalmody in the winter3• Organs, which apparently stood originally by two altars at the entrance to the choir by the triumphal arch, in the testament of had been provided Guillaume d'Estouteville, Cardinal archpriest of the basilica from 1445-14844• A tribune and organ stood on the left wall of the west end of the basilica until 1573, when the remains of Pope Nicholas IV were translated there from the south of the church and the organ dismantled5• De Angelis' illustration of the interior in 1621 (Fig. 2) shows several musicians in a tribune on the right wall, with organ above. According to Ciaconius, this instrument dated from the time of Sixtus IV (reg. 1471-1484)6, and it was decorated in the time of Clement VIII (reg. 1592-1605)7. At about the same time the area under the organ was enlarged, to accommodate important ecclesiastics who wished to attend on festal occasions. Musicians, who only moved to the tribune on festal days, and otherwise sat in the choir, found a new pIace under the tomb of Nicholas IV, in a new tribune, and it was felt that a sense of architectural and musical proportion, as well as an increase in popular devotion, would be created thereby8. Feasts of the Virgin had been celebrated at S. Maria Maggiore since the late seventh century9. At the Christmas Vigil, a relic of the crib was taken in procession, a companied by special concerted music, from the Sistine Chapel to the papal altar lO• On 23rd January, the feast of S. Idelfonso was celebrated in «ritu solemnissimo», according to the formula employed by Pope Innocent I in the bull Sacri Aposto/atus (1647), by which he instituted the «Opera Pia di Spagna», the origins of which lay in king Philip II's

3 Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Arm. VII. no. 32. 4 G. BIASIOTTI, Le basiliche romane di S. Maria Maggiore e S. Martino ai Monti nei disegni degli Uffizi di Firenze, Roma, 1917, p. 6 n . 1. 5 KRAUTHEIMER, op.cit., 1967, p. 29.

6 A. CHACÒN, Vitae et res gestae pontificum S.R.E. Cardinalium , a cura di A. Oldoini, III , Romae, 1677, p. 30: «a laeva arae maximae in basilica liberiana organum concinnavit» . 7 A .M . CORBa, Artisti e artigiani in Roma al tempo di Martino V e di Eugenio IV, Roma, 1969. 8 This and the following from A.M. SANTARELLI, Memorie notabili della Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore, Roma, 1647, pp. 70-71. 9 KRAUTHEIMER, op.cit., 1967, p. 6. Cfr. P . DE ANGELIS, Basilicae S. Mariae Maioris de Urbe descriptio et delineatio, Roma, 1621, passim. IO SANTARELLI, op.cit., 1647, p. 102.

lO anxiety over the birth of his first child. The chapter sent Philip a part of its relic of the crib, and he responded with the Tract of Naples, two hundred bottles of wine supplied annually, which the chapter sold at a fixed rate, and a payrnent of 4,000 ducats for the «Pious Works». Innocent's bull provided 200 scudi annually for musicians at the feast, to which the chapter invited the Spanish ambassador, hoping thus to secure the dispatch of its winell. Precise rules concerning psalmody, at the Hours of Matins, Lauds and other canonical hours, were laid down in Directorium Chori (1582 and many subsequent editions). The Medicean edition of Missa/e Romanum (1595) provided ritual for the Mass. In the Rituale Romanum (1614), processions are prescribed for the Purification of the Blessed Virgin (De Angelis adds here the detail that this, and the procession on the feast of S. Adriani, were made barefoot)12, Palm Sunday, major litanies, the feast of S. Marco, minor rogation days and Corpus Christi. Other processions were permitted by consent of the Church. Some indication of what actually happened at these latter occasions is provided by Apostolic Visitations, disputes over ceremonial, and printed accounts, especially in Holy Years. Monastic buildings stood around the basilica, members of which had been obliged, by successive popes, to assist at the basilica in the Divine Office daily at Terce, Sext, None and Matins13• Subsequently two major changes concerning service of the basilica occurred: by 1290, service of the choir had passed to the secular clergy, for Pope Gregory IX referred to the new practice in a buH of that year, and on 20-i-1561, Pope Pius IV, persuaded by Carlo Borromeo, carried out, by bull and motu-proprio, an administrative reform which suppressed aH previously-existing chapels in the basilica, with their revenues, and created a College of Beneficiaries, eighteen in number, composed of clerics and beneficiaries who were to assist each morning in service of the choirl4• These were different people from the regular members of the music chapel in most cases, and the College of Beneficiaries was a completely separate entity from the musical body, which was effectively founded by Guido Ascanio Sforza in 1545, when he persuaded Pope Paul III to unite certain revenues from the suppressed

II ACSMM, Opera Pia di Spagna, notizie storiche, passim; D. STAFFA, De Pio Opere Hisp(miae in Patriarchali Basilica S. Mariae Maioris, Roma, s.d. 12 P. DE ANGELIS, Basilicae S. Mariae Maioris de Urbe descriptio et delineatio, Roma, 1621, p. 104. 13 By Gregory II (715), Hadrian I (795), Benedict VIII (1012). 14 P. DE ANGELIS, op. cito (1621), pp. 49-51.

11 chapel of the Annunciation and S. Francesco to the musie and fabric of the basilica. The name «Cappella Liberiana», sometimes given to the basilica's musicians, is something of a misnomer, since Pope Liberius (reg. 352-366), whether or not he founded the basilica, had no part in founding its choir, understood as a musieal organisation. And the reader must not hope for illumination concerning the social and economie conditions of this organisation in Liberian times, for rather it is these aspects of a period whieh, in musie history, extends from the death of Palestrina to the time of Alessandro Scarlatti, that form the subject of the present study.

b. Music in a baroque economy.

It will be useful to record here the findings of economie historians of the seventeenth century, to provide a necessary background for the discussion and hypotheses of our second chapter, on the economy of the cappella musicale. Historians have long accepted the idea of a generaI crisis of the seventeenth century; 208 pages of Roland Mousnier's Histoire Générale des Civilisations (3rd edn., Paris, 1961), were devoted to the European crisis of the seventeenth century, whieh included in its disasters bad harvests, crises of subsistence, famines, plagues, and wars no less damaging than the Wars of Religion in the sixteenth century. Further, historians speak of a «great economie recession of the seventeenth century», which coincided with the Thirty Years' War. Analysis of this recession has been undertaken by R. Romanol5 , following the work of Braudel and Delumeau l6• The agricultural crisis of the seventeenth century is described by Slieher van Bath in his classie study of agrarian history l7. Romano produces statistieal evidence to support his thesis of an economie crisis whieh peaked at around 1620. In the countryside, he says, peasants may have migrated from agrarian to industriaI existence after the famines of 1590-93. As manpower for agrieultural labour diminished, work costs increased. Sale prices of grain which had decreased between 1611-20, began to rise by 1618-20, and attained their former prices by 1622.

15 «L'Italia nella crisi del XVII secolo», Studi Storici, 9, iii-iv (1968), 723-41; id., «Tra XVI e XVII secolo una crisi economica, 1619-1622», RSI, lxxiv, (1962), 480-531. 16 F. BRAUDEL, La Méditerranée ... au temps de Philippe II, Paris, 1949; DELUMEAU, Vie économique et sociale de Rome, 2 vols., Paris, 1957-1959. 17 B.H. SUCHER VAN BATH, Agrarian History oj Western Europe, A.D. 850-1850, London, 1963.

12 This did not reflect a rise in the value of agricultural produce, but higher prices fixed by proprietors (and peasants) when faced with insufficient harvests. IndustriaI prices were falling, in formerly strong sections of commerce, such as the silk and wool industries of Florence and Genova. The banks, solid in the sixteenth century, failed between 1565 and 1605, when faith in institutions of credit faltered. Rises in the value of money between 1600-1602 were folIowed by descents and stagnation. Matters began to improve in about 1740 (except in England, where an agricultural depression was taking pIace). ltalian wealth was based on a monopoly in agriculture and revenues of banks, merchants and speculators. In Romano's view, alI this had evaporated by 1620. He puts the blame on devaluation of money, over-investment in real property (which immobilised capitaI), lack of investment in potentialIy productive areas of industry and commerce, rise in food prices, and the tendency of those in power to lament the monetary situation. He speaks of a "refeudalisation" of agriculture which left a limited market for proprietors, at the expense of the peasantry. 'Immobilisation of capitaI in buildings was, according· to E.l. Hobsbawm, the vice of sixteenth-century ltaliansl8. Studies of seventeenth­ century housing have revealed that investment in real property increased greatly at the end of the sixteenth century. Houses belonging to the Congregation of the SS. Annunziata brought in an income of 1706.02 scudi in 1563, whi!e in 1600 income from the Congregation's property had risen to 5245.36 scudi. This did not represent a rise in the value of property, but in the scale of investment l9• Roman houses, at least unti! the end of the sixteenth century, and perhaps later for the élite, were let for three or four generations, or in perpetuity-an «emphyteutic)) lease. When a house was let in perpetuity, at a nominaI rent, this amounted to a maintenance agreement. While Romano's analysis is indispensable for an understanding of the generaI situation (his point about the connexion between insufficient harvests and price rises by proprietors is important from our perspective), laws affecting the macrocosm were not always observed in the microcosm, and at Rome there were, of course, seasonal variations in the amount of grain stored. In 1621 for example, when the economy supposedly disintegrated, Rome was «abundantly provided)) with grain, which was arriving continually from Lazio, «Marittima)), and the northern campagna20•

18 «The Crisis of the Seventeenth Century», in T . ASTON (ed.), Crisis in Europe 1560-1660, London, 1965, pp. 5-58. 19 R. FREGNA, «Edilizia a Roma tra XVI e XVII secolo», Controspazio, v (1973), 46-81. 20 I-Rli, Cons. 39.8.13, f. 9Or-91r.

l3 As we shall see, music at S. Maria Maggiore ~as financed by revenues from land and property, and decline in the former, with stagnation in the latter, during the sevententh century had a direct effect on it. c. Maestri di cappella and organists of S. Maria Maggiore

In order to provi de necessary orientation before embarking on the study of the musicians of S. Maria Maggiore, their institution and their mode of life, the persons who exercised authority over the choir, the maestri di cappella and organists of the basilica, will be discussed in chronological order. In doing this it will be necessary to traverse ground already covered in the 1920s by Vito Raeli21 , and therefore comment will be kept to a niinimum.

I. Francesco Soriano Giovanni Francesco Soriano (1549 - 19-vii-1621) served the basilica of S. Maria Maggiore three times as its maestro di cappella; from I-X-1586- end of may 1589 when he succeeded Nicolò Pervé, who had di ed on 26-ix- 158622 then, after a peri od during which he was maestro di cappella at S. Giovanni in Laterano (1599-1600), where he had succeeded Andrea Dragoni, he returned to S. Maria Maggiore from 15-vi-1601 unti! before Aprii 1603 23 . In that year he became maestro di cappella of the Cappella Giulia in St Peter's, where he remained unti! 1620. Two portraits of Soriano exist: one, the fronticepiece to his First Book of Masses (1609) shows him kneeling before Pope Paul V, to whom the publication was dedicated. The other, a portrait, is now in Bologna24•

21 V. RAELI, Nel secolo di G. P. da Palestrina nella Cappella Liberiana, Roma, 1920; idem, Da V. Ugolini a O. Benevoli nella Cappella Liberiana, Roma, 1920; idem, Da C. Cecchelli a R. Lorenzini nella Cappella Liberiana, Roma, 1920 (hereafter RAELI 1920a, 1920b, 1920c). 22 A V, LM S. Lorenzo in Damaso 1586, f. 143: «Settembre 26. Nicolò Pervé Maestro di Cappella di Santa Maria Maggiore». 23 For this information, from ACSMM, Giustificazioni, passim., l am grateful to Neol Ò Regan.

24 Fronticepiece in KNlSELEY, The Masses of Francesco Soriano, University of Florida Press, 1947. Portrait in P. KAST, MGG, art. "Soriano". Soriano's death notice: AV, LM S. Prassede, 1621, f. IOr: «Die 19 Julii mortuus est D. franciscus Surianus quondam Magister Cappelle Sancti Petri, et in presenti Beneficiatus S. Mariae Maioris, qui degebat in hac Parocchia in domo que facit angulum contra fenestras nostri Dormitorii susceptis duo bus sacramentis eius confessionis, et Extremae Unctionis a me D. Valeriano Curato, quia ex repentino accidente impeditus fuit a susceptione Sacrosancte Eucharistie, cuius corpus die sequenti sepultus est in Ecclesia sanctae Mariae Maioris requiescat in pace».

14 II. Vincenzo Ugolini

Soriano was succeeded on I-i-1603 by Vincenzo Ugolini25, who served the basilica of S. Maria Maggiore for three years and six months until his dismissal on 29-xi-160926 . His salary was 9 scudi, which included an allowance for each putto he housed. While Ugolini was absent from the basilica, from January to September, 1606, his salary was reduced to 5 scudi.

III. Federico Donati In order to avoid disruption after Ugolini's departure, the chapter appointed the bass Federico Donati to take charge of the cappella musicale on 1O-i-161O. It is not known who provided music for Christmas, 1609. This appointment was only a temporary measure, for sixteen days later the chapter had offered the post of maestro di cappella to Paolo Tarditi, who refused to take up the position on grounds of ill health. His health did not meanwhile prevent his tenure of a similar post at SS. Giacomo e Ildefonso.

IV. Domenico Allegri Domenico Allegri, son of Patrizio Patrizi's cook, became maestro di cappella of S. Maria Maggiore on 24-vi-1610, and thus he remained until his death on 3-ix-162927 • Allegri was married twice and, in addition to the five sons he is known to have fathered, he had also one daughter, Agata, who di ed in 1621, in her first year of life. Allegri began his career in 1603 as an alto in S. Luigi de' Francesi, and was a member of a musical

25 It is difficult to account for RAELI's error in ascribing June I as the entry of Ugolini, since the document he quotes is ACSMM, Cappella Musicale, Entrata & Uscita (1920b, pp .. 4-5), where Ugolini's name appears under January. In the same month, there is: «A messer Vincenzo Mastro di Capella per un altro putto preso alli 25 detto (January) - . 60 (scudi)>>. Cf. aiso P. KAST 1961. 26 RAELI ignores ACSMM, Decreti, 29-xi-1609, f. 91v: «Decrevit ex nunc tradi licentiam D. Vincentio Magistro Cappellae iustis causis Capitulum moventibus. et R. R. D. D. Lelio Pasqualino, et Marcello Arberino mandavit curam inveniendi alium magistrum Cappellae idoneum et proponendi eum, ut a Capituio approbetuf» , but correctly notes (cit., 1920b, p. 5, p. 8) the Iast payment to Ugolini, when in December 1609 he received 1.80 scudi for six days of service. .

27 Cf. Dizionario biografico degli italiani, art. "Allegri". A donation made by the chapter or S. Maria Maggiore of «quindici piastre fiorentine ... in occasione dello sposalito» must refer to Allegri's second wife, Virginia Vanni, whose daughter, Agata, died young. Cf. AV, LM S. Prassede 1621, f. IOr: «Die 14 JuIii 1621. mortua est Agata puella uniusanni filia D. Dominici de Allegris in domo Magistri dictae Cappellae S. Mariae Maioris, et sepulta est in hac ecclesia, in sepulcro infantium, requiescat in pace».

15 family; his more fortunate brother, Gregorio (d. 17-ii-1652) became a tenor of the Sistine Chapel and enjoyed many an ecclesiastical benefice. Gregorio was a Soriano Chaplain at S. Maria Maggiore. Whether he envied Domenico's marriages and children, or whether Domenico felt bitter about his brother's bachelorhood and wealth, we remai n in ignorance.

V. Paolo Tarditi After an interval of two months, Allegri was succeeded, on I-xi-1629, by Paolo Tarditi28 , who remained at S. Maria Maggiore until the end of October, 164029. During this time, a period of almost eleven years, he received a monthly salary of 9 scudi and an allowance of 3.50 scudi for each putto housed. He presumably passed to S. Maria de Monti on the election of Abbatini in 1640. While in the latter post Tarditi occupi ed a 3-storey house in via Baccina, close by his new church30. There he lived with his wife Caterina (d. 1657), and a servant3 l . Tarditi di ed on 3-i-1661, aged about eighty, or as Pitoni expressed it, «in età decrepita»32.

VI. Antonio Maria Abbatini Abbatini, native of Citta di Castello, was thrice maestro di cappella of S. Maria Maggiore, from I-xi-I640 until 5-i-1646; 28-ix-I649 until25-i-1657;

28 ACSMM, Cappella Musicale, Entrata & Uscita, at the date. 29 Tarditi declared his new post in Missa Hieronimi Cardinalis Columnae (Roma: Masotti, 1630). 30 AV, LStA S. Salvatore ai Monti 1660: Strada Baccina Casa a tre piani spigionata casa apresso della Madonna de monti 26 appartamento C Ottavio da Clemese - 24 C Costanza sua moglie - 19 C Pauolo Tardito musico - 70 31 /bid., 1657 : C Sr Paulo Tardito maestro di Cappella della Madonna de Monti ano 60 C Caterina sua moglie ano 60 Costanza di Coitilio (serva) ano 20 AV. LM S. Salvatore ai Monti /657, f. 77: «Anno Domini 1657 die 14. Aprilis Chaterina Uxor Domini Pauli Tarditi aetatis sue annorum 60 degens in via ad serpentes cui omnia sacramenta ... ». 32 GIUSEPPE OTIAVIO PITONI, Notizie di Contrapuntisti, e Compositioni di Musica dell'anno /650 in fino all'anno 1700 (MS, BAV, ACSPV, fondo Cappella Giulia Ili-ii, 1725), f. 652. AV, LM S. Salvatore ai Monti /661 f. 144: «Anno Domini 1661 die 3.a Januarij Paulus Tarditi musicus et olim Magister ' cappellae Sanctae Mariae ad Montes maritus quondam Catherine etatis sue annorum 80 circiter degens in hac Parochia in via Baccina oppressus a dolore per signum absolutus fuit et sancti olei unctione roboratus Animam Deo reddidit in Communione Sanctae Matris Eccclesiae in domibus Beatae Mariae ad montes eius corpus in Parochia sepultus fuit. Pro sepultura et intorciis scuta 1.50».

16 and from 20-iii-1672 until 13-vi-167733 .

VII. Orazio Benevoli Benevoli was offered the post of maestro di cappella by the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore on 23-ii-1646. Abbatini had left for S. Lorenzo in Damaso, and the chapter lured Benevoli with the promise of 15 scudi salary per month, with an extra 5 scudi per month if he would provide music for the Pauline chapel. Benevoli's short tenure, ignored by Pitoni, extended perhaps until September, 1646. These were hard times in Rome and, as Raeli noted, Benevoli bought grain from the chapter. He left for the Cappella Giulia in St Peter's34.

VIII. Carlo Cecchelli The departure of Benevoli and the subsequent arrivaI of Carlo Cecchelli are impossible to date precisely. According to Pitoni, Carlo Cecchelli held, before his appointment at S. Maria Maggiore, posts at the Gesù and the Roman Seminary35. Hence, about 1645 he appears to have enjoyed good relations with the Jesuits. On 8-iv-1648, the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore, noting Cecchelli's «inability and little merit in servi ce of the church», gave him two months in which to look for another sistemation36. He was asked to leave on the morning of 1O-ix-164937 . When Abbatini returned, his salary was increased to 12 scudi monthly.

33 On Abbatini, cf. Dizionaeio biografico degli italiani, art. "Abbatini". For his appointments: ACSMM, Cappella Musicale, Entrata et Uscita, t. VIII, f. 117r: Abbatini signs for 9 scudi, to offer the post to Orazio Benevoli at 15 scudi; Decreti, 28-ix-I649, f. 142r: <

34 ACSMM, Decreti, 23-ii-I646, f. 73r; PITONI, op. cit., ff. 681-82; RAELl, 1920b, pp. 26- 35.

35 PITONI, op. cit., f. 636, adding that Cecchelli had a wife and sons, one of whom may have been Domenico Cecchelli, soprano of the basilica in 1654. 36ACSMM, Decreti, 8-iv-1648, f. 122r: «fu licentiato il maestro di Capella Cecchelli per la sua inhabilità e poco merito al servitio della chiesa usandogli però qualche tempo per habilità di potersi provedere cioè un paro di mesi al pili altrimenti si mandi via».

37 Ibid., id, quoted in RAELl, 1920c, p. 5.

17 IX. Stefano Fabri Pabri was elected to replace Abbatini on 25-i-1657, or at some other date before 8-ix-1657. The date is provisional, as the decision took pIace at the date, or before the next chapter meeting in April38 • No payments were made for this period to Abbatini, and the Libro Mastro for 1657 no longer exists in the archives of the basilica39.

X. Giuseppe Corsi Pabri's short tenure at the basilica was uneventful. His successor apparently led an adventurous life, and is known to have held posts throughout Italy, at Assisi, Loreto, Narni and Modena (where he died in the service of the Duke of Modena). Corsi seems to have held the post of maestro di cappella at S. Maria Maggiore for only a few months40, possibly from May, 165841 until the end of that year. He occupied, with his wife, Anna, rooms in the papal palace near the basilica reserved for the maestro di cappella42•

XI. Nicolò Stamegna Stamegna was maestro di cappella at Orvieto cathedral before being elec­ ted to the same post at S. Maria Maggiore, where he remained until166743 •

38 On Fabri, cf. A. BERTINI, Grove 6, art. "Fabri". He was the son of the Roman Stefano Fabri, sometime maestro di cappella of the Cappella Giulia. His election, ACSMM, Decreti, 25-ii-1657, f. 48r: «Electus fuit Magister Musicae D. Stephanus Faber in locum D. Abbatini» For his previous appointments, cfr. BERTINI, art. cito and R. CASIMIRI, Disciplina Musicae e Mastri di Capella, in NdA, XV (1938), pp. 59-60. In 1639, he was maestro di cappella at the Gesù (ARSI, Entrata et Uscita del Gesù, 1639 f. 23 bis: «A di (27) detto (Decembre) scudi Quattro et 20 moneta Al Sr Stefano Fabri maestro di cappella passato 4:20». 39 A Payment recorded in ACSMM, Cappella Musicale, Entrata & Uscita August, 1657, of 27 scudi, to Elena Fabri, whose relation to the composer is not clear, is one of the few remaining.

40 Cfr. RAELI, op.cit., 1920c. p. 9 for payments to Corsi.

41 PITONI, op. cit., ff. 707-709, says that ca. 1661 Corsi was maestro di cappella at S. Giovanni in Laterano. '42 Cf. AV, LStA S. Prassede 1656-72, f. 5r: Incontro alla Cappella Paolina Famiglia 96 Sig.r Gioseppe Corsi Maestro di Cappella di Santa Maria Maggiore d'anni 26-C S. Sig.a Anna sua moglie d'anni 22-C F. Margherita d'Amati 4O-C con detti Agostino Calderi soprano d'anni l3-C Gio Batta Cofani soprano d'anni 12-C.

43 ACSMM, Decreti, 31-i-1659, f. 62v: «è stato eletto D. Nicolò Stamegna, che al presente esercita la medesima Carica nel Duomo di Orvieto». There is no reason to believe, as did L. POMPONI (,'Memorie musicali della collegiata di S. Maria Maggiore di Spello", Nda, xvii (1940), 179-222; 197,212) that he afterwards went to Perugia. For other corrections, cf. J. NAGLEY, Grove 6, art. "Stamegna" .For his "family" cf. infra, Chapter l.

18 XII. Alessandro Melani Little need, or can be added to the excellent biographical accounts of Stamegna' s successor, Alessandro Melani which are available44 • He was elected maestro di cappella of the basilica on 16-x-1667 and he remained there until 1672, when he was replaced by Abbatini. Melani, originally from Pistoia, was a figure of great importance in Roman music of the later seventeenth century. He is chiefly remembered as maestro di cappella of the French national church, S. Luigi de' Francesi, where he worked from 1672 unti! 1703, and as a composer of operas and sacred music. Melani was a mere 28 years of age when he became maestro at S. Maria Maggiore, and it may be more than coincidence that Giulio Rospigliosi, a fellow Pistoian, was elected to the papacy in the same year as Melani was elected to his post at the basilica. One of this tasks that year was to prepare a thanksgiving service for Rospigliosi, who had 'been archpriest of the basilica. Whi!e employed by the basilica he housed sopranos, and lived with a servant.

XII/. Francesco and Antonio Foggia On the departure of Melani the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore elected Francesco Foggia as maestro di cappella, and ensured the succession in the post of his son, Antoni045 . Raeli was correct in supposing that the latter remained at S. Maria Maggiore Ul\til his death on 4-vi-1707. According to Pitoni, after a period in the st'!I'vice of Prince Ferdinand Maximilian, Elector of Cologne, Francesco Foggia occupied posts as

44 R.L. WEAVER, "Materiale per le biografie dei fratelli Melani", RM/, xii (1977), 252-89. Further material on Alessandro may perhaps be found in Archivio di Stato di Pistoia. AV, LStA S. Prassede 1668, f. 82r: Il Sig.r Alessandro Melani a.29 C Giovan Francesco Grossi an.15.C Francesco Mori an.15.C Gasparo Mileti an.14.C f.Maddalena Fiore itn.17 .C Idem, /669, f. 89: Il Sig. Alessandro Melani a.30.C f. Maddalena Fiore a.19.C Giovan paolo Vincenti a.16.C Lazzaro Mi hoci (?) a.15.C Giuseppe fiorentino a.17.C Carlo Draghi servo a.14.C 45 RAELI, op.cit., 1920c, pp. 12-13, where the Decreti are quoted: (f. 223r) «Fu eletto Maestro di Cappella il sr Francesco Foggia nemine discrepante, con la sostitutione del sigr Antonio suo figlio, e in caso d'impedimento per il sr Francesco per assistere alle funzioni a· conditioni che venghino l'uno e l'altro ad habitare nelle case del Capitolo soliti a darsi a Maestri di Cappella».

19 maestro di cappella in the city of Narni (Umbria) and Montefiascone46• In Rome he worked at S. Maria in Aquiro, S. Maria in Trastevere, S. Giovanni in Laterano (1637), where he was by special decree made maestro di cappella for life, and S. Lorenzo in Damaso before taking up his final post at S. Maria Maggiore on 13-vi-1677. A consideration of the cappella musicale of S. Lorenzo in Damaso during Francesco Foggia's tenure there reveals an organisation of exceptional stability, with few changes in the membership of the choir, especially in lower voices47 . It may have been his organisational abilities which attracted the attention of the chapter. Little is known of Antonio, who succeeded Francesco on the latter's death in 168848• Their wives, Eugenia and Teresia, and children lived with them in rooms provided by the chapter. This household was probably the only example in Rome of a maestro di cappella living with his grandchildren. Family relationships were as follows: Francesco Foggia Eugenia (1618-1688) (1611-1683)

Pauolo Foggia Antonio Foggia Teresia (1646-1695) (1645-1707) (1650-?)

Anna Maria Francesca Maria Maddalena (1673-?) (1674-?)

46 Op. cit., ff. 703-706.

47 AV, ACSLD, Cappella Musicale, Entrata & Uscita, passim.

48 AV, LM S. Prassede 1687-88, f. 89r: «Anno Domini 1688. die 8 Januarii Dominus Franciscus Foggia Romanus Magister in Basilica Sanctae Mariae Maioris, modulationum In Communione S.te Matris Ecclesiae Animam Deo reddidit prius a proprio Parocho Confessus, Sanctissimo Viatico refectus sacrique olei unctione roboratus, etatis sue Annorum 85. eius Corpus in hac parochiali Ecclesiam sepuItus est Parocho D. Stephano». For Antonio's death, cf. lbid., id., 1707, f. 135v: «Anno Domini 1707. die vero quarta mensis Junij. Antonius quondam Francisci Foggia Magister in Cappella S. Mariae Maiol'is post diutinam infirmitatem, Sacramentis SS. Matris Ecclesiae munitus, et Deo usque ad ultimum terminum commendatus in communione S. Matris Ecclesiae reddidit Spiritum: eius corpus sequenti die ad hanc suam parochialem Ecclesiam delatum expletis exequiis sepuItum fuit Parocho D. Benigno Davanzati». Paolo Foggia, son of Francesco, brother of Antonio and a priest, died on 6th August, 1695 and was buried in S. Prassede (AV, LM S. Prassede 1695, f. 107r). Eugenia, Francesco's wife, a Roman, died on 12th March, 1683, and was buried in S. Prassede (AV, LM S. Prassede 1683, f. 80v).

20 Organists

I. Paolo Quagliati Construction of organs at S. Maria Maggiore preceded, by near1y a century, the establishment of a regular musical body at the basilica in 1545. The post of organist may be correspondingly ancient; in the seventeenth century it was occupied, for the first twenty one years, by Paolo Quagliati49•

II. Alessandro Costantini

The new organist, Alessandro Costantini, was elected on 5-ii-162150 , but took up his appointment fifteen days later. Previously, as the Decreti inform us, he had been organist in S. Luigi de' Francesi, where he received a payment as organist in March, 16215 1• He had, in 1620, succeeded Lorenzo Ratti as maestro di cappella at the Collegium Germanicum, according to Culley, who names an Alessandro Constantini (sic) as maestro there in 1623 52 . Twenty years later, he succeeded Girolamo Frescobaldi as organist of the Cappella Giulia. Although the chapter had tried to engage Costantini at a salary of 5 scudi a month, he received, until his departure in December, 1628, 6 scudi. By November, 1622, Costantini had been absent, perhaps for six months, in the service of Cardinal d'Este53 . In this month the chapter decided to gran t him a further six months' leave of absence.

III. Horatio Verino Not a great deal is known of Horatio Verino, who received a salary of 6 scudi between January, 1629 and March 1635, on which date Costantini returned and remained until March, 1643.

49 A. CAMETTI , Paolo Quagliati, organista e compositore, in Rassegna dorica. Cultura e cronaca musicale, ii (Dee. 1930),28-34; P. KAST, MGG, art. "Quagliati".

50 ACSMM, Decreti, 5-ii-1621, f. 184: «fu preso per organista Sig ...... al presente organista in S. Luigi per cinque scudi al mese»; ibid., Cappella Musicale, Entrata & Uscita, Aprii 1621: «A messer Alessandro Costantini per dieci giorni del mese passato che venne al servitio della chiesa et il presente mese - 8 scudi ».

51 J . LIONNET, Quelques aspects de la vie musicale à Saillt-Louis-des-Français de Giovanili Bernardino Nanino à Alessandro Melani (1591-1698), in Les FOlldatiolls Nationales dans la Rome pontificale, Roma, 1981. 52 T. CULLEY, op. cit ., 1970, pp. 128-30.

53 ACSMM, Decreti, 3-xi-1622, f. 218: «Si prolungò la licenza al Cavaliere Costantini nostro Organista di stare assente in gratia dell Ill.mo sr. Cardinale d'Este per altri sei mesi, essendo spirata la licenza presa all'ultimo d' ottobre 1622».

21 IV. Francesco Mutii The new organist, Francesco Mutii, carne from S. Maria in Aracoeli, where he had been employed ca. 1632. His service at S. Maria Maggiore lasted from ApriI 1643 untiI his death in 1664. In 1660 he was invited, as organist of the basilica, to play in S. Luigi de' Francesi, a church he had earlier served as organist, replacing Ferrini there at the end of 1623 and being replaced by Pellegrino Sacchi in 1627.

V. Bernardo Pasquini Although he had frequented the basilica on festal occasions since 1661, when he was referred to as «organista della Chiesa Nova per sonar iI Cimbalo», Bernardo Pasquini was not formally elected 'to the post of organist in the basilica untiI 1O-ii-166454. A significant figure in Roman music and, like his predecessor Quagliati, gifted with the social graces necessary for entrance to cultivated salons, among them that of Queen Christine of Sweden, the lack of any information from the notaries consulted on his secular concerns is to be regretted.

54 ACSMM, Decreti, 1O-ii-1664, f. 91v.

22 CHAPTER I

Conditions oJ Employment

Duties oJ the Maestro di Cappella The Maestro di Cappella was appointed by the full chapter in congregation and was answerable to the canons in chapter. He was elected, usually unanimously, and his appointment was for an indefinite period, ending at death or, more rarely, in dismissal by the chapterl . He was given food and housing by the chapter. When Abbatini was re-elected as maestro di cappella in 1649, the chapter stated that

The maestro di cappella chosen will be obliged to keep the putti and care for them and keep them at his own expense and with his own linen at 4 1/2scudi per month per putto, and for his own provision he shall have lO scudi per month ... 2 The maestro saw to the administration of the cappella musicale, the smooth running of ordinary music and the provision of extra musicians for festal occasions. Payment to these musicians was made through the maestro di cappella, organist or chamberlain of the basilica. «Proper guidance» in the words of the decree amounted to attention to morals and knowledge of Christian doctrine, since during the absence of Vincenzo Ugolini it was lack of these in the putti which caused the chapter concern3• In 1607, U golini received payments for the feasts of Easter, Corpus Domini, Madonna della Neve, Assumption, Natività della Madonna,S. Bibiana and Christmas4• In addition, the maestro di cappella could provide music for the Pauline chapel, and received payment for doing so. Benevoli received 5 scudi annually for directing the music of the Pauline chapel in 1646.

1 Abbatini's appointment in 1654 (ACSMM, Decreti, 26-iv-1654, f. 23v) was unusual in being for a lO-year periodo 2 ACSMM, Decreti, 28-x-I649, f. 142r. 3 Ibid., id., 1606, f. 53v, 65v, 66r, 66v, 68v, 69v. 4 ACSMM, Mandati registrati, 1606-1607.

23 The post of maestro di cappella did not reCl,~j1'e celibacy. Indeed, several of the maestri of S. Maria Maggiore, from Pa'lestrina to Francesco Foggia, were married meno After the promulgation of Alexander ' VII's motu-proprio Piae sollicitudinis (23-iv-1657)5 the maestri di cappella of Rome were required to sign documents promising to implement and observe everything contained in it. A signature of Francesco Foggia's survives from 1674, in which year he was employed at S. Maria Maggiore6 •

The Putti Cantori Supervised, housed, fed and taught musi c by the maestro di cappella, the putti of the basilica were secured by contract in which the partners were the family or guardians of the putto and the chapter of the basilica. The contract followed a set pattern; the parents wished to accomodate «per opera et industria» the putto with whichever maestro was then in charge of the cappella musicale, while the soprano voice lasted or for a certain number of years. The parents or guardians relinquished all rights to their offspring, who now belonged legally to the chapter. In return, the boy learned music, in some cases was taught to play musical instruments, and could sometimes retain a portion of the money earned, which normally belonged to the maestro di cappella. Thus Giovanni Antonio Todino was engaged from 22-ii-1599 until such time as his soprano voice should last. Handed over to the chapter by a certain Doralice, the chapter undertook in return for his services to teach him music and grammar, to provi de him with clothing, and all things necessary for life7 • The father of Cesare Torrone and the chapter drew up a contract with Antonius Lucatellus on 17-v-1604. In it, Cesare's father is described as «Veliternus», id est from Velletri, south of Rome. He was engaged for as long as his soprano voi ce should last, but in fact was permitted to remain as a contralto. His voi ce changed in 1614, when he received a salary of 4 scudi monthly. He became a cleric in 16128• In November, 1614, the chapter decided: 9

5 Printed in F. ROMITA, lus musicae liturgicae, Torino 1936, pp. 77-78, discussed in T. CULLEY, Jesllits alld MliSic, Roma, 1970, pp. 266-70. 6 ASR, 30. noto cap. lIjf, 30, pro/. 269, f. 93r-v, Acts of V. OCTAVIANUS, 24-ix-1678.

7 ACSMM, Instrumenta, l. 20, Acts of PETRUS ANTONIUS CATHALONUS, 22-ii-1599, f. 215v-216: «sinché li durerà la voce, et a quello farli imparare la musica et Grammatica et tutte virtù necessarie et darli vitto et Vestito». 8 ACSMM, Decreti, 18-iii-16l2, f. 17r. 9 Ibid., id., 14-xi-1614, f. 55r.

24 Che Cesare Putto della nostra Cappella per havere perso già molto tempo la voce di soprano, se licentii, e se mandi a casa sua, et serva per contralto della nostra Cappella, sin che sodisfarrà al nostro Capitulo la sua voce di contralto, con assegnarli da provisione scudi quattro il mese. In 1617 his salary was increased to 5.50 scudi monthly and eventually Torrone became a tenor of the basilica, where he remained uniti December, 1623. In 1625, he is found at S. Luigi de' Francesi, where he remained until 1629 10 . At that time he was about 31 years of age, and after that nothing more is heard of him. Nicolo Laurentio, a soprano, was given a contract to sing in the basilica for a period of 5 years from December, 1609 11 . Costanzo Tosignani, who lived with his wife Anna at the Arch of Parma, near the church of S. Maria in Posterula, handed over his son Antonio to the chapter on 5-vi-1612 12 . Possibly a payment of 20 scudi made to the father of a putto in March of that year refers to Tosignani, since it was made «so that he be legally bound for the choir while his soprano voice lasts and which is given to him (the father) because the child knows how to sing»13. In any case, a payment of 20 scudi was needed, if a putto had been taught music, to make the contract legally binding, and in this we see the value of tuition by the maestro di cappella. Other contracts followed, such as that drawn up in the presence of witnesses between the chapter, its notary and Andreas, son of Mattheo Ceri from Parma, by profession a COOk I4 . Francesco, eight years old, was engaged «pro puero et musico» while his soprano voice lasted. Presumably his voice had changed by November, 1621, when one Francesco is recorded as transferring to the Roman Seminary (in order to become a priest)15.

10 1. LIONNET, 1981.

Il ACSMM, Instrwnenta, t. 22, f. 100v, Acts of LUCATELLUS; cfr. ASR, 30 not cap uff. 30, prot. 69, f. 377r-v. 12 ACSMM, Instrumenta, t. 22, f. 26v, Acts of LUCATELLUS. 13 ACSMM, Decreti, 2-iii-1612, f. 16r: «Che si diano scudi venti Moneta pro una vice a ... padre di ... putto, acciò l'oblighi per la Cappella mentre dura la voce, et quelli se gli danno perché il putto sa cantare». It is not possible, because of the lack of the relevant Stati delle Anime book, to gi ve further information on Tosignani's family. The Arch of Parma stood by the Tiber near the piazza dell'Orso, and was eventually incorporated into a house (R. GNOU, Topographia e IOponomastica di Roma medioevale e moderna, Roma, 1939, pp. 17-18).

14 ACSMM, Instrumenta, l. 22, f. 58r-v, Acts of LUCATELLUS. 15 Ibid., Decreti , 27-viii-1621, f. 190r: «fu deliberato che si dasse licentia a francesco ... putto di capella d'entrar nel seminario romano poi che sta sul mutar della voce ma che stia fin fatta la festa di San Carlo che sarà a 4 di Novembre prossimo avvenire». On 24-iv-1620 (Decreti), the chapter had decided «Che per l'avvenire non si pigli mai per contralto i putti soprani quando perdono la voce, ma piu presto si tollerino per soprani due mesi di pill».

25 If the parents of a putto desired his return before his contract terminated, the chapter could legally refuse to give up a boy. Thus Domenico Marsilies, probably a soprano, was guarded jealously by the chapter, «to be taught until he will be good for singing and his father cannot take him back»16. Putti could also be contracted to private persons. Thus Antonio Melendez drew up a contract with the notary Nicol Angelo Modio in Aprii 1630, according to which Angelo Baldovini was bound to Melendez under the usual conditions as a soprano. Melendez then decided to hand over the boy to the basilica, effecting the contract through Antonius Lucatellus17 • Melendez received the sum of 30 scudi, and the promise that Baldovini would remain unmolested while he sang for the basilica. Domenico del Pane (ca. 1630-1O-xii-1694) was contracted to sing at S. Maria Maggiore from I-ii-1641, when «Faustina Gagliarda uxor Petri del Pane Rom[an]a» accommodated Domenico «in opera et industria ... per musico per tucto il tempo li dura la voce»18. At the time of his departure for Paris to take part in Luigi Rossi's Orfeo, his contract with Abbatini was estimated to have one and a half years left to run, and at that time he was still housed by Abbatinil9. With the arrivai of Abbatini conditions of contract between a putto and the maestro di cappella appear to have changed. Whereas the Regulations oi the cappella musicale, like those of the Cappella Giulia and other choirs, prohibited serving other churches, Abbatini's contract with Dionisio Pompeo, a beneficed c\eric of the basilica, who seems to have procured Urbano Giptii, contains the c\ause that Urbano may be sent by Abbatini to sing in whichever church Abbatini pleases, and that all payments for such services are to be Abbatini's. The final c\ause of the contract, which states that Pompeo, whose relation to Urbano is never made c\ear, should not be allowed to remove him from the basilica, is rather sinister in implication2o .

16 Ibid., Decreli, 7-i-1611 , f. Ir: «obligo per un putto. Si fece l'obligo tra il Capitolo e lo. Baptista Marsilies padre di un putto preso per cantare cioè Domenico. Che il Capitolo lo tenga per imparare, finché sia buono per cantare et il Padre non lo possa ripigliare» .

17 ACSMM, IllslrUinellla, I. 23, Acts of LUCATELLUS. 18 ASR, 301101. cap. llfr. 30, pro/. 157, f. 2I7r-v, acts of LUCATELLUS. 19 CULLEY, Op.Cil ., 1970, pp. 225-26. 20 ASR, 301101. cap. uff. 30, pro!. 156, f. 248r-v, Acts of LUCATELLUS, 25-x-1643: «ltem convengono che esso Sig. Maestro di Cappella possa mandare a cantare esso Urbano per qualsivoglia chiesa, et loco pio di Roma purché non lo disoblighi dal servitio di esso Reverendissimo Capitolo, et tucti li emolumenti di qualsivoglia sorte siano di esso Sig. Maestro di cappella ... ltem promecte detto Sig. Dionisio non levar detto Urbano dal servitio di esso Reverendissimo Capitolo durante la voce come sopra aItrimente partendosi esso Sig. Dionisio sia obligato rifare al Reverendissimo Capitolo tucte le spese facteli da liquidarsi da homini pratichi della musica quia sic» .

26 On the other hand, we occasionally hear of supernumerary sopranos housed by the maestro di cappella, who have no legai piace in the institution, and for these charity alone provided, until the chapter ordered their dismissal21 . While it is difficult to decide what kind of remuneration (if any) was due to a putto, it is arguable that such contracts as that drawn up between Melchior Liberati and Benevoli in respect of Melchior's son Gerolimo exchanged certain services and benefits (which on this occasion included harpsichord lessons) for a kind of slavery. Too many of the pufto's expectations were conditional. In this case, Melchior and Benevoli enjoyed any money payable to Gerolimo until the last two years of Gerolimo's contract of 6 years; after that time, Gerolimo received nothing for singing Benevoli's music outside the confines of the basilica (and presumably churches united to it)22. The harpsichord lessons presumably carne to an end when Benevoli left for the Cappella Giulia in the Vatican. Thus conditions of recruitment for putti varied considerably; sometimes they were procured by the maestro di cappella, by the Prefect of Music, by an ecclesiastic attached to the church, or even sold to the basilica by private persons. After preparatory tuition by the maestro di cappella, they could be auditioned by the chapter. Once entered in the choir, what sort of life could a putto expect? There were two types of putto; those who performed menial duties around the basilica and in the sacristy, and those who sang in the choir, the putti cantori23• The singers' lives were governed by Regulations, two examples of which exist, probably modelled on those of the Cappella Giulia. The first, called Regolamenti, may precede 1603, since it makes no mention of the Spanish Mass. The second, called Capitoli da osservarsi dalli Cantori della Cappella di Santa Maria Maggiore, is to be dated after 1647, since it mentions Spanish feasts instituted at that date24. A putto's day began early, with Matins in the basilica. He studied until the collegiate Mass, which was followed by a meai. After this, probably a period of recreation followed alternation of study and the Divine Office, at Vespers, None and Compiine. If a putto fell ilI, the chapter provided medicai treatment. Thus one

21 E.g. ACSMM, Decreti, 4-iii-1611; f. 4v: «Il putto cantore piu piccolo si mandi via per esser impedito di lingua et per esser sopra il numero solito de tenersi della chiesa». 22 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot., f. 56r-v, Acts of LUCATELLUS, II-v-I646. 23 ACSMM, Decreti, 8-xi-1619, f. 141 makes this cJear: «Che si vestino tutti i putti della Capella e quelli della sacristia in modo che a Natale siano vestiti». 24 Ibid., Miscellanea della Cappella Musicale, I, Regolamenti I-II. Text in Appendix II.

27 Piccinonno, described as a «putto», received, on 28-viij-1599, the sum of 50 baiocchi in respect of an illness25 . More severe illnesses affected Giovanni Antonio Todino, putto cantore, between September and December, 1599. Todino suffered from fevers and delirium (<

25 Ibid., Giustificationi, 28-viij-1599. 26 Ibid., id., 28-ix-1599. Alessandro Angelini medico is paid 4 scudi for 20 days, and Pietro Angelini barbiere is paid 4 scudi. 27 ACSMM, Decreti, 19-vi-I606, f. 66. 28 CELANI, 1907, 1908. 29 Ibid., id .. 30 E.g. ACSMM, Decreti, 29-iv-1650, f. 154r: «dovendo ritornare al suo Paese Angeluccio soprano da Rimini, è parso al Nostro Capitolo di dargli li scudi sei di recognitione purché non possi questo passare in esempio, che partendo si altri soprani dal nostro servitio dovessero pretendere la medesima recognitione che questo se sie fatto per gratia speciale». 31 CULLEY, op.cit., 1970,225-26, on Domenico Del Pane.

28 made their way up the ecclesiastical heirarchy. Giuseppe Fede, who lived long for the times (1644-1700) served the basilica of S. Maria Maggiore for 4 years as a soprano from 14 or 15 years of age. For seven years he attended solemn and ordinary feasts, then for twenty-two years attended as a beneficed cleric. In 1685 he asked the chapter to provide an assistant to help him carry out his duties as a beneficiary, as he was suffering from dizziness and wateriness in the eyes32. In this case it is difficult to draw the line between a singer employed by the basilica and a beneficiary who sang at feasts (Fede was of course a member of the Cappella Sistina and a very celebrated singer). Fede was also a priest and a member of a Pistoian musical family.

Instruction Singers were instructed by the maestro di cappella in music, morals and Christian doctrine, and in grammar by the maestro di grammatica. It seems that instruction was at first oraI. The maestro di grammatica was recruited by the chapter, and received an annual salary of 18 scudi in 1617 (increased to 24 scudi in 1618) for teaching in a house at piazza S. Maria Maggiore33 . Precise information on the content of music lessons is supplied by a contemporary instruction manual by Antonio Melendez. This is a MS of 30 folios, the first and last with one stanza of a Spanish poem, a short inventory of goods apparently in the possession of the author and a list of payments to various musicians including Stefano Landi, for duties in Roman churches, suggesting that Landi used Melendez as a kind of agent. The payments date from the 1630s34 • Numerous compositions involving florid vocali se or vocal counterpoint in two parts, one being a cantus firmus, follow. On f. 15v the name «Anto» appears, «Anto M» on f. 25v, in other words Melendez. Pupils of Melendez are less easy to identify: a «Dominicus» appears from time to time, who is conceivably Domenico del Pane, but others, Gregorio? and another Antonio remai n obscure. Singers' names appear against treble or alto clefs, an it appears that the chant was played by the organ or other sustaining instrument, while Melendez and his pupils sang complicated vocal counterpoint against it. These studies introduced singers to free counterpoint, perhaps also to improvisation. From alI this it appears that

32 ACSMM, Decreti, 30-ix-1685, f. 28. BERARDI, Ragionamenti musicali, Bologna, 1681, pp. 93-94: «il Sig. Giuseppe Fede veramente è Gloria, e splendore del nostro Secolo, sia per l'imparaggiabile virtu, come anche per le rare qualità, che l'adornano» is a typical comment from the periodo 33 ACSMM, Decreti, 13-v-1616, f. 88; id., 1O-iii-1617, f. 96; id., 26-iv-1618, f. 111.

34 The notice of this MS, BA V, Chigi Q.IV.7, is due to J. Lionnet.

29 Melendez was a teacher of some repute, but qui te what his position in Roman music amounted to, or whether his method of instruction was typical, it is impossible to say.

Nutrition

Food during the Renaissance in Italy is reputed to have been rather more interesting than the medieval fare of pulses, soups and cereals. It was highly spiced, and sweet and sour mixtures were common, surviving today in the Italian agro do/ce sauce. On festal occasions, a co/atione (breakfast) was served after the Mass. A putto could look forward to Savoy biscuits if he were ill; presumably these furnished a light diet while he recovered from the inevitable fevers of seventeenth century Rome. On 15-v-1599 a payment for provisions, for the personnel of the basilica, included veal, lamb, riviera cheese, bread, chiarello and greco wine, artichokes, aubergines, pepper and pastries35 , and presumably the diet of the putto was comparable to this. The basilica brewed beer with roasted barley, and presumably this too found its way to singers, who were thus sustained through the Divine Office.

Duties oJ the Organist

As we have seen, the construction of organs at S. Maria Maggiore preceded, by nearly a century, the establishment of a regular musical body, and it is likely that the post of organist was correspondingly ancient. Organs of small dimensions were in all probability used in the basilica from its foundation, and portative organs continued to be kept in the basilica during the seventeenth century, notably for use in the Sistine and Pauline chapels. The distinction between organist and maestro di cappella was that the latter was nominally responsible for the putti and cared for them. In all other respects their responsibilities, to call musicians to the basilica and pay thern, to callect salaries for the singers, and to compose music, were equal, and it is futile to try to decide whether Paolo Quagliati contributed more to music at S. Maria Maggiore in his period there than Domenico Allegri. No regulations for the organist comparable to those for singers are extant from S. Maria Maggiore, and those hypotheses which may be constructed from surviving music about the pIace of the organ in the liturgy are better left to our chapter on performance practice.

35 ACSMM, Giustificazioni, 1599. For information of banquets, cfr. ASR, Camerale II; banchetti.

30 Duties oJ theMaestro d'Organo The maestro d'organo was appointed by the chapter, and was often an organist, free to exercise his various skills in other churches. His duties are well expressed in the chapter decree of his engagement36•

Wealth Only property, in some cases land, whether acquired, inherited, or possessed in the form of a benefice, and ecclesiastical or lay office signified wealth in the seventeenth century. A musician's salary, if combined with a benefice or other ecclesiastical position, sufficed for a comfortable living, especially at the beginning of the century when rents were low. Singers maintained by the church escaped the worst of rising food prices at the end of the sixteenth century, and in seventeenth century crises singers may have benefited from them since the basilica was a grain producing concern with agricultural lands in the Campagna and Marittima and granaries near S. Lucia in Selci. Rarely, a musician might earn enough money in operatic performances, whether in Rome or abroad in Paris, to buy property in the city, but if they were of this calibre they could usually enter the competitions for the Cappella Sistina and be assured of an unproblematic existence. Singers who had come from agricultural or artisan families did not return to these lower and poorer areas of society, since the Church looked after her own, and a series of horizontal movements, from church to church, followed by a rise upwards, is perhaps the overall pattern of their lives. It was a question of finding patronage, and this often involved considerable diversification. Business interests depended on capitai, which fewamassed.

36 ACSMM, Decreti, 27-v-1633, f. 392. Cfr. also Ibid., Entrata et Uscita della Cappella Musica/e, 1627, f. 23v: «Sig.r Lodovico Iseo nostro Camerlengo del Minuto Dei denari della nostra Massa Capitulare li piacerà pagare a messer Gio. Guglielmi scudi trentacinque moneta per intero pagamento d'haver fatto otto canne nove aggionte al nostro organo della nostra chiesa, et haver ingrassato li mantici ad effetto di ridurlo Choristo». According to CULLEY, op.cit., 1970, pp. 252-53, Borbone regularly maintained the organs of S. Apollinare from I·vi· 1633 until September, 1641. Born in Rome, where he apparently spent his entire life, Borbone was also a composer. He engraved Frescobaldi's Primo Libro di Toccate ... Roma, 1637 and other works by Frescobaldi. According to N. FORTUNE, Ita/ian Secu/ar Song from 1600 to 1635: tlle Origins and Deve/oplllent oI Accolllpanied Monody (diss., U. of Cambridge, 1954), appendi x iii , p. 68, he was «organiso, of the Lateran. His death notice speaks of him as a maker, or maintainer of organs, rather than executant: AV LM S. Salvatore ai Monti, 1641 : «Die 20 octobris 1641 Dominus Nicolaus Borbonus Organarius S. Jo. Lateranensis aetatis suae annorum 50 circiter in via serpentum degens mihi sacramentaliter confessus sanctissimo viatico refectus, et sacri olei roboratus animam Deo reddidit in communione Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae, cuius corpus sepultum fuit in Ecclesia S. Mariae ad Montes. In tortitia...... 8 quorum medietas pervenit ad nostram Ecclesiam Pro cura sepulturae solidos ..... julios 15»

31 While maestro di cappella of S. Maria Maggiore, Francesco Soriano received a salary of 9 scudi monthly and free housing. He also applied hirnself to the duty of aftarista (server at the papal altar) , for which he received a small payment. Soriano had invested his income in real property. This was: i. A set of appartments in the regione of Paria ne on the via del Pellegrino, in a piace called «il cortiletto de Maffei», described in 1659 as «a hall incorporated in the house of (Giovanni) Poggioli (bookseller), to which appartments is joined half of the cellar below, and (there is) access to the cortiletto and to the (common) well»37 ii. A house near the Trevi fountain. iii. A small vineyard outside Porta S. Lorenzo, described in 1621 as «in a piace called Quatro Vasche, confined by the possessions of Victorio Particappe, Alessandro Flaminea, on the other side Claudio Hominis Deo, Andrea Broani, Josepho Frosciati, and before by the road»38. More important than a precise, somewhat antiquarian, description of Soriano's possessions is a consideration of the implications of their topography; Parione was the Curial quarter of Renaissance Rome, and nearby Iived goIdsmiths, booksellers, and Iute makers. The allusion to the Maffei refers to a fifteenth-century palace which was demoIished to make way for the Gesù, and other palaces stood in the vicinity. Thus Soriano possessed desirable property in a fashionabIe area of Rome, and the incorne from this set of appartments was 26 scudi annually. The Iease from the house near the Trevi fountain brought in an annual 46 scudi, which suggests good property. The small vineyuard, «petiarum quatuor», he possessed by virtue of his benefice at S. Maria Maggiore, whose College of Beneficiaries owned it, and to which it reverted on Soriano's death. He therefore enjoyed the income derived from its annual rendition of 8 barreIs and 2 quarts of wine must39• Soriano also possessed several censi constituted on real property: i. Annual censo of 38 scudi impoS'ed on Francesco Alfano by Acts of Bernardinus Gargarius, 27-iv-1613, in respect of a house in piazza Grimana (called also Forum ducis), at a price of 500 scudi. ii. Annual censo of 7 scudi imposed 14-ix-1612 by Acts of Tranquillus Pizzutti on house in via S. Rocco, at a price of 100 scudi.

37 1659 description from ASV, Arm. VII no. 32, Stato Temporale, f. 74-75; details from A V, LStA S. Lorenzo in Damaso, passim .. 38 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot. 99, f. 144r-145v; 164r-v, Acts of LUCATELLUS, 24-ix- 1621; sale of vine to Johannes Crucciano far 200 scudi.

39 Rendition from ACSMM, Cappellanie Soriani: eredità Soriani.

32 iii. Annual censo of 4.12 scudi on the same, imposed 7-ix-1612, by acts of Pizzutti. iv. Annual censo of 37 giulii imposed 26-i-1619 by Acts of Bernardinus Gargarius at a price of SOO scudi on Francesco Melone, in respect of a house in the regione Trevi4o • We can therefore, on the basis of this information, give a breakdown of Soriano's income while maestro di cappella of S. Maria Maggiore: Income as maestro di cappella: (in scudi) 108.00 Income from property: 74.00 + Income from censi: 49.49 231.49 To this not inconsiderable sum might be added free housing and ~ood, and various gratuities to be obtained at festal times. By 9-ix-1623 Vincenzo Ugolini had accumulated sufficient capitaI to enable him to enter the wine business. On this date he entered into contract with Donato Oliveti of Arezzo, who operated a shop in via dei Banchi, near the church of Ss. Celso e Giulian041 • The conditions of this agreement were as follows: i. Ugolini agreed to pay Oliveti 30 scudi annually to buy wine for the shop. ii. Oliveti agreed to supervise the shop. iii. Oliveti agreed to supervise the accounts. iv. Oliveti agreed to take on an assistant. v. At the end of the year, loss and gain was to be divided equally between U golini and Oliveti. From the Act, which was drawn up in Ugolini's house behind the basilica of St Peter's (at the time he was maestro di cappella of the Cappella Giulia), it appears that Ugolini's part in the business was a passive one; he merely supplied the capitaI and took a certain amount of risk, but that he was able to advance such capitaI at all bespeaks a certain degree of wealth. Domenico Allegri's possessions included real estate. On 5-v-1617 Giovanni Allegri, his uncle (d. 20-i-1621) made a donation of all his goods to Domenico and Bartolomeo Allegri42 • These included a small vi ne outside Porta Flaminia, with a dwelling. Various changes were made to the donation, but in 1622, an Act of location and lease gave Domenico

40 /bid. , id. Francesco Melone, Deacon of the Cappella Giulia, sang as a tenor there in January-February, 1621. His death: AV, LM S. Maria in Traspontina, /I, f. 73r. He disposed of his considerable riches (he had built a church at his native Veroli) in his Testament, Acts of LUCATELLUS,9-ii-1620. 41 ASR, 30 noI. cap. uff. 30, prot. 105, f. 468r; 487v: Societas inter D. Vincentium Ugolinum et Donatum Olivetum, Acts of LUCATELLUS, 9-ix-1623 . 42/bid., noto Irib . A.C., prot. /37, f. 67r-70r, Acts Dominici Amadei.

33 proprietor's rights over the vine, house and trees in it43 . Allegri proceeded to let the property, charging one Belardino de Felice 5 scudi for a ten­ month lease. Belardino was obliged to pIace 100 young plants in the vineyard at his own expense, and to render 4 barrels of wine must. Obviously viniculture had its possibilities, as most of the Roman populace realised. Seventeenth-century maps of Rome show series of vineyards outside the city gates and by peripheral basilicas. They grew also on the Pincio, as they had done since classical times. At harvest time, Rome was deserted, for anyone with any means owned a smallholding. Singers, too, could on occasion acquire property. Domenico del Pane's financial operations date from his peri od in the Cappella Sistina, and show what singers aspired to. Possibly his benefice as Abbot of San Marino had something to do with the wealth he had acquired by 166444 . In 1664 Domenico del Pane bought a vineyard of 33 petiarum by the basilica of S. Lorenzo fuori le mura from Giovanni Maria Santuccio for 800 scudi, in which were 230 fruit trees of diverse kinds45 . By 1666 he was having a house built for himself next to Pietro Bernini at S. Maria Maggiore. By 1673 he had acquired 2 more properties on the site opened up by clearing the via Paolina, opposite the Pauline chapel46. In 1675 he was able to sell 3 rooms next to his own property for 400 scudi47 . Others were less fortunate than this. It is possible that Nicolò Stamegna's patrimony was located at Spello, since in 1668 he sent a deputy to a domestic possession there called «il Colle di· San Fortunato»48. Stamegna was a canon of the cathedral at Spello, and the house may have been his canonical property, which the chapter repossessed in 1685 after Stamegna's death at Loret049. Publication of music is another guide to

43 Ibid., id., f. 816r-v. Cfr. a1so f. 812r-813v: Inventarium ... mobilium existentium in domo Vinearum extra portam flamineam. 44 Del Pane sent his representatives in respect of the Abbey of San Marino on 30-viij-1673. Cfr. ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prato 253, f. 459r-46Ov, Acts of V. OCTAVIANUS. 45 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot. 228, f. 365r-368v; detailed description in ibid., f. 369r- 371v; 374r-375v; Acts of DE SANCTIS. 46 The interesting and complicated series of trasactions may be followed in ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot. 232, f. 8r-9v; 28r; prot. 233, f. 441r-v; prot. 234, f. 331r-333v; 334r-336v; 407r-v; prot. 235, f. 83r-85v; 190r-v (cfr. prot. 239, f. 464r-466v); 224r-225v; prot. 236, f. 317r-319v; prot. 238, f. 560r-561 v; 557r-559v; 650r-v; prot. 239, f. 358r-v; 359r-360v; f. 361r is the pian of a house which belonged to the De Montarii, dated 31-v-1675. 47 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prato 259, f. 164r-166r, Acts of V. OCTAVIANUS, 5-v-1675. 48 Ibid., id., prot. 240, f. 155r-v, Acts of V. OCTAVIANUS. 49 L. FAUSTI, La Cappella musicale della Collegiata di S. Maria di Spello, in NdA, x (1933), 136-44.

34 relative wealth, since it was an expensive business. Thus Domenico del Pane was able to publish his teacher Abbatini's Antifone a dodici bassi ... e dodici tenori reali (Rome, 1677), while Stamegna published nothing between 1637 and 1670. Relations between musicians and music publishers might prove an interesting study in itself. To take two examples, on 2-xii-1622 Ugolini, while in the service of the Cappella Giulia, arranged the sale of 30 musical works published by Luca Antonio Soldi, then in prison50. Stamegna enjoyed the protection of Pope Clemente X, who granted Federico Franzini a privilege to print «Opera Musicalia nempe Mottetta, Psalmos et alia a dilecto filio Nicolao Stamigna in lucem aedendam &C»51. One who published little and wrote much was Orazio Benevoli, briefly connected with the basilica and later maestro di cappella of the Cappella Giulia. The chapter of S. Maria Maggiore had promised Benevoli 15 scudi per month for ordinary music, and a further 5 scudi for the music of the Pauline chapel. The Inventory taken at Benevoli's home opposite the granari es of S. Spirito in Sassi a after his death in 167252 gives us an idea of the possessions of an impoverished master of the Colossal Baroque. His house, conveniently placed for St Peter's and Trastevere, resembled a small art gallery, as did those of his fellow artisans. Pictures of religious subjects, one of «Music and Poetry», and a portrait of Henry IV, of indifferent quality, no doubt, were ptominent in the first room. He possessed swords and an old hunting blunderbuss, various books and a number of pawn tickets53 • Benevoli's vast hoard of indifferent pictures was entirely typical, and only the quality of art (noted carefully in inventories) distinguished the upper classes of ecclesiastical and lay society. Another Inventory, commissioned in 1624 by the chapter, is of furniture and books which the chapter provided for the putti cantori54• Their items

50 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot. 102, f. 578r-v. Acts of LUCATELLUS. 51 J. NAGLEY, Grove 6, art., «Stamegna». 52 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 8, prot. 186, f. 415r-419v, Descriptio seu 1nventarium bonorum heredis quondam Domini Horatii Benevoli, Acts of JOSEPHUS PASQUARACCI, 17-vi-1672. Cfr. CAMETTl, 1915, p. 48, sgg.

53 Cametti's statement that there were «crediti» for music at S. Onofrio and S. Ivo alla Sapienza among Benevoli's papers does not refer to this document. 54 ACSMM, Cappe{{a Musicale, Misce{{anea I, 1-7: Inventario antico dei mobili e libri che si tengono per uso de i Putti Soprani, e de{{a Musica de{{a Cappe{{a di Santa Maria Maggiore 1624.

35 include little of note: beds, mattresses, linen, furniture (wardrobes and cupboards, some in a state of advanced disrepair). Thus while entrance to a choir enabled musicians to live securely (a basilica was hardly likely to disappear as an institution, though choirs sometimes were suspended55) membership of a musical institution did not automatically confer wealth. Among our musicians, there were those, like the putti cantori, for whom music was a full-time occupation, a means of subsistence, and a gateway to ecclesiastical preferment. Their elders, the tenors and basses of the choir, typically held posts in the basilica's administration, or enjoyed benefices. For these, ecclesiastical music provided an additional source of income. The maestri di cappella at the beginning of the century sometimes possessed property in the city, and it is noticeable that those, like Soriano and Stamegna, who where ab le to acquire benefices and ecclesiastical patronage, whether in Rome or elsewhere, were relatively more secure than a musician like Benevoli, who despite his elevated post at the Cappella Giulia managed to sour relations between that chapel and the Cappella Sistina to such an extent that in 1665 relations between the two broke down completely. Benevoli seems to have been his own worst enemy in this period of nepotism, and it seems that his integrity stood in the way of publication of his compositions56.

Paolo Quagliati Organists of S. Maria Maggiore, like those of other basilicas and churches, seem to have been independent and able musiciaps. They could derive income from acting as intermediaries in the sale of instruments, by repairing and advising on instruments, by holding posts in conjunction with lesser positions (in the growing number of monasteries for men and women, for instance), by performing for noble families, or by taking part in any of the colossal musical events at Carnival time, or the major feasts of the Church's year. In addition, if an organist possessed personal charm and administrative abilities, he could rise to very great heights indeed. One such was Paolo Quagliati. Quagliati was not Roman by birth; his family carne from Chioggia (Veneto). He successfully applied for Roman citizenship in October, 1594. In his request, he stated that he had been resident in Rome for twenty years, and that he possessed «stabili, luoghi di monte et offitij», that is, real property, bank deposits and ecclesiastical offices. His

55 E.g. that of S. Luigi de' Francesi, whose income was diverted in 1644 to the loca1 plague hospital. 56 For the whole episode, see l-Rvat, Capp. Sist., Diarii, 82, f. 29r; 83 , f. 118v.

36 possessions lay in Chioggia, but in 1579 he donated them to his brothers who had remained there. When Don Girolamo Quagliati, Paolo's brother, died in 1598, Paolo liquidated his heredity. He enjoyed friendly relations with Domenico Allegri, and acted as godfather to one of his sons57. By 1608 Quagliati had established connections with the nobility, since in that year he was in the service of Cardinal Odoardo Farnese. Paolo Tarditi published, in 1623, Quagliati's La Sfera armonica, dedicated to Nicolò Ludovisi and Isabella Gesualda, nephews of the future Pope Gregory XV Ludovisi. Quagliati's involvement with the Ludovisi family continued when Alessandro Ludovisi was created pope in 1621; he was appointed protonotary apostolic and cameriere segreto to Gregory XV. When the pope died in 1623, Quagliati became intimo familiare of the papal nephew Ludovico Ludovisi, titular cardinal of the basilica of S. Lorenzo in Damaso. As a member of the cardinal nephew's family, Quagliati lived in the palazzo della Cancelleria, where he died in the night of 19-xi-1628 58• It seems probable that Quagliati was organist of S. Lorenzo in Damaso at the time of his death, since his organ was then in that church. His numerous offices, which were the real source of his income, can have left little ti me for musical activity at the end; nevertheless Quagliati continued to practice his art, like a gentleman amateur, throughout his life, and provided music for amateurs like himself in the devotional-recreational Affetti amorosi spirituali (1616).

The Testament As the end of life approached, the musician approached the notary and drew up a testament, disposed of the goods he had accumulated in life (sometimes listed in an inventory) and hoped to evade interminable law suits over inheritance and rights to property. The testament began with more or less formaI salutations to the Trinity, the Virgin and the heavenly court, continued with the sentiment that nothing was more certain than death, nothing more uncertain the hour, stated preferred arrangements for burial, and proceeded .to stipulate conditions of donation. In certain cases, chapels were founded by the donor, and conditions for the operation of these, the endowment and

57 CAMETTI, Paolo Quagliati, organista e compositore, in Rassegna Dorica cit., ii (Dee. 1930), 28-34.

58 Cfr. AV, LM S. Lorenzo in Damaso, 1628, f. 135v: «Die 19 nocte sequenti Dominus Paulus Quagliatus annorum 75. In cummunione Sanctae matris ecclesiae animam Deo reddidit cuius corpus die 20 portatum, et sepultum fuit in EcclesiaSanctae Mariae Maioris confessus die. 5. Sanctissimo viatico reffectus die IO. et sacra olei unctione roboratus die 16».

37 conduct of the chaplains (who henceforth took on the name of the founder) were laid down at this time. Let us examine some examples from S. Maria Maggiore. In addition to the property already described which Francesco Soriano left by testament to the basilica59 , he left the following items which subsequently underwent successive transformations6O ; i. A provision of 14 scudi annually, which paid for an anniversary Mass. ii. 2 scudi paid annually for musicians who were obliged to sing in figured music Mass and the Response Libera me on the same occasiono iii. A provision for 2 torches of 2 or 3 litro in weight, which were to be lit and placed annually on his tomb. iv. A provision that 3 festoni be given annually to three poor spinsters, who were obliged to kneel in the basilica and pray for the repose of his soul and those of his parents.

V. 4 scudi annually provided for the maintenance of two chaplains for his private chapel. The Mass was celebrated each year on 20th July, the anniversary of Soriano's buriai. Domenico Allegri left in his testament, dated 4-ix-1629, his entire possessions to his wife, Virginia Vanni. His possessions are not detailed in the document61 , but it is clear from an Act of ten years later that they included his organ, for in 1639 Virginia, finding herself in rent arrears to the chapter ~md needing ready cash, sold the instrument to the chapter for 123 scudi. Soon afterwards, she was replaced in her house by one Isabella Vertecchi 62. Paolo Quagliati's testament63 gives evidence throughout of deeply-felt respect for the basilica he served for 21 years as organist, and for the papal family of which he had been, one suspects, a genial and faithful member. Quagliati left his organ to the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore on condition that it should never again leave the church; 100 scudi for the fabric of the

59 ACSMM, Instrumenta, t. III, f. 220r-224v, Acts of BERNARDINUS GARGARIUS , 22-ix- 1619. 60 Details in ACSMM, Cappellanie Soriani: instrumentum donationis quondam Rev. Francisci Suriani, Acts of BERNARDINUS GARGARIUS, 2-xi-1619; Ibid., id., eredità Soriani. Cfr. also Stato Temporale, (cit., f. 137).

61 Printed in CAMETTI, 1915, pp. 25-26. 62 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, Prot. 151, f. 223r-224v, Acts of LUCATELLUS.

63 ASR, Testamentorum A.C., prot. 26, f. 734r-735v (unfinished). CAMETII, Paolo Quagliati... cit., 1930, perhaps following Stato Temporale, stated that the notary was Dominicus Fonthia, but it was in fact Rosciolus Crisantes. Cametti's date, 21-v-1628 is that of the opening of the testament (f. 733r-v) which was written 19-20-xi-1628.

38 Capucins' church (on condition that they pray for the soul of Gregory XV); his spinet to cardinal Ludovisi (if he renounced it, the nuns of S. Lucia in Selci inherited the instrument); other small sums to relations. He was particularly attentive to the chaplain who would pray for his soul. A chaplain was appointed, who in return for 5 monthly Masses received a generous stipend of 90 scudi annually.

Death and Burial For the majority of Roman citizens in the seventeenth century, death carne unannounced and left recorded only in the Liber Mortuorum kept by the parish priest. Life was cheap, child mortality high, and a reading of the Books of the Dead for seamier Roman parishes, such as those around the Teatro di Marcello or Campo de' Fiori, or of parishes near the Tiber, such as S. Maria in Traspontina, reveals how often unknown persons dropped de ad in the street, or were drowned in the river. The death of the archpriest Pinelli, which was followed by a funeral attended by the Sacred College of Cardinals at S. Andrea della Valle and a mounted procession accompanied by the choir and maestro di cappella to S. Maria Maggiore64, was exceptional. But less elevated persons could expect a number of torches at their funeral. To live 60 or 75 years was to reach great age. Exception was made for the singers of the papal chapel, who were inter­ red, unless they specifically wished otherwise, in a special vault at the Chie­ sa Nuova. Those of S. Maria Maggiore were buried in the parish where they resided, unless they held a benefice at the basilica, in which case they were buried in the floor, and the piace recorded. This was a great honour, and their names, like their bodies, lie beneath the basilica with men like Gian Lorenzo Bernini and Pope Nicholas IV, popes, cardinals and princes. Thus Francesco Soriano was buried in the centrai nave65 , Domenico Al­ legri in the south nave at the food of the third column66 , Quagliati

64 ACSMM, Decreti, 12-viij-1611, f. IOv. 65 AV, LM S. Prassede, 1621, f. IOr, see footnote 24 at p. 14; ACSMM, LM, 1 , f. 5v: «A di 20 Luglio 1621 fu portato a seppelire il corpo del quondam Sig.r francesco Soriano Beneficiato di nostra Chiesa dalla Parocchia di S. Prassede et fu seppelito nella nave di mezzo». 66 AV, LM S. Prassede, 1629, f. 15v: «Die 5 Septembris migravit ex vita Dominicus de Allegris Magister Cappellae S. Mariae Maioris recepit a me Sacram Eucaristiam et oleum sanctum sepul­ tus est in ecclesia S. Mariae Maioris requiescat in pace»; ACSMM, LM, l, f. 12r: «A di 5 settem­ bre 1629 fu portato a sepellire il Corpo del quondam Sig.r Domenico Allegri Maestro di Cappel­ la della nostra Chiesa dalla Parrochia di S.ta Prassede e fu sepolto nella nave di S.ta Caterina a piede alla terza colonna di detta nave cominciando dalla sepoltura del Canonico Toledo».

39 behind the relic of the Holy Crib67 , the singer and beneficiary Carlo Vanni in the Cappella Gonfalone68 ; the tenor Jacomo Rubini was buried in the same pIace. It was necessary to reserve these sepulchres in advance; they were conceded by the chapter. Many more died in neighbouring parishes, those of S. Prassede, S. Martino ai Monti, S. Salvatore ai Monti, or the Madonna de' Monti, in which churches they were buried70•

Housìng Where choir schools existed in the seventeenth cen,tury, it was usual for the church to provide suitable lodgings. At S. Maria Maggiore, availability of accommodation for the puttì seems to have depended on the size of the family which accompanied the maestro dì cappella, his good will, or respect for tradition. The last year in which a choir school lodges puttì at the basilica is 1678; in that year Francesco Foggia shared a set of appartments with his wife, Eugenia (d. 1683), his brother Antonio with his wife Teresia and their daughter Anna Maria, a servant Matthia and 4 «Musici Scholari» - the sopranos of the choir71 • Subsequently Antonio Foggia extended hospitality to sopranos new to the choir (and perhaps to Rome), but the older custom (derived from the orphanotrophìum of Pope Gregory the Great, which stood in via Merulana, between S. Maria Maggiore and the Lateran) of lodging puttì and maestro together had by that time died out.

67 AV, LM S. Lorenzo in Domaso, 1628, f. 135v, and ACSMM, LM, I, f. 11r. Cfr. also the accounts of Quagliati's death in the Avvisi di Roma, BAV, Urb. lat. 1098, part 2, f. 672, 22- xi-1628; ibid., id., f. 677, 25-xi-1628. 68 ACSMM, LM, I, f. 2v: «A di 20 d'Agosto 1618. Fu portato a seppelire il corpo del quondam Carlo Vanni beneficiato di nostra Chiesa della parrochia di S. Nicola in Capo alle Case. fu seppelito nella Cappella del Gonfalone. Restarono alla nostra Chiesa Torcie Quattro, che stettero intorno al Corpo».

69 lbid., id., Il, Oct. 1690, f. 93v: «fu portato della Parrochia di s. Francesco di Paola il Cadavero del quondam Giacomo Rubini musico Tenore di questa Basilica, et il Capitolo gli fece la Carità di farlo portare con quattro Torde della Sagrestia anche tutti li ministri fecero il simile, fu seppelito dentro la Cappella del Gonfalone». 70 E.g. the Spaniard Antonio Melendez: AV, LM S. Martino ai Monti, 1637,28 July, f. 103r: «Anno Domini 1637. Die 28 mensis Julii Dominus Antonius Melendez hispanus, cantor S. Mariae Maioris, maritus Antoniae, etatis suae 49. annum agens, in domo gratiose nostrae Parochie in comunione S. Matris ecc1esiae animam Deo reddidit, cuius corpus ad nostram ecc1esiam delatum in sepultura iuxta baptisterium sepultum fuit, mihi fratri Mattheo Pallino Parrocho confessus die 17. huius mensis -- sanctissimo Viatico refectus die 24. ac sacri Dei unctione etiam per me die 25 eiusdem mensis roboratus fuit». «domo gratiose» may refer to the via Gratiosa.

71 AV, LStA S. Prassede, 1678, f. 56v.

40 ROMAN APAL,ATII -SANCT AB MAR~I !AE , ~l A I O R I S'. Coram R.P. D.PamphilioDecano. Lunlt 'IJ. M'artijI604.

D E c I s I o~ R T A 'controuerfiainrer I1IùfirinimUtn D. ;Archipresbycènim, & ,Capimluin..:.' Bafilic~ S'anétx 'Mari:r Ma'iòri~', -[uper refrauratione 'Pa'Jad j~ !ù: 'èottftruéti onb habitationis pro Cantdribos, & Pucrrs diét:e'Edclefi.r~ ac eOrum Magiftris,Iux:'; ta formaìn 'cuitffdam permuradonis fa~ ét;'C) cum bono mem. Cardinali '5ancn Sixti,dLlfdé Ecdcfi~ hmc Archipresby':' tero, &: caura inrrode'éta co ram A. C; ....,..,'"-"'.'-'=-~~. ,,_ \ pro~ofui in Rota ~x o:d'in~ Sanét!fJimi . dubJUm, Ah,permuratlo fmlfet valldL', & ex ea, an , & ad CJuid tencretur Illufh'ifllmus 'Cal'dìnalis Archi,;. presbyter ergl Capirulu rTL.. • . ." Et quoad prinllm parrem dublj, Domini cCI1fuerunt permutationern:,j fuific,validam., non ohframe dcfeélu bt:ncpiacitì Sedis Apofrolic:r; Guod qUJ.n1l1is regularitcr in p'ennutari!=>nc honorum Ecclefix re':' quiratur ;iuxt~ c. finècxttptì'on'Cll. , q. ' ~; t. i.' dc rcb. Ecdef. non , A alieno :l~ie.n.!n 6. in hQc tamen.cafu.eills.defeéhls non oMbr, cum Capiru­ hnh,{eu Ecclefia, çuius fauore ifh {olr-nitlS e/1 introduél:a, -vditfta­ ré' éontraétui, qui cl:tudicat ad dusf:luorem, Innoc. in c~ I. in princ. (lumi ibi fequlllltur~ H~fiien. Io.And. in princ. Card.in l. oppo!ìr. lhm. n.5. Imo1. fllb n.2. Abb. n.6. de his qux fiullt à Prxlat. fine...J conf. Capituli Abb. in c. diuerlìs fallacijs n.5. de cler,·Qonillg. Put. decir. 3 l o.lib. I. Gré[Erdccif. Ì. de locat.·cum allegatis in tauJ~ Scgobien. prxfiimonij.coram bon.mem. Cantucio.[ub die 14.0éto­ bris 15 80.,Et fllitlatifIimè deduéèum in vna Roman:t Domus die'4' Decembris 1591. coram Cardina·li M antica j vbi fuirre(pònfum ad omnia, qua: in contrarium deduci polfunt. Pr.-r[ertim cQncurr.enre ~rilitareEéc1efix; cui fliit vaJde proficua ilta per­ muratio, quia. acquifiuit ca[ale 'conriguum alij s bonis. Ca pituli pro Palatio,quod licet uiòc elfet maioris redditus,minabatur tàmen rui­ m.ffi , & fuit datum Archipresbytero, qui illud re[arcire.t ,?x red-· der.et h:tbitabik ) adn eo conftrueret habirationes pro Cantoribtis, ' &Pueris Eccldìx, quod eedebat in magnum decorem Ecclefix, & augmenrum diuini cultus, & fic in eius euidemem vriliratem) quo fit,vt eo facilius intret priuilegiumEecle!ì;e, quod pollit ftare con­ trattui, & claudicet ad eius fauoreml. Iulianus) S.lì quis à Pupillo if. de aéè. empt. Ìnll:it. de auéè. mt. in princ. Card. in d.c. I. in 2.0p­ polito verf. tamen li eft aliàs vrilis, & ibi Butr. Il.5. in fin. de his,quç fiumà Prxlat. Iaf.& alij inl. eum li §. eam tran[aéèionem -fubn.lr· ff. de eran[aéè. Put. decif.3 65. n. 5. Iib. 2. Dicebant eeiam Domini,modernum Arc-hipresbyeerull'1eenerì il:a~e huiè permutationi,quia fuit.raél:~ à ~.on .. mem. ~ardinaJi .San~i Six:i eius pr~decelfore fub nOllunedlgnttatls tum accepr:ttlOne,. &ftlpula~ tione pro [e ,'dum vixerit, & p.6ft obirum f~um pro Archipresbyre:­ ro pro eempore~xifiente , & fuit vtilis dignitari Archipresbyte­ tàli, qua: nihil de [uo dedir,ex quo ca{ale fuerat emptum à prxfato Cardinali Sanéèi Sixti de fuis proprijs pecunijs , & darum EccIefi~ pro Palatio quod pignit:tti acquifiuit , quo'ca[ufllccelfor tenetur ex conrraétu pra:decelforis iuxta noto in C. I .defolm. & in C.I. n~ Pra:lat. vites fuas Rot~ decif. I. de loe:l.r. in nOli. Abb. con[62. col. l. verf. his non obfianribus lib. I. Abb. conf. 337. n.5. Thom. d~ Tan. decif. 33. cum allego Et cerrar difficultas, quia modcrnus Archipresbyrer polfcdit PalatiuIlL» per plures annos etiam CUffi perceprionefruél:uum ,quo fir ve cen· [eatur iIlud acceptalfc Cllll) fitis.oneribus, & tonfequemer fe obli... -garre ad [cruandum pcrmutarionç:m faéèaql cum fuo pr-xqecelfore.....> Bald. Bald.l: contra Iuris §.fi 5Iiu$ numo:4' & ibiIaCnum.! r. off.·de·pltl'~: J;>ur. decif. 100. num. 2o.lib~ l. de.acteptame:beneJicium peofio-~ I:Ic·grauatum, quòd videatur fe: obligalfe.adpenfionem, &. a1iaone::-~ r.a_ impofiq fuper ditto beneficio,.adell: decif. Verà.ld.~ 13 • par., I. &

302'P:tt.1.inimpre(f. J Dixerunt quoque Domini refpondendoa~i vItimam partemdubjj 1."quod I!1.qd~~Ql:ls Arch.ipresbyter, t.enetU1: ad, omnia: cOntehra in Iofhu­ mento permutationis , nempè ad réfaj:cielJdùm Palatium ,:&,ilLud non modo habitabile, & etiam habiratum reddendum, & confrruen­ dum in eo habirationes pro catoribus , & pueris Ecclefi~ inferuien­ tibus, & illorum magifrris Grammaric:r, & Mùfic:r, prout hxc omnia leguntur in ditto Infirumento • N eque ohfrare,quod ilb. fint folùm.enunçi;ltiuè:n.arra~, & in difpofiriua. Infirumenti nullà adfit ~xprelfaproiniffiò · Cardinalis, quia fatis videmr [e obligalfe,quòd acceptat Palatiumad hup'c effettum, & il­ lud fiipulatur pro [e, & fUeceiforibus, & pro [choljs , & habitatio­ ne magifrrorum, cantorum ,_ &. puerQrum; &-,_ ClUn diétione, vt fu­ pra ,per quam cenfcntur repetica omnia [llpeciu5 exprelTa in narra­ riua inftrumenti , 1. I. §" odcinde) & §. ex hoc edi'4o f) vbi Bartoi. ff. de pofiul. Parif. confi!. 48. nume.J4" lib: '2'~ nec. confi!. '2 '27' nume. 3. Prxfenim qllòd fuerant prolara per modum caufx ipfius permurationis, q uia Palatium minabarur ruinam) & periculum erar ne infruétuo­ [um redderctur , & Cardinalis Santti SixtÌ intendebat illud refar­ ciee, & reddèrehabirabi·le)·& notiffima- cil Iuris· conflufio- 'luod. enllnciarille prolaq per modUl;n.cauf~ probant, & ob)igant) Barr. l. fi [ocer) §.1atiHS OUIn. 4. iE folut. marriR),,&: in l. e,xhac [cripru­ ra num. 5. ff. de donato lar. in 1. ex his verbis colum. z. in 9.1imitat. C. de Tefianl. milito De". COI1f. 5 I3.I'ium. S.1,\irri • ..de anti'q.'t~.

par.I:amplùr. . - ' 0 o" o" ""' 'c' ', " l' Vltra quòd ver[amur in pia G:tU~l, :CUillS f3Uoti~·erb:1.f'~unciariua criam incidente!', & propter aliua emi!f.l di[pofidonemi'Iiducunt cap. fin. cum ibi noto dc fllccelT. ab imefi. Barro). in I. I .,num-7 6. ç. de Sacl'of.1n,EccleCIaf. in diéhd. e..x hìùéfhìs coJllin~;.jh ~.lip1it. & procedit eti:tIn in comraétibus Barrol. in 1. tale pattum §.fin. n+ ff. de paét. Alex. conr. 190. num. 27' lib. 6. Tiraq. de pl'iuileg. pix caue priuil. 86. verf. nec qllidcllL •• Accedit etiam obligatio Camcl'alis pro omniblls; & fingulis) qu:r refer­ tul' Cti11l1 ad U1ul1ci:tta, Alexand. confil. 17. mlm. '2. lib. 3. Ruin. conf. 137' num. 6. lib. I. &- fliit rd~ìl\itum in vna Romana dotis 1 I. Fcbrua.- 'ftbrparij 'I S,Sj.:tomm.bon ..mem: :Cantùrlio, ·&:lic :çorriprehcndk ~ ~tiamrelburationem ·Pab.tij ,>& e.on'Clrucrionem ;habirari:>nis 'Pro cantoribus ,& pueris iI11eruicmibllsEçde{jre, & ·eorum· M.\giCrris· Grammatk;t )·&:Mu{jc:r, iuxtil·exprdIionemfuperiusfaéèam .jn.:,. Inftrumcnto • Et ha ,(uitconcÌurumper()mnes Dominos ,1'emarure.dilcuffa, quamuis [olum Capitlilum informauerit ; ' quiil:lUunriffimusArèhipresby~ citatu& informarèpofUlt ,&c.

.R ·0 Ex Typogmphia Camer~ Apoftolicre . M. D C I I I 1.

, V P E Rl O R V. M PE R M I S S V. In occasionai Acts, there is reference to a house for the young singers of the basilica, opposi te the dormitory of S. Prassede, whcre Soriano also lived. In surviving "State of Souls" books for thc parish of S. Prassede (extant after ca. 1640), rcference is made to a building confined by thc via dell'Olmata and the via Paolina. The Temporal State of the basilica for 1659 refers to this building as the old papal palace of Nicholas V. Part of Nicholas V's palace, unfinished in the time of Julius II, but cvidently a building of sumptuous dcsign72, was demolished under Sixtus V to make way for the via Paolina. As an A vviso di Roma succinctly put it:

S'apre una strada da S.ta Presede a S.ta Pudentiana andando giù per questo i muri e altre fabriche appoggiate alla Chiesa di S.ta Maria Maggiore73 • By 1584, the palacc had been acquired by Cardinal San Sisto, Filippo Boncompagni, papal nephew of Pope Grcgory XIII. Boncompagni had donated land in the casale of Salone to the chapter and, by a series of complicatcd exchanges, takcn the palace for himself and succeeding archpriests of the basilica. He soon found thc palace inadequate for his needs, and wishcd to beautify the old building, which was a falling into ruin. By an Act of sale and exchange, he donated the pedica of Salonccllo to thc chapter. By the same Act, the putti cantori and maestro di cappella of thc basilica wcrc to be housed in the palace74 . Boncompagni's wishcs regarding the palace wcre not immcdiately respccted. Pinelli, the new archpriest, prevaricatcd, was finally taken to court by thc chaptcr, and thc Auditori della Rota found against him. Their Decisio, which recounts the complicated affair, was published in 160475 • Pinelli dccidcd to rcnouncc all claim to the palace, whereupon Clement VIII, by Lcttcr of concession and donation in 1604, granted posscssion to thc chapter. It had long bccn the custom to use the lowcr part of thc palace as a granary, and the part towards S. Lucia in Selci as a barn, but by 1613

72 Il was described as

73 BA V, Urb. lal. 1055, f. 359r, 15th August 1587. 74 ACSMM, lnstrumenta, t. /8, f. 62r-66v, Acts of FRANCISCUS PECHINOLUS, 3-iii-1584; Accessio, same date, idem, f. 66v-67r; Adeptio. idem, 7-iii-1584, f. 67r-v. Cfr. al so SANTARELLI, op.cit., 1647, pp. 46-48.

75 ACSMM: Cause.

41 restorations were complete and by 1659 five sets of appartments had been completed:

Il terzo appartamento in due stantie a tetto soffitate ... di presente si appigiona ... (in another hand) hoggi però serve per il maestro di cappella76.

Not ali musicians of the basilica were fortunate enough to be housed in buildings so rich in historical association, and not ali maestri di cappella took advantage of the accommodation offered. Benevoli, fresh from Vienna, is an example of the latter. Similarly, Domenico del Pane, before his speculations in the 1660's, occupied a twelfth-century house, with later additions, near the Arch of S. Vito, which he and his sister Magdalena had been given by the basilica in perpetuaI lease77 having moved out of the palace, and Carlo Cecchelli rented 3 rooms with a celiar from the basilica, at the time inhabited by one of its tenors, Viviano Calderi, and remained there. Cecchelii's rooms were in another part of the palace, in the mezzanines78 •

Help in Finding a Job

It is seldom possible to locate precisely the origins of obscure putti, but since there was security and prospects of future employment to be gained from tickling the ear of a maestro di cappella, it must be asked whether nepotism, one of the century's overriding vices, held any sway in the music chapel. We cannot teli whether a Roman maestro favoured feliow Romans, but it is evident from a consideration of Nicolò Stamegna's «family» of 1662 that Spoletani had a lot to gai n from Stamegna's connections with that city:

Incontro S. Maria Maggiore case di detta Chiesa Fa[miglia] 106 no. 6 + Sig.r D. Niccolò Stamegna maestro di Cappella di Sta Ma. Magg.re Sacerdote d'anni 53 -C

76 ASV, Arm. VIl, no. 32, f. 53-54.

77 ASV, Arm. VIl, no. 32, f. 128: canone of 10.50 scudi by Acts 01' DE SANCTIS, 1659. This house had come into possession of S. Maria Maggiore by union with the monastery of S. Andrea delle Fratte authorised by Pope Honofrius III on 7-v-1224.

78 ASR, 30 noI. cap. uf(. 30, pro/. 179, f. 15Ir-v, Acts 01' LUCATELLUS, 6-vi-1648; ACSMM, Libro Maslro, 1650, records a payment of 5 scudi from Cecchelli in respect of the «mezzanini sotto la Casa grande dove habita il S.re Sonantio» which were let to Cecchelli from 25-vi-I648.

42 f Lucretia Madre d'anni 70. Chresimato dal Vescovo di Spoleto 1660 Patrino non se ne ricorda -c Diego Caporali d'anni 18. Chresimato dal Vescovo di Spoleto 1650 Patrino non lo sa -C Raffaello Pannuzzi Soprano d'anni 16 Chresimato in Pistoia dal Card.! Rospigliosi 1654 Patrino Domenico -C Pietro Serlalli Soprano d'anni 18. Chresimato dal Vescovo Castrucci di Spoleto 1650. Patrino Gioseppe N -C Antonio Francesco de Christofaro Zuccherino _C79 Thus not only did maestri like Francesco (and Antonio) Foggia eagerly transport relatives into rent-free accomodation80, but they may also have supplied personnel on the basis of favouritism. In Stamegna's case nepotism ran from top to bottom of the social scale. His period as maestro di cappella of the cathedral of Spoleto (1635-38) is followed, thirty years later, by the pursuit of a grossly unfair policy of employing a bevy of sopranos from that city. Stamegna had cultivated his standing in Spoleto, acknowledging in the dedication of Sacrarum Modulationum... Liber Primus (Rome: Masotti, 1637) great benefices received from Bishop Lorenzo Castrucci of Spoleto Cathedral (1617-1655). Later, he dedicated Sacrorum Concentuum (Rome, 1670) to Giulio Rospigliosi (canon and later Cardinal archpriest of the basilica; later Clement IX), who confirmed Panuzzi and may have been influential in securing the appointment of Alessandro Melani (a fellow Pistoian) at the basilica in 1668. In return, Melani cultivated his patron through his family, dedicating, it is thought, to Lucrezia Cellesi, wife of Camillo, brother of Giulio Rospigliosi, the polychoral Missa La Cellesa 81 •

Mentality It was not unusual in the seventeenth century to house children with their masters, and take them away from their families at an early age. The apprentice system meant that children left the parental hearth at about the age of seven, and remained in virtual slavery until the age of fourteen. The condition of the putti cantori of S. Maria Maggiore would therefore have raised few seventeenth century eyebrows. Considered as a family, in the sense of several people living together under one roof, the inhabitants of

79 AV, LSIA S. Prassede, 1656-72, 43r (1662). 80 Cf. A V, LSIA S. Prassede, 1678-1700, from which may be deduced Francesco Foggia's immediate fami1y circle. 81 R.L. WEAVER, "Materiale per le biografie dei fratelli Melani", RMI, xii (1977), 252- 289. The Mass is at I-Rsc, MS A. 103 , dated 14-i-1670.

43 the maestro di cappella's lodgings in the papal palace were slightly odd, in that they constituted neither a stem nor a nuclear family. Indeed, there were, in the persons of aged relatives, elements of the stem family and, in the presence of Foggia's twin sets of relations, with his wife and that of his brother Antonio's wife, elements of the nuclear family. Therefore the arrangement had little in common with the «nest of birds» pattern of other, quickly changing, seventeenth century households of artisans, such as the German lutemakers who lived, with relatives, lodgers and apprentices, near S. Lorenzo in Damaso. For the putto, the maestro di cappella, his wife, and servant constituted his family in the formative years of his life. Since seven years were spent in rigorous study and religious devotion, with prospects of improvement only within a well-defined heirarchy, it is hardly surprising that those who had been through and made use of the system grew into adulthood with a profound respect for tradition. This seems to have applied to alI church musicians educated in the Roman chapels as putti who, with their regular behaviour patterns, group identity, and ritualised gatherings in appointed places at festal times, made up a distinct sub-culture, emphasising the values, mainly religious and repressive, of the parent culture. A mythology had grown up, based on Palestrina, concerning styles proper for use in church. Domenico Del Pane, dedicating his Messe (Roma: Mascardi, 1687) to Cardinal Benedetto Pamphili, was very conscious of the model to be imitated, and calls his Palestrinian masses «Messe allo stile della C~ppella Papale», of which he was of course a member. Abbatini, his teacher, was more forthcoming on the question of who made up the tradition in addressing the reader of his Il Sesto Libro di Sacre Canzoni (Roma: Vitale Mascardi, M.DC.LIII): Da un canto mi pareva inconveniente non ubedire a i sacri Canoni, che con rigoroso divieto bandiscono dalla Chiesa ogni canto, che non sia Grave, Morato, & atto ad eccitare devotione. Dall'altra parte non ardivo allontanarmi con odiosa singolarità dall'uso, che Tiranno vien chiamato da Savii, perché sforza ogn'uno a tradire il proprio genio, & il dovere perseguitarlo. Potressimo lagnarsi ragionevolmente, e dire con Boetio Prencipe de Musici Latini, Amisit Musica gravitatis, & virtutis modum, ac minimam speciem servat. Quanta mutatione si è fatta a giorni nostri nelle musiche sacre? Vissero in questo secolo in Roma i Soriani, i Nanini, gli Anerii, i Rugeri, i Teofili, i Cifra, gli Agazarii, gli Antonelli, e mille altri, &c. E chi non vede quanto siano gravi, e sode le loro Ecclesiastiche Compositioni? Written while Abbatini was maestro di cappella of S. Maria Maggiore, the passage reveals, in its obscure classical references, respect for the canons of the Church, and for his predecessors, who are all Roman, writing in the stile ecclesiastico, one whose suspicions of new concerted styles were no

44 doubt passed on to his pupils. Removal from the family at an early age, followed by long years of work and study in an institution, may have contributed to the unbalanced emotional makeup of musicians. Particularly in the Sistine Chapel, the century was punctuated by outbursts of temper over seemingly petty causes. Domenico Del Pane was involved in one such «strapazzo» at S. Maria Maggiore in 1648. Del Pane had gone as usual to S. Maria Maggiore with his companions from the Sistine Chapel, to sing the Salve in the Pauline chapel. An incident occurred during the Litanies when Del Pane, having been required to provi de music for the occasion in that month82, attempted to beat time, and was prevented by Navarra from doing so. The curious incident, flouting one of the conventions of the papal chapel, involved a small correspondence between the Sistine Chapel, Prince Borghese, and Abbatini, who had freed papal singers from the obligation to sing the Salve in the chapel instituted by Pope Paul V83 • It is extremely difficult to estimate to what extent such attitudes and patterns of behaviour were the result of castration. That Benevoli, who was entire, could be the victim of a similar «strapazzo» (complete lack of control involving loss of respect for an institution) in 1665 makes it hard to believe that castrati were alone in being troublesome, and the absence of a well-defined group of castrates (such as the upper voices of the Sistine chapel at the end of the seventeenth century) today makes comparisons impossible. Indeed the whole phenomenon, scarcely known before the end of the sixteenth century, and in flagrant disregard of canon law, which held that it was sinful to damage the person in hope of financial gain, admits no simple explanation. Demographic influences may have played their part. At the end of the sixteenth century, there seems to have been a greater number of employable musicians in Rome than previously, if the number of new foundations and polychoral performances is anything to judge by. Hence a new vocal timbre may have increased the chances of entry to one of the more lucrative chapels. Why the change took such a radical form is obscure. In any case, the process of change in choral timbre, with the proliferation of the castrato voice, seems to have progressed downwards from the Sistine Chapel, where the number of castrati was consistently higher than at S. Maria Maggiore. In fact, when on festal occasions the Sistine Chapel singers travelled, in coaches, to S. Maria Maggiore to take

82 w. WITZENMANN, Grave 6, art. «Del Pane», notes that Del Pane composed music for the Pauline chapel.

83 BA V, Cappella Sislina, Diari 67, 68, the reference of which is due to M. Jean Lionnet.

45 part in polychoral musie, the financial attractions of castration must have been plainly visible to parents of children and singers alike. In the city, castrati lived, often to a great age, in households accompanied only by servants. Lacking the ability to have children, who would in any case have added to the economie burden, they also enjoyed the space and comfort precluded by the overcrowded households of their fellow citizens. Maestri di cappella aspired to publication, not only because it increased their local reputation, but also because they thought it ensured the esteem of posterity. As Francesco Foggia expressed it in the dedieation of his Mottetti et Offertorii (Roma: Mascardi, 1673), «La stampa è il vero antidoto per le mortifieature del tempo; questa insomma è il balsamo per conservarsi al Mondo immortale».

Conclusion

The cappella musicale of S. Maria Maggiore, like the other principal chapels of Rome, seems to have drawn putti cantori inwards to the city from the countryside, or from surrounding smaller centres. The educational value of theorganisation over which the maestro di cappella presided cannot be over-emphasised. While some putti probably went into other industriaI professions after serving at S. Maria Maggiore, taking a late apprentieeship in order to do so, many remained musicians and some became members of private households as singers or entered the Sistine Chapel. Others may have journeyed to other centres, and further research needs to be done on the connexions between Roman and provincial chapels. Others, inspired by early devotional training, became ecclesiastics. The lack of early affective education occasioned by enclosure in lodgings with the maestro di cappella, and conversion by contract to a possession of the basilica, however, may have prevented formation of strong ties with parents, and assisted in the formation of surrogate ties to the institution, to the Church, and to tradition. It is notieeable how many progressive musieians of the period, the Melanis, Mazzocchis and Allegris for instance, were brothers, and under such a system filial may have been stronger than parental ties. Finally, the practiee of keeping castrati in lodgings and older musieians in benefices was a powerful agent in stabilising the cappella musicale as an institution. These practiees became more marked as the century progressed, with the proliferation of benefiees after the late sixteenth century simplification, and with the rise of the castrato voiee in the sa me periodo

46 CHAPTER2

Economy oJ the Cappella Musicale

A study of the ways in which economic phenomena operated on the musical finances of S. Maria Maggiore during the seventeenth century is really a study of two major endowments: those of Cardinal Francesco Landi in 1421, and Guido Ascanio Sforza (1518-1564) in 1545. Landi's property, and Sforza's land, were still the principal means of financing the basilica's music after 1600. The information presented here is based on a study of the Entrata et Uscita books of the music of the sacristy, and of the great Libri Mastri or master account books of the basilica. The method used to extract this information, crude enough, has been to locate sources of income, often mentioned in a summary manner in the Entrata, in catastal books (Catastl), and to use the «evidences» of these as a pointer to notarial Acts or testaments through comparison of which the history of a property or a piece of land, and its changing value or fruitfulness, may be deduced. It was intended by using this straighforward methodology to build up, from little scraps of information initially, a broad idea of the relations between patterns of property and land ownership, patterns of patronage, and music in the microcosm chosen. Frequently the term censo will be encountered with reference to properties, and its meaning requires some explanation. A censo was an annual rent which could only be created on «immovable)) possessions, thus preventing considerably possibilities of loans at rates of interest. The censo could be repurchased, at exactly the price of sale. Thus inflation was not taken into account and over a period of time the creditor would find himself at a disadvantage. Attempts have been made to avoid the sometimes obscure vocabulary of Renaissance farming methods, and where these occur, their meaning is explained in the text.

47 1. The donation of Cardinal Francesco Landi

The Venetian Cardinal Francesco Landi assigned by testamenti two properties for the maintenance of two perpetuaI chaplains who were to observe Matins, Mass and Vespers in a chapel to the right of the high altar in S. Maria Maggiore, «sub invocatione assumptionis beatae Virginis et S. Francisci». In an Act, which has been dated earlier than the testament it must postdate2, Landi increased the number of chaplains to four and gave them the following properties: a. A. house with a garden in Campo de' Fiori in the parish of S. Lorenzo in Damaso, confined by properties belonging to the basilica of S. Giovanni in Laterano, the wife of Alexis Rurii, the heirs of Anthonii de Montenarius, Sylvester de Pomperius called de Zenora, Johannes Franciscus de Viterbo and on the front by the public street. b. A house in the horse market, in the parish of S. Leonardo, confined by properties belonging to Jacoba Palverete, wife of Johannes, the heirs of Romanelli Boccapaduli, and on the front by the public street. d. A house in Campo de' Fiori, confined by properties belonging to Angelus and Canorius de Viterbo, Petrus Terbytupis de Lupi, and on the front by the public street. e. A house in the Regione of S. Angelo, near the church of S. Angelo «et eius forum piscium», at Piazza Giudea, with an arcade and a well. These five properties, which the chaplains were permitted to locate and let, constitute Landi's donation in its final formo Item e. was, with its arcade, probably a medieval house, and houses of a similar description stand today in the same area. Perhaps it originally belonged to the chapter of S. Angelo in Pescheria, a neighbouring church. Banks before the house were used for displaying merchandise in the sale of fish. In time, the chaplains of the Assumption and S. Francesco «sub organis» - the name given to the chapel since it stood under the org~n­ acquired more properties. By 1561, they had possession of3: a. A \louse in piazza Mercatelli. b. A house in via del Pellegrino. c. A second house in via del Pellegrino. There follow accounts or the properties donated by Francesco Landi which contributed to the finances or the cappella musicale in S. Maria Maggiore between 1600 and 1700.

I BAV, fondo S. Maria Maggiore, pergamene, Cart. 71, nos. 182 & 183, Testamentum Card. Landi et Erectio Cappellae.

2 Ibid. . , id., Cart. 72, nos.; 188 & 189. 3 ACSMM, Bona collegi (MS).

48 I. House in the seraglio oJ the Hebrews, 1426-1693

In 1426, this house formed part of the income of the chaplains of the Assumption and S. Francesco in S. Maria Maggiore. Its subsequent history may be summarised:4 2-i-1426: Chaplains conceded house for three generations to Domenico Copula and his masculine descendants, at an annual rent of 18 ducats, by Acts of Ascanius Martius5• Fabritio Spannocchia, son of Domenico Copula, inherited the house. Re nominated Alfonsus Albertus, his nephew, as heir for the third generation. In case Alfonsus dies childless, he nominates the Congregation of the Orfanelli of Rome as successor. ca. 1580. Alfonsus Albertus died young and childless. Substitution of the Congregation of the Orfanelli consequently took piace. 5-viii-1580. Cardinal Moroni, protector of the Congregation of the Orfanelli, took possession of the house, by Acts of Tarquinius Caballuci. 24-iii-1629. College of Beneficiaries, as successors of the suppressed chapels, accepted devolution of the house and termination of the line of succession, by Acts of Vincentinus Octavianus. 28-ii-1631. The house was let by the College of Beneficiaries to the Congregation of the Orfanelli, by Acts of Vincentinus Octavianus. At this stage, the music of the basilica, entitled to one third of the income of the suppressed chapel of the Assumption and S. Francesco, received 3.40 scudi in annual rent. This state of affairs continued, without change in the rent, until 1693, when the Congregation of the Orfanelli relaxed their claim on the property and ceded it to the College of Beneficiaries, who accepted it on 12-ii-1693. On 12-iii-1693, the canons and beneficiaries had taken possession. An Act relates how they made themselves known to the inhabitants, Giacobo Ascanello and Gioseppe and Samuel del Mont, making it plain that 70 scudi was due to them as rightful proprietors6• Hence, in 1693, 70 scudi was due in respect of the whole property. The house stood to the right of the gate of the ghetto, in piazza Giudea.

4 ASR, 30 noto cap. 30, prot. 313, f. 165r-167v, where an account of the various fort4,nes of this house in given. 5 Ibid., 30 noto cap. uff. 24, ano 1426, f. 625r. This Act names the notary of Spannocchia's testament, Maria Cantilonus, and its date, 30-xii-1570. Alfonsus Albertus was dead by 5-viii- 1580, and the Acts make reference to his «pupillari aetate». In the 1580. Act the property is described as «domus sita in platea judaeorum in qua inhabitat Beniaminus detto il Todeschino in via Banchorum urbis». 6 ASR, 30 Not. cap. uf! 30, prot. 313, f. 272r-v.

49 Il. House in Pescheria, 1426-1659 In the medieval city of Rome, the sale of fish was authorised only at the piazza before the church of S. Angelo in Pescheria. Fish sellers exposed their merchandise on stone slabs, even in the portico of the church, The canons of S. Angelo rented out slabs to several fish-sellers at once, which was considered unjust7. In this aquatic area stood a house donated by Francesco Landi in 1426. Subsequent1y: ca. 1426. House let to Francesco Stefanelli for three generations, at 21 scudi and 4 libra of pepper annual rent, with the pact that it should be prevented from falling into ruin. 26.xi.1534. House let to Mario Stefanelli in perpetuallease at an annual rent of 20 scudi. The Act calls the property «domum sitam in urbe et regione Sancti Angeli in foro piscium alias locatam nobili domino francisco stefanello de Tozzolis»8. 22-iii-1627. Ciriaco Thedellini acquires the house and adjacent site, used to sell fish, for 433.70 scudi. The chapter grants Thedellini direct dominion and reduces the annual rent to 15 scudi, of which the music of the basilica receives 5 scudi9• The same sum, representing one quarter of the rent due to the originaI owners, was due in 1659 from Andolo Bentivogli, son in law of Ciriaco Thedellini, who had succeeded the heirs of Bruno Stefanelli.

III. House in piazza Mercatelli, 1426-1662 Piazza Mercatelli was situated near the schools of the Ghetto. The chaplains of the Assumption and S. Francesco let a property there to a certain Giovanni Francise, who retained it for his wife, Antonia. On 12-x- 1492 it was let to D. Paolo de Varano IO, and on 8-xii-1508 to Agostino Bernadito de Piacenza for three generationsll. By 1575, it was occupied by one Caracossa «Hebrea iniquilina» 12, who paid 3 scudi in rent, representing one quarter of the property, to the music of the basilica. Caracossa was succeeded in 1583 by Sabbato Caroso, who paid the same

7 J.C. MAIRE-VIGUEUR, "Les «Casali» des églises romaines à la fin du moyen age (1348- 1428)", MEFR, !xxxvi (1974), 63-136. 8 ACSMM, Instrumenta, t. 10, f. 60r-61v, the remains of which, only the rubric, is ASR, coli. noto cap. prot. 1762, f. 221v. 9 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot. 150, f. 559r-606r, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS. IO ACSMM, Instrumenta, t. 6, f. 248r-v. 11 Ibid .. , id., t. 7, f. 132v-133r, Acts of BALTHASAR ROCCHA. 12 Ibid., Cappella Musicale, Entrata et Uscita, 1575: «Caracossa Hebrea iniquilina nella casa in piazza Mercatello deve dare per il quarto della piggione scudi tre l'anno cioè in calende di Agosto Julii quindici, et in calende di Agosto (sic) julii quindici che sono l'anno scudi tre».

50 sum in rent. On 13-viii-1629 Caroso, a money lender and son of the apparently locally-important Moses de Signo13 , made Sperandio dell' Anguillara and Dattilio dell' Anguillara his heirsl4. An Act of 1662 reveals that for the ground fIoor, the first fIoor being occupied by a German cali ed Salomone, called «The FIorentine», these two paid 4 scudi.

IV. House (a) in via del Pellegrino, 1472-1659 Like the preceding property, this house was part of the possessions of the chaplains of the Assumption and S. Francesco, who in 1533 let it for an annual censo of 50 ducats at lO carlini per ducat to Giovanni Pietro Varesio and his successors, whether masculine of feminine, for three generations l6• Varesio di ed childless, and in 1548 his nephew Gerolimo was nominated possessor. He was succeeded for the third generation by his son, Mare' Antonio, in 1590. Mare' Antonio died intestate, and a long seri es of court cases began, involving his supposed heirs, the chapter and other pretenders l7: Only in 1628 was a decision finally reached by the Auditori della Rota, who ordered devolution of the house to the chapter and College of Beneficiaries (facs. 2)18. In 1627 one Domenico Salvieri paid 3.75 scudi to the music of the basilica, a sum which, representing one quarter of the rent, was a

13 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, pro t. 118, passim.

14 See the following note. 15 ASR, 30not. cap. uff. 20, prot. 222, f. 317r-319v, Acts of BERNARDINUS DE SANCTIS: Dee/aratio facta per Sperandium et Dattilium dell'Anguillara favore Salomonis Theutonici aliasjerentini hebrei 13 Novembris 1662.

16 ASR, noto R.C.A. prot. 1370, f. 11r-14r, Act of JOHANNES DE NITIA, 17-ix-1533; originai Act of location and lease in ACSMM, fondo Beneficiati, prot. 6, f. 213a (pergamena), dated 23-ix-1472. The property, con fin ed by those of the Sancta Sanctorum, was already in a state of deterioration and perhaps had suffered during the Sack of Rome (1527). The lease was emphyteutic and the lesses «Viro Magistro Johanni Michaelis de Bruxella aurifici», who promised to restore the house within three years, and to pay 150 ducats annually in canone, but meanwhile paid 30 ducats. In ACSMM, id., prot. 17, f. 185r- 189v, Acts of LUDOVICUS MARTIN!, there is confirmation of the 1533 lease, where the confines are stated: «positam Romae in Regione Pontis in strata Pellegrini cui ab uno sunt bona francisci de Sancta Clara, ab alio sunt bona D. Balthasaris de Olgiate Mercatoris Comensis ante est via Publica, et retro est domus D. Gregorij de Serlupis». Giovanni Pietro (de) Varesio was a Milanese member of the Roman Curia.

17 Extensive documentation in ACSMM,fondo Beneficiati, prot. 6 and ASR, Archivio di S. Maria in Traspontina, B. 14. 18 ACSMM, Cause. sec. XVII.

51 considerable decrease in value from the originaI censo. The house was in a go od part of the city, «a little before the street which led to the palace of Cardinal Boncompagni» 19, and its considerable architecture is well described in the Temporal State of the basilica for 1659: built around a cortile and cortiletto, astone stair led from the cortiletto to a small loggietta, to the right of which there were four rooms. On the left there was another exposed loggietta. Above, in the second appartment, there was an external gallery and several rooms, and a large covered rectangular loggia, which perhaps was used for dinner parties20 .

V. House (b) in via del Pellegrino, 1442-1659 This house, situated just beyond the piazza of S. Lorenzo in Damaso, apparently bordered the previous house21 • It was assigned to the chaplains of the Annunciation and S. Francesco from 1442. In 1542 it was given in perpetuallease to Baldassarre Olgiati, by Acts of Felix Thebaldeschus22. In 1600, Alessandro Olgiati, Baldassarre's heir, paid 12.50 scudi annually for a quarter of the rent to the music of the basilica23 • Rutilio Olgiati, the next in line, sold the property in 1605 to Annibale Olgiatti, the next and in 1659 it was inhabited by Aurelia Serena, apparently deserted by Annibale24, who paid the same rent.

Summary

Despite some damage sustained during the Sack of Rome, the houses donated by Cardinal Francesco Landi were alI go od properties. This is shown by topographical details and by the social status of tenants. Item iv, in via del Pellegrino, the main pilgrim route to the Vatican, was of some architectural merit, while item ii, near S. Angelo in Pescheria, had considerable commerciaI value. Evidence suggests that whatever else did,

19 Ibid., Cappella Musicale, Entrata et Uscita, passim. 20 ASV, Arm. VII, no. 32, f. 81-83.

21 Cf. supra, note I, and ACSMM, Bona collegi, Relationefatta all'Officio dellafabrica dal Signor Alessandro Olgiati, 1571: «casa nella strada che va della piazza di S. Lorenzo verso il Pellegrino et vicino detta piazza dove al presente si fa un fondaco». 22 Thus Stato Temporale, 1659 (loc. cit.); the Act in ASR, Uff. trib. acque e strade, prot. 35 f. 22r-23v, Acts of ALESSIO BUCCAMANTIUS.

23 On the Olgiati family, famous Como bankers, cf. DELUMEAU op. cit .. , 1957-59, II, 849.

24 ASV, Arm. VII, no. 32.

52 seventeenth century rents did not rise. Efforts had to be made by the chapter to retain sixteenth-century values in rent, so that in real terms, when inflation is taken into account, the rendition from these properties feH during the period 1600-1700.

II. The donation of Cardinal Guido Ascanio Sforza

In 1545, Cardinal Guido Ascanio Sforza persuaded Pope Paul III to separate the incomes of the churches of S. Pudentiana and S. Eufemia from the title of archpriest of S. Maria Maggiore, which he then possessed, and unite them to the music and fabric of the basilica. To the maintenance of musicians was to be directed one third of the income of the suppressed chapel of the Annunciation and S. Francesco. The principal possession of the church of S. Pudentiana in the Middle Ages, until 1395, when Pope Boniface IX ordered a partial sale, was the casale of Carcaricola; that of the church of S. Eufemia was the pedica of S. Eufemia. l. The casale oJ Carcaricola Situated to the right of the via Labicana as it approached Frascati (Tusculum), Carcaricola was in area of land comprising 120 rubbia in Roman measures25 .

Method oJ exploitation The basilica let its casale to a farmer for a number of years, and stored its part of the produce for eventual sale. The lease was drawn up, foHowing

25 ACSMM, Libel/us descriptionis Casa/ium, vinearum, ortorum, Domorum, Censuum, et aliorum Bonorum, Immobilium Basi/icae Sanctae Mariae Maioris de Urbe ... de Anno 1579 ... Juliani Corbi'li, Notarij (hereafter Catasto, 1579) f. 7: «Casale Calcaricule Rubrorum Terrae Centum et viginti in circa versus Tusculum sunt bona Monialium sancti Laurentij Panisperna ad manum dexteram veniendo versus urbem bona dictarum Monialium pro una parte, ab alia parte bona Faustine Stalla quae confinant cum alia pedica Calcari culi circum circa dictam pedicam bona dictarum Monialium, et bona heredum Brutti della Valle Versus Urbem dictae Pedicae, dicto Casali versus Urbem confinat cum Faustina Stalla Ecclesia sancti Johannis Lateranensis et illi de Mantaco et versus Montem Casale Turris.Novae Domini Francisci Cincii, postea Casale Turris vergatae Domini Valerij della Valle, et deinde heredes: Domini Pompei de Castello Id est Turre Vergata». Tomassetti, op. cit . . , III, p. 398, perhaps following the error of Stato Temporale ... 1659, believed that Carcaricola was be identified with the «casale» of the monastery of S. Bartolomeo della Suburra, which was united to S. Maria Maggiore in 1321. On the contrary, this casale was incorporated into the casale of Salone. Paullll's Bull of unification and dismembration is BAV, S. Maria Maggiore (pergamene), cart. 75, no. 276; copy in ASV, Reg. vat. 1697, f. 7r-8v, from which punctuation in Appendix l is taken. Boniface VlIl's order of parti al sale of Carcaricola is ASV, Reg, vat. 314, f. 339r- 340v. Tomassetti's error was first noted in J. COSTE, "La topographie medievale de la Campagne Romaine", MEFR, Ixxxviii (1976),621-75; it is perpetuated in the new edition.

53 measurement of the casale, in December or January, and in the folIowing March the land was to be broken under the plough. Shepherds pastured sheep on certain parts of the land, and were consulted when it was let. Since the casale of Carcaricola was ecclesiastical land, alI its fields were exempt from taxation. Rendition of produce in addition to payment of rent took the form, in 1600, of pasture grass and worked wool. Grain was rendered at a certain proportion, decided when the lease was arranged. In 1601, four sevenths of grain were rendered for each rubbio of land worked. Any deficiency in produce was to be the responsibility of the farmers. At harvest time, the chapter gave three days' notice to the farmers, then took one quarter, or sometimes other proportions of grain produced. Thus in 1603, Carcaricola was let to Antonio Maria Cremona of Frascati for 9 years, at the annual rent of 5. 30 scudi per rubbio, a total of 678. 40 scudi for the casale26. In 1613, Carcaricola was let to Paolo Blasio & Co. for a peri od of 9 years, at the rent of 55 giulii per rubbio, a total of 686. 93 scudi for the casale, with the condition that in the last year of the lease one third of the casale be left falIow (sodo) so that it could be fired 27 •

The period 1623-29 Detailed figures survive from the period 1623-28 in which the chapter noted precisely the income derived from the casale of Carcaricola, which are reproduced below: 28

26 ACSMM, Instrumenta, t.20, f. 327r-330r, Acts. of JULIANUS CORBINUS, 12-iii-1603. 27 Ibid., Instrumenta, t. 22, f. 27v-38r, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, 12-ii-1613. Cfr. J. COSTE, "l casali della Campagna di Roma all'inizio del '600", ASRSP, xcii (1%9), 41-115: «135. Carcaricola, del R. Capitolo di S. Maria Magiore, fuora di Porta Magiore. Sono rubbia 126 compresoci rubbia di prato, discosto da Roma miglia quattro. (seconda mano) Affitato, l'anno 1613 di marzo, ma non comincia a pagare; ne corre il fitto sino a S.to Angelo di settembre 1613, et avanzo un annata franca che comincio a rompere. Affitato al sig. Paolo Blasio de Frascati, per annui novi a tutti frutti, per prezzo di giulii... il rubbio».

28 Source: ACSMM, Tenute: Carcaricòla.

54 TABLE 3 CARCARICOLA: INCOME AND EXPENDITURE, 1623-28

Incorne Lease of Winter 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 herbage 25 23 37 34 38 (giulii/R) Incorne, including prati 329.85 331.00 408.69i1i 448.25 501.96 468.20 (scudi) Average Incorne frorn Grain* 281.80 281.80 281.80 281.80 281.80 (scudi)

Total Incorne frorn Winter herbage: 2512.52i1i scudi Total Incorne frorn Grain: 1971.50 scudi Total Incorne: 4485.02i1i scudi Five years' Average Incorne: 4268.52 scudi

Expenditure Canons**: 69.15i/i scudi Musicians' salaries: 696.00 696.00 696.00 696.00 696.00 (scudi) For Agriculture: 92.52 scudi Average Incorne: 4268.52 scudi Expenditure: 2592. 32 1/2 scudi Gross Profit: 1755.92 scudi For repairs to tower in casale, 1628: 315.96 scudi. Carriage of Grain and Guardians: 103.70 scudi Rent of Granary: 40.00 scudi Musicians' salaries, 1628: 696.00 scudi. Gratuity to 2 sopranos***: 20.00 scudi. To the father of a castrato soprano, 1628: 30.00 scudi. For repairs to the roof of the basilica: 200.00 scudi. Total Expenditure, 1628: 1405.66 scudi. * These are averages based on total for 1623-28. ** Details unavailable *** Whose voices had broken.

55 Winter Grass Proceeds from the sale of grass for pasture in winter also contributed to the finances of the basilica's music; this much is evident from Table 4. As the table makes clear, sums from this source were subject to considerable variation: 29

TABLE 4 CARCARICOLA: WINTER HERBAGE, 1622-50 Rate sold Amount due to chapter Year Buyer (giulii/R) (in scudi, including cheese)

1622 Valentino Narducci 25 354.60 1624 Leoncino della Petella 21 408.691/2 1625 Torquato Martio Mazzaroni 38 448.70 1626 ? 34 448.25 1627 Domenico Perontio da Subiaco 38 501.96 1628 Domenico Achille & Filippo Morgate della Camerata 35 1/2 468.20 1630 ? ? 703.98 1631 ? ? 960.00 1632 Liberato d' Ambrosi della Camerata 33 422.40 1634 ? 2.80 scudi ? 1640 Josepho Ventroni & Andrea de Amicis 33 422.40 1642 Salustrio de Angelis 25 ? 1643 Gio Battista Ricciardi 3.30 scudi 305.80 1644 Benedetto Carnici bus 3.00 scudi ? 1645 Mattheo Giudici da Leonessa ? 275.50 1646 Gio Maria Parente da Frascati ? ? 1647 Pietro Angelo Attilio & Gio Maria di Pasquale Caleri da Camerata 3.00 scudi 397.74 1647* Pasquini Cesaris & Gio. Paolo da Leonessa 31 405.90 1650 Francesco Augustini da Camerata 20 263.68 * (December)

29 Sources: ACSMM, Cappella Musicale, Entrata et Uscita; lbid., Libri Mostri; ASR, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS and BERNARDINUS DE SANCTIS, passim.

56 R. P. D. PIROVANO Romana Deuolutionis Domus.

Vc:n. 14. Nouemb. 161. 5.

,,~~ç,. r~...q. .~ '. I C T V M fuie fiandum in decilis: quia domi • ,li,.,.". ~~,_. '. ~, ,,,, l.;~ .~.•. ,,,:,- . . , nium Ecdeliz quoad domum comrou(',fJJlLJ 4~',<,. ~i;; b & . . :,~:'. ~,~~~.·:~. r·~~.'.)~,~: '- ~.• . ~l ~~iit~;1;f.·datur. f~~F~~·~~!~;~~~O~~:'~~l:~~~:~~ ~~- ~ J~< ' '' . ~it,iJ/ Neque obfiant, quz hodie replicanrur mlgis .;. ~. ' ~~. 2 \i~!2J .. ,.;; ~onrr~ fadum, quàm contra iuris ~o~c1u . (ìonl's ~. ,.; ' ij, ; :Y../~X~ lO d~cl(ìone fi ,-m:tta~, nempe admlO1(uLt !o(~­ .' ~'"-' " ~~..: tlOnlS annorum 147 2 • & l 5°7. non 1U(l:!h':an, & identit:ttem domus controuer{z per iuridilos confines non probari . Q!!oad loeationes annorum 147 z. & I S07. deeifio firmat idemitatem ex duobus confinibus via' fCllicet pubhcz, & bonolum de Strlupis) qui conueniunt huie de anno I 533. Dominis de V:II efils fattz, & fufficium fecundum BarI. in I. falfa dmJonftratlo flU. 14- jf. de ,o'Jd•. & drllJunfl"~ cum alijs per Duian. con! 11. nu. 8./ih. 3. Non obfiar quod non appareat domum hane Jocatam effe [ub proprierarc:..J ·Capituli ,& Beneficiatorum, nec habui{fe dfeéìum : quia de proprieta­ te illarum fufficienter connat, ex qua per documenta poblica in aétis produéta probarum fuir,ficuri domus ifia en Capdl.r, & altaris~. Fran­ .(ifci in .Bafilica B •. Marix Maiotis de VI be ,in quorum locum fubrogari {uelUnr Beneficiati ;& quanrum ad ctfeétuation(;m illius probatio non fa ncedfaria ~ quia adminiculum fundatur fuper enunciatiua propric:ta­ tis, qu.r cum habear vim fam.r bene probat dominium in anuquis ",Iba. (011]. 64. 'DU. Z l. M rnrJch. de arbitro {afu 4 l. num. 4. & pofito ctiarIL, qucd non habui{fet etfeétum; atta~en tolli, non potea, quin localores ,pr2:diéti fuerint de eotempore domini, & proprietarij enunciati ccr::m tcfiibus, qui fuerunt pr.rfentes fiipulationi initrumenti, à quibus exin- A dc de fam:!. l'xire powit, vt ih -h i;; tcr~iiI1is R?I.4 t~r/l'n m( plindrra:sil in Romana fidmClmmijji de 73,. [ca/flJ li. DfCrmbriJ 16 I 3. Non vbftat.d iuerlitas confiniuI71 vtriu[<} ue locationis 14-72. ~ l5-o7.lloca­ tione 1533. déqua agiuin qUi.ÙIOI1 tal11=o neglnrur '3deITe illa duo. nempeviJ:11ùbli6:, &b!)Ìlorum dc ScrJupis, qàod li,dic:uurin loca­ rione anni I 507. dJli pro èonfine bonorum iIIorum 'de Sertllpi~ in'par­ te laterali) in location;! verò anni I 533. ponlntUr pro connne retro dcmus JocatX?::'ca'Jem Doni.àe Scrlupis, fjéile toJliwrobictlum: quia in ditto inlirllmento a'mi 1507. ddìgnarur domus per larera, non 3U­ tcm per pancs antuif)!"es , & pofieriorcs ; ynde ;ta contingerc potcll: , lluod tliUS defignatil capiat bona de Serlupis à pa"rre retro, prout alios collfincs includ:lf ; [ed nihilominus Ioeatio anni L'l71. exprefìè ponit -bona dc" ~cdupii; pro conflne retro, qu'od"lLi$-erc pore(t; jò rxt"tris veròfi difcordant·non feku:lt>, :.ridi proberUr, qUvd illi ionhnes (on­ ~eniant alceri domui ,quod in prx[emi non "probatur'Drci:111. co.!!! 17. tlÙ. 20. j,b.j. fequcodo Altx~ in 'I.fiin TIOmtnr. nu.' 2. in finr dr trjlaTn."& !acilIime comprobat Gralitm. diJcePI. forwf...cap • .88 J. 71f1: 1/J ./ib. 5; (cd pr;rterea rufflcit huiurmodi probationcm dominij nd~ini.culari " per a1ias conicéturas, nempevrus loc~tionis de gcneratione in generationem ex inGrumenris d::d~", & ex rolutione Canonis per fpatium 30. & vlrra an­ florum, vt in dc~ifìone, qux reuidetur fuit dlttum, quibus con3ruens rc(ponfio nO:1 dltur • . ~o verò ad idcntitaWD domus loc~tx de anno I ~ B.quod illa non proba­ tur decilio (ufficicnter rcfpondit~am probarj ,ex "duobus coonnibus bo­ norum fcilicct dc Scrlupis ,& -vixpublica?~ " neque "dicatLlr quod iile de 'via publica, vCI nimis vagus,· & gener~iis [ufu-Jg.1fi non poilic: ,.quia .fuir re(pon{um, quòd tUflc-oorcuraretur problriù~ quando altel~ domui ip(orum de Varcfijs conuenirent; fe~usverò" quando non co.n~eniDnr, ·jra refpondent surd. C0l1j. "2 3 ~:. n:J. ,Ì 7- & idem Gr3tian. poll:alios in al­ legato rafu SS-J.nu.2. & 3. -& nunc~dditurql.lod in jll:a materia cçnfi .. nium mulrumdeferwr con2ruenris, & verilìini!nudini, prolltB~/.i·COJ1- fidei-auit ;11 Ba/l1roNgun. co~nfinitim 79. DrccmbriJlOo 3: f,rl1,1'1iJ;oò m~. 'Card. Sa;rnTo, & in drcif. 3 34."lju:erfl Tiblalina cotif1Jium par:'2 ~ ~fcrn . :propterea" quando non reperitur alia domus ; cui ifiiconfiocs.eonut'­ "nire po1funt,infcrtur ('1fe eamdem met , dequa -cf! conrrouerfij~ ve idèm ~ratia". J. ctifu 88J. rH/dO. ex plunbus comprobat." ""c "" ." Demum non <;lbll:at, quod fufficienrer conCbre non poffit de "deuolutione " do~ .rnus locata.' de annOI 533 .éx infirumenrodato, quod dumferefert 4d :.2liudiòGrumemum 10cationis antea fatta: Francifco ValentinO", & .cum paétis in eacomenris, quod nili àhibeatur ,.ceni e1fe: nonpoffumus ; :m ~n ex p:létis deuolutio apcriatur Roman. co,rj. JO J. in 'lI1ti'!10 dubio nu. 6. Drc. i" I. ~di/. nu.87.C.dreJm. Crau.conf.llZ.nu.I5. 7J,cc.conJ. 5. nu. 5. 'VCJ/ I. ~il obicétum ex fatto celfat, ex quo Capellani Capella! S. Francifci, de cuius dominio cfi domus Ioeata ratifiearunr eamdem Ioeationem faétam per Capitulum cum exprefIione, quod Ioeauerunt ad tertiam ipuus lo. Petri generationem ram mafculinam, quàm fremininam , & tertiam..... nominationem mediante annuo cenfu,feu refponuone ducato 5 e. Vnde cum Beneficiati egerint ex patlo finita! generationis, & il1 ud fi( exprc:C­ fum in fecundo inltrumento ratifieationis Capellanorum fatis fundant corum inrentionem fuper paéto reueruuo abCque eo quod teneantur ·· infirumentum relatum producere, & exhibere, & :id hune effe\'luffi..J non effe neceffariam exhibitionem relati , quando confiare potell: dL.l tenore illius reCponderunt A/ba. conJ. 276. nume 15. B('i'yft. conJ. 130. num. J • ..JYlagon. arei[. Lucrn. 96• nu.8. &-fitj. Et ita &c. .

R O M lE, Ex Typographia Reu. Camerce Apofiolica=. M. D C. X X V I. SVPERIORVM PERMISSV. A direct connexion between existed the basilica's income from winter herbage and music. For instance, the years 1622 are marked by a sharp rise in income from winter herbage, from 468.20 scudi to 960.00 scudi. Expenditure on alI forms;{j,f music in this period rose from 982.15 scudi in 1628 to 1064.50 scudi in 1631. At this time, the casale was let, after direct farming by the chapter, for a two-year period with payment in kind, so that rising grain prices may also benefited musicians.

Other methods oJ exploitation The Temporal State of the basilica in 1659 said that Carcaricola, after 1622, was let to «various interested persons» for grain production. There were four methods of exploitation of the domain in use after this date, alI of which reflect changes in the chapter's attitude to revenue problems. First, leases were granted for short periods, and payment was made in kind. A two-year lease was in operation between 1628-1630 and 1647-1649, and in 1634 Virgilio Carcio of Frascati was ordered to pay the rendition of 100 rubbia of land3o• Second, small parts of the casale were let for short periods, and payment was made in kind. The areas of land conceded ranged from lO rubbia which Romoaldo Antonuccio of Frascati was leased in 166431 , to 60 rubbia in 1645 32. Third, the casale was let for three-year periods, with payment in kind, from 1667-1670 and 1673-167633 • The fourth method was lease of the casale «per tutto frutto», in which the chapter enjoyed alI proceeds, employed from 1693 until the end of the century34. These alternative methods of exploitation marked a break with medieval practice in agriculture. Lease of small parts of the casale was in effect division of the land, and short lease periods reflected the chapter's need for

30 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot. 118, f. 44r~45v, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, 9-i- 1628; ibid., id., prot. 177, f. 674r-675v, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, 2-xii-I647; ibid., id., prot. 138, f. 150r-v, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, 3-ii-1634. 31 Ibid., prot. 226, f. 213-r-v; 218r, Acts of Antonius LUCATELLUS, 4-iii-1664, Antonuccio had, in 1663, possessed 30 rubbia in the casale, apparently since 1661. This was on condition that he give 2 rubbia to pasture cattle. Cfr. ibid., prot. 224, f. 455r-v, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, 7-vii-1663. 32 Ibid., prot. 169, f. 8r-9v, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, 1645, ibid., id., f. 47r-v is a lease of the remainder of the casale to Virgilio Carcio, under unspecified conditions. 33 Id., prot. 235, f. 186r-187v, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, 30-i-1667; id., prot. 252, Acts of VINCENTINUS OCTAVIANUS, I-ii-1673. 34 ACSMM, Instrumenta, t. 30, f. 149r-151v, Acts of THOMAS OCTAVIANUS, 28-i-1693.

57 ready money in a period of high inflation. These were the methods used at the same time by the chapter in exploiting the domain of Salone. The last period in which the lease of the casale was paid in money began in 1637, when the casale was let to Angelo Vacca for a period of seven years, at an annual rent of 6 scudi per rubbi035 • By 1640, however, Vacca was in debt to the chapter36, and in 1642 the chapter decided to accept the sale of Vacca's property in Trastevere in settlement of debts37 • Vacca's agricultural speculations had evidently been unsuccessful. It is difficult to establish the names of farmers of Carcaricola in the mid­ seventeenth century. By 1660 the enti re casale had been let to Marc Antonio Qualeatta, who may, under unknown conditions, have been its lessee until 1663 38• Thus between 1545 and 1622 the casale of Carcaricola was let and the rent paid in money; from 1623 until1628 the lease was not paid in money, and during the peri od 1629-1693 diverse methods of exploiting the domain were practiced. There was, during the period 1545-1693, no single method of exploitation, but in contrast to the following period, the years 1545-1622 represented the end of a peri od of uniform practice which stretched back into the Middle Ages.

The Lease in Money

Annual money payments had the obvious advantage of providing a stable income for the chapter mensa and hence for the music of the basilica. Complications arose if the lease was not paid. Non-payment of the rent, by Angelo Vacca and before his by Paolo Blasio, drew from the chapter strong-arm tactics to enforce payment or substitution of property in pIace of the lease.

35 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot. 147, f. 229r-230v, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS. 36 ACSMM, Decreti, 2-v-1642, f. 2Ov: «che nella causa del Vacca, si proceda anco criminalmente per riacquisto del nostro credito et similmente contro Gio. Antonio Spella che si suppone habbia levato Il nostro grano». Cfr., also Ibid., Decreti, 7-iii-1642 f. 18r and ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot. 155, i. Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, 24-iii-I640.

37 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot. 160, f. 745r-v, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, 15-iii- 1642.

38 Ibid., Presidenza delle Strade, 435, f. 60r. The same person possessed a small vineyard outside Porta Latina (id., f. 24Ir-v).

58 Between 1587 and 1600 the rent of the casale, fell sharply, while between 1600 and 1637 it gradually rose. In 1587 Pietro Paolo de Fabii had paid 506.00 scudi for Carcaricola, while in 1637 Angelo Vacca was required to pay 774.00 scudi. The figures for the intervening years appear in the following table:

TABLE 5 CASALE OF CARCARICOLA: LEASE, 1587-1637*

1587 Pietro Paolo de Fabii 506.00 1590 Alfonso Bartholi & Antonio Maria Cremona da Frascati 477.00 1598 Capitano Ceccho Stephanuccio & Co. 384.00 1603 Antonio Maria Cremona da Frascati 678.40 1613 Paolo Blasio & Co. 686.93 1637 Angelo Vacca 774.00

* amounts shown are annual rents in scudi.

That the rent of Carcaricola reached a low point around 1600, then rose considerably between 1628 and 1637, is evident from the figures quoted. The amount of grain rendered depended on the amount of land cultivated. Hence, if the area conceded is not known, it proves impossible to estimate the rendition. When the chapter sold its grain, it did not distinguish between that of its several casali. But in generaI it may be deduced that disasters in the Campagna, while creating distress for the populace as a whole, may have favoured musicians. When the harvest failed, rents reflected the poor state of agriculture. But when faced with a shortage of grain, the chapter merely drew on its reserves from the previous year and sold at a very high price indeed. The years 1646-1647 were a

59 peri od of crisis in Rome, and shortage of grain for bread making led to serious riots in the city39. In August, 1647, the chapter decided to sell half its grain, and to fix the price at the high rate of 9 scudi per rubbi040• In the same year the chapter added two sopranos to its financial burden, since while the city weighed the consequences of food shortages, the chapter had to cope with a shortage of singers41 • Such sales of grain at inflated prices, while tending to raise prices over long periods of time and contribute to the inflationary spiraI, may have given a significant boost to the finances available for festal music at S. Maria Maggiore. If Table 4 is referred to, it appears that the in come from winter herbage had reached a peak in 1647, declining thereafter in 1650. While changes in the practice of agriculture must have had long term effects on musical practice, sale of the produce may have stimulated occasionaI festal music if the price was high enough. What is less easy to explain is the relation between agricultural depression and polychoral music. The depression around 1600 coincides with the introduction, in Rome, of performances of music on a scale more grandiose than ever before. It seems likely that the chapter viewed the bad harvests at the end of the sixteenth century as a seasonal irregularity, and were influenced by the desire to secure the Tract of Naples by performing polychoral music before the Spanish Ambassador, exerting political pressure through conspicuous display. From the figures quoted for the lease of Carcaricola, it appears that the period 1600-1622 was one of graduaI improvement, since increase in the price of land signifies good returns from grain. Difficulties in obtaining payments of leases began to be serious in 1640, and insuperable after 1650, and we shall see that this led to a decline in the state of music at the basilica in the second half of the centery.

Torre Vergata

A small piece of land between 25 and 30 rubbia in area, Torre Vergata lay next to the casale of Carcaricola in the Roman campagna. It was let by Guido Ascanio Sforza to Girolamo Giustini in 1545, and it remained in

39 M. PETROCCHI, Roma nel Seicento (Storia di Roma, xiv), Bologna, 1970, p. 34. The disaster was caused by Tiber floods. The granari es of S. Maria Maggiore on the Esquiline were presumably unaffected. 40 ACSMM, Decreti, 9-viii-I647, f. 105v: «che si vendi la meta del Grano raccolto in questo presente anno, e che non si dii a minor prezzo de scudi nove il rubbio». 41 Ibid., id., f. 114r-v.

60 that family until 162542 . It 1625, the conditions of lease then operating were cancelled by Carlo Barberini, archpriest of the basilica, by Acts of Rosciolus and Lucatellus, and in piace of the income derived from the lease of the pedica he substituted rent from five properties and four places in the Monte del Sale. The addition of a tax exemption (franco) brought the annual total in come to 87.50 scudi43. This cancellation and substitution is another example of a change in the pattern of investment brought about by economie conditions in the baroque, where property was seen to be a more stable form of investment than land.

Other Properties and Sources oJ Incarne Besides the items of the two endowments discussed above, the cappella musicale in S. Maria Maggiore received income from various other properties and sources. Some may have financed the fabric of the basilica; accounts of several end abruptly in 1602. Nevertheless, it will be useful to give summary accounts of the history of these properties, if only to show more clearly the kind of changes in investments, levels of rent, and kinds of property involved.

I. Vineyard at Il Vivaro, 1379-1663 In 1379, the monastery of S. Prassede sold eight petiarum of a vineyard inside the city walls at a piace called Il Vivaro, near the Baths of Diocletian (S. Maria degli Angeli) to the chaplains of S. Lorenzo in S. Maria

42 COSTE, op. cito (1969), p. 95 gives a description of the casale Torre Vergata, also owned by Giustini. ACSMM, Catasto 1579, f. 11 describes the pedica: «Casale sanctae Eufemiae alias Turre Vergata situum versus Tusculum cui ab uno Casale Calcaricule, ab alio la marana, vel si qui res rubios' viginti quinque huiusmodi Casale fuit per quondam Reverendum Cardinalem Guidonem Ascanium Sfortiam perpetuum Administratorem Sanctae Eufemiae et Sanctae Potentianae Ecclesiarum invicem unitarum, locatum quondam Hieronimo Justino de Castello In perpetuum de Anno Millesimo quingentesimo quadragesimo quinto die decima quarta octobris». Cfr. ACSMM, Instrumenta, f. 12, f. 98r-IOOv; IOlr-102v; 103r-105v, Acts of Michael Angelus Thomassinus, 1545. 43 ACSMM, Decreti, 1625, f. 259-60: «a di 20 di Giugno 1625, fu dato il Consenso della Vendita di Torre Vergata, venduta dal S. Girolamo Giustino all'Eccellentissimo S. D. Carlo Barberino, quale era sotto la proprieta del Capitolo per Santa Potentiana per la rata di Rubbia venticinque e ne pagava canone, cioè scudi ottantanove e mezzo l'Anno, e per detto consenso S. Emminenza pagò il laudemio et anco estinse il canone di di (sic) scudi 89 1/2 a tre per cento». The pedica ought not be confused with the casale of the same name, of 240 rubbia. The casale, as represented in the Catasto of Alexander VII (cit., pianta 8), corresponds to the area owned by Giustini, a concistori al advocate, after a division between himself and the Della Valle family, in 1535. Cfr. COSTE, op. cito (1976), p. 659 and notes 2 & 4.

61 Maggiore for 279 florins44. These were the chaplains of the Capocci family chapel. In 1571, when Francesco Petrucci d'Aspra owned the wineyard, it render ed 14 barrels of wine must annually, of which he gave 8 to the basilica45. Two petiarum of the vineyard were sold in 1583 46, and, after further transactions (in 1588 it rendered 5 barrels and a quart of wine must)47 in 1605 the vineyard, still remembered as a Capocci chapel property, was sold by the College of Beneficiaries to D. Victoria de Vaccharellis for 200 scudi48. In 1663 it was referred to as a vineyard of seventeen petiarum with a rendition to the basilica of 8 barrels annually, equal to its rendition of 1571 and perhaps earlier49. Its rendition to the music of S. Maria Maggiore was 2 barrels of wine must, which were paid by Ottavio Campogallo until1607, when records of this payment abruptly cease.

II. House al Tor di Nona, 1525-1659 This impressive house50 seems to have played very little part is financing the seventeenth-century cappella musicale in S. Maria Maggiore. Its history may be summarised: ca. 1525.20 ducats were due to the chapter from Monsignor Ottavio Cesi, which included a payment of 17 ducats for a house at Tor di Nona51 . 1533. The chapter let the house to Giulio Cesare, Mario and Gentile de Magistris at an annual rent of 22 ducats52• 1576. The De Magistris family began a court case against the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore. Aldobrandini, for the Auditori della Rota, ordered a transaction between the daughters and heirs of Agabito de Magistris, and the chapter tried unsuccessfully to raise the rent, which however remained at 22 ducats. 1634. The College of Beneficiaries decided to sell their part of the property to Sebastiano Manichetti for 211 scudi53 •

44 ACSMM, Fondo dei Beneficiati e Chierici Beneficiati (hereafter BeneficiatI), prato l, f. 8r-14r, cOPY of originai Act. 451bid., Catasto 1571, f. 3r. 461bid., Beneficiati, prot. 18, f. 43r-v, Acts of FRANCISCUS PECHINOLUS, 9-xi-1583.

47 lbid., id., f. 82r~83v Acts of CINTHIUS CELLIUS, 2-xii-1588. 48 Ibid., id., f. 160v-16Ir, Acts of PETRUS MARTINUS TRUCCHA, 2-x-1605. 49 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prato 224, f. 395r-396r, Acts of BERNARDINUS DE SANCTIS, 15-vii-1663. 50 Described in Stato Temporale ... 1659, loc. cit., f. 69. 51 Ibid., id., citing a document then at ACSMM, Acts of LUCA PICCAMILUS.

52 ASR, arch. noto cap., prot. 1762, f. 167r-168v, Acts of FELIX THEBALDESCHUS, I-v-1533.

53 ASV, Stato Temporale ... 1659, f. 69.

62 Only one receipt, for 18.75 scudi in 1602, records a payment to the m~sic of the basilica, suggesting however a falI in rent between 1576 and that date.

III. House at piazza Montanara, 1510-1602 In 1602, a house occupied a hat maker named Antonio in piazza Montanara rendered its annual rent of 12.75 scudi to the music and fabric of S. Maria Maggiore. The earliest reference to a possession of the basilica in piazza Montanara is an emphyteutic lease for three generations at the annual rent of 12 ducats to Lorenzo Bernardini in 151054• This house belonged to the chapel of the Visitation in S. Maria Maggiore and there is no reason to suppose that the income of this chapel was diverted to that of the music.

IV. Houses at piazza del Popolo, 1565-1666 Before the basilica acquired these two shops at the end of the via del Corso, they belonged to the monastery of the Tre Fontane55 . In 1565 Damiano Politiano, lector studii, donated two smalI properties by testament to S. Maria Maggiore, and in the same year the chapter let one of them to Domenico Spinosa and Laura de Vienaldis for three generations of masculine descendants at an annual rent of 20 scudi 56. By 1603 the heirs of Giovanni Antonio Piemontese, who had presumably rented the other, paid 22 scudi for a property at piazza del Popolo. At some stage the rent of the other property had risen to 30 scudi, which was the sum due in 1605 from Menica da Bologna for the more valuable of the two properties. In this, a shop was let, with a room behind, at 4 giulii per month. By the character of the subsequent leases it is evident that tenants, which included Guido «sonatore», changed fairly quickly. Other leases folIowed, difficult to determine exactly, since alI conceivable parts of the property were let for parts of the enti re rent. The rent of 20 scudi for the other property did not change in a century, and it would be quite wrong to think that the chapter increased the rent annualIy. On the contrary, the short lease was a means of ensuring that the rent was paid, and of avoiding arrears.

54 ACSMM, Beneficiati. prot. 17, f. 345 (pergamena), 24-vii(?)-151O, Acts of BELANDRINI. Pian of the property in Ibid .• prot. 1, f. 422bis. 55 ACSMM, Catasto 1579, f. 6v. 56 ASR, Arch, noto cap., prot. 638, f. 217r, Acts of JULlANUS CORBINUS, 2-ix-1565, ratification of id., f. 214r-v.

63 V. House behind Monte Giordano, 1530-1659 In 1602, the heirs of Chaterina Biancalara paid 10.50 scudi in rent to the music and fabric of S. Maria Maggiore in respect of a house situated behind Monte Giordano. The chapter and beneficed clerics owned it until after 1659, the date of the Temporal State of the basilica for Alexander VII, but it only appeared once in the books of the cappella musicale. Hs history was as follows: 1530. Location of house to Antonio Gualterotti da Perugia for life and three generations of masculine descendants, at an annual rent of 30 scudi, on condition that he restore the house, which was in a ruinous condition after the Sack of Rome57 . 1535. Death of the FIorentine Finatto Finetti. The chapter took possession of the house58 . 1536. Location and lease for three generations and one nomination to the Fiorentine Giovanni d'Ardinghellis at an annual rent of 25 scudi, with a diminuition of lO giulii per scudo unti! 1540, 30 scudi annually to be paid thereafter59• 1598. The house was divided between the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore and the beneficed clerics of S. Lorenzo in Damaso. Both parties asserted their rights to a house «terreneam soleratam et tectatam cum duobus apothecis ... in via tendente a platea montis Jordani ad Banchos»60. The sum paid by the heirs of Biancalara may represent one quarter of the rent due from the divided property, though this seems too high a sum for a divided property, and may represent the full rent after division. One quarter then belonged to the College of Beneficiaries in S. Maria Maggiore, and three quarters to the chapter, but this in itself is no reason to suppose that it financed the music of the basilica.

VI. Hosteria del Forno, 1535-1602 Santi da Palombara paid 50 scudi in rent for the Hosteria del Forno, on the via Tiburtina outside Porta S. Lorenzo, to the music and fabric of S. Maria Maggiore in 1602. The hosteria had been let by the chapter in 1535 to «Egregius vir Juris Doctor D. Marcus Antonius de Aronibus de Trevio» for 120 years, during which ti me his masculine descendants

57 ASV, Stato Temporale ... 1659, loc. cit., f. 84-86. 58 Ibid. , id. 59 Ibid. , id. 60 ACSMM, Beneficiati, prot. 18, f. 109r-114r, Acts of FRANCISCI DE ROMAULIS, PETRUS ANTHONII CATHALONI and QUINTILIANI GARGARII, 16-ii-1589.

64 inherited the property, at the rent of 16 ducats, with the pact that it be improved within 4 years to the cost of 150 ducats61 .

VII. House «alla Molara», 1584-1602

A censo imposed on Bernardo Pichi for the price of 300 scudi at the rate of 7.50 scudi in respect of a house opposite a grindery yie1ded 22.50 scudi to the music and fabric of S. Maria Maggiore. The Act of imposition (which gives the price of the censo as 250 scudi), dated 8-xi-158462 , says the building, confined by others, was «in monte magna napolis». There seems to have existed a piazza Molara, where another property, on which another censo was constituted, was situated in 1587 63 . Pichi was a canon of S. Maria in Via Lata.

VIII. House «in Suburra», 1595-1602

In 1602 the music and fabric of S. Maria Maggiore received 2.11 scudi from Durante Cestono for the annual rent of a house in the Suburra. This was one baioccho short of the rent as originally constituted in 1595, when Cestono sold it for 510 scudi for Camillo and Vincenzo Lupi64 •

IX. House opposite the Madonna dei Monti, 1573-1602

In 1602 1.50 scudi was paid in rent to the music and fabric of the basilica by Giovanni Antonio de Vellis in respect of a house by the church of the Madonna dei Monti. The payment may be traced to 1573, when the house, which stood betwee~ property of Pompeo de Magistris and a bakery, was given in emphyteutic lease to De Vellis for three generations65 .

X. House incorporated in the Collegio Romano, ?-1659

It was believed that the rent of 7.50 scudi was due to the basilica owing to a union with the Jesuits' first church in Rome, Annunziatina del Collegio Romano 66, but such a union never took pIace. Perhaps the house was

61 ASR, arch. noto cap., prot. 1762, f. 241r-v, Acts of FELIX THEBALDESCHUS, 4-ii-1535. 62 ACSMM, Instromenti, t. 18, f. 59r-60r, Acts of FRANCISCUS PECHINOLUS, 8-xi-1584. 63 Ibid. id., f. 134r-v, Acts of FRANCISCUS PECHINOLUS, 8-i-1587. 64 Ibid., t. 20, f. 13r-18r, Consensus, Acts of PETRUS ANTONIUS CATHALONUS, 27-ii- 1595. 65 ACSMM, 1nstromenti, t. 16, f. 121v-122v, Acts of JULIANUS CORBINUS, 18-iv-1573. 66 ASV, Stato Temporale ... 1659, loc. cit., f. 21. On the church, see M. ARMELLIN1, Le chiese di Roma dal secolo IV al XIX, I, a cura di C. Cecchelli, Roma, 1942, p. 586.

65 included in the originai donation for the Collegio Romano, made in 1560 by Vittoria della Tolfa. If it was confined by the Annunziatina, it may have been destroyed when the church of S. Ignazio was erected, 1650-1685. The earlier church was incorporated into the sacristy of the new. This payment may refer to some financial difficulty experienced by the Jesuits, and aid given to them by the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore. Alternatively, some spiritual or political tie may be indicated.

XI. Censo oj 1.500 scudi imposed on the Canons Regular oj the Lateran Regular payments, of 49 or sometimes 50 scudi, occurred throughout the seventeenth century to S. Maria Maggiore from the «Frati della Pace» - the canons regular of the Lateran, - who had been living a conventuallife in the cloister of S. Maria della Pace since they obtained these lodgings during the pontificate of Sixtus IV. These payments represent the fruits of a censo imposed on a «tenuta vulgariter nuncupata San Jacomo de Rasanaria posita in territorio Castri Russi faventine Diocesis cui ab uno flumen Alamonis nuncupatum ab alio via publica» sold to S. Maria Maggiore in 158067 .

XII. Vineyard near the church oj S. Pudentiana, 1600-02 Payments of 4 barrels of wine must, in respecto of a small vineyard (cannetto) , were paid betwen 1600 and 1602 by Mutio Greco. It was situated by S. Pudentiana, and makes a brief appearance in an exchange between the canons of the basilica and Giovanni Santarelli in 1613, when a vineyard affected by alterations to the area under Sixtus V was described as «non longe a Venerabili Ecclesia Santae Mariae Maioris de Urbe ... supra situm olim possessum a quondam Mutio Greco sub proprietate presentis Capituli S. M. M.». In 1680 the vineyard, «cum domo et omnibus suis juribus et pertinentiis» devolved to the chapter. Through non-payment of rent it had deteriorated68 •

XIII. Vineyard outside Porta Maggiore, 1600-34 Regular renditions of 3 barrels of wine must proceeded to the music and fabric of the basilica from Francesco Radice. These continued until at least

67 ACSMM, lnstrumenta, t. 17, f. 43v-5v; ASR, noto A.C., col. 7074, f. 758r-76Iv; 761v- 764r, Acts of POMPEO VALERII and JULIANUS CORBINUS. A very complex item, best studied in the latter, more complete source. 68 ASR, 30 noto cap. uff. 30, prot. 71, f. lOOr-102v, Acts of ANTONIUS LUCATELLUS, IO-i- 1613. ACSMM, lnstrumenta, t. 20, f. 238r-239r, Acts of PETRUS CATHALONUS, 24-i-1680.

66 1634. Radice had bought the vineyard in 1561. It was situated outside Porta Maggiore69•

XIV. House in via Trivulzio, 1597-1602 In 1602, an isolated payrnent of 15 scudi for a house «alla strada dalli Trivultii» appears in the account book of the rnusie and fabric of the basilica. This refers to the sale of a house «positarn in Urbe in Vieulo nuncupato Trivultio seu de Sabellis» whieh the chapter had rnade to Count Prospero della Genga for 650 scudpo. In 1597 the chapter had received 30 scudi in respect of this house, and the 15 scudi of 1602 seerns to be a residual payrnent.

Summary

This brief survey of the property set aside to finance the rnusie and fabrie of S. Maria Maggiore invites several observations. That several unirnportant properties appeared only on the accounts of 1602 rnay be the result of an unusually exact record in that year, when there were also recorded arnounts frorn the Monti, representing property converted to investrnents, and incorne frorn the sale of various iterns, e.g. the sale of a tabernacle. At tirnes, the canons thernselves seern to have taken a cavalier attitude to occasionaI sources of income, listing these under the heading «crediti incerti». And, as the detailed account for 1623-1628 shows, there was always the possibility of casual disposal of money in the form of gratuities, bribes, repairs and incidental expenses. It is impossible to keep track of a property once it has been converted into an investment in the Monti, since the chapter detailed the changes in the investment in an abstract fashion, as a sum of money divorced from its originai source. The financial base of the cappella musicale, depending on the exploitation of land and property, was essentially the result of two renaissance endowments. What really stands out is the essentially medieval character of these finances. The only modern aspect of the enti re operation, besides conversion of property into interest-bearing Monti, was the deposit of money in the bank. While the rnanner of running the cappella musicale was medieval, this did not provide any cushioning effect against economie change during the

69 ACSMM, Catasto 1622 and Instrumenta, t. 15, f. 26r-28v, Acts of JULIANUS CORBINUS, 12-ix- 1561.

70 ACSMM, Inslrumenla 1_ 20 f. 153r-v, Acts of PETRUS CATHALONUS, lO-xi-1597.

67 period 1545-1646. In fact, the musie of S. Maria Maggiore is a perfect example of what can happen to an archaie organization when faced with new, in this case baroque, conditions. When it became diffieult, because of lack of credit, to raise the lease of Carcaricola, the chapter "refeudalised" its finances by reverting to a system of payment in kind (thus benefitting musicians by increasing revenue from sale of produce), then by conceding shorter leases on smaller plots. All this, whieh has been detected in methods of farming used in England during the depression of 1730-50, was symptomatie of an agricultural decline. The most striking aspect of this de cline at S. Maria Maggiore was the collapse of the lease system in 1622. In generaI terms, it can be argued that at least in the first half of the seventeenth century, cultural investment, in reaction to agrieultural decline and over-investment in real property, favoured the polychoral style in Rome. In the second half of the century, at S. Maria Maggiore, the amount of money spent on festal musie fell. The musie for the feast of S. Idelfonso in 1655 cost 35.50 scudi for four choruses of musicians nevertheless. In 1654 Easter Vespers, a feast to whieh instrumentalists, for some reason, were never called, cost 12.80 scudi, and in 16754.85 scudi. The feast of the Madonna della Neve cost 72.90 scudi in 1654-55, 40.15 scudi in 1675, and 29.70 scudi in 1687. Only the cost of the feast of the Nativity of the Madonna, at 18-20 scudi, remained static throughout the century. Generally, therefore, there was a pronounced tendency to greater thrift as the century wore on, and fewer musicians were being casually employed by the basilica in 1700 than in 1620. In 1674, the chapter decided to reduce the number of regular musicians, and this prudence seems to have been extended to festal musie. The most interesting, because most paradoxieal, period covered in this survey is 1620-1650 when, despite generaI financial crisis, polychoral music continued to be supported regularly at S. Maria Maggiore and elsewhere. It was as if patrons, accustomed to the conspieuous expenditure and flamboyant waste of the late Renaissance, were slow to adapt to new economie circumstances, and only began to cut back on expenditure relatively late, in the second half of the century, when polychoral musie became less spectacular and occurred less often. By 1700, musie at S. Maria Maggiore was different in nature to musie performed there in 1600 or 1650, and it is at least conceivable that this change was related to the basilica's means of financing musie, which in its turn cannot be separated from the Roman, and perhaps European economy in generaI.

68 CHAPTER 3

Musical practice

The basilica of S. Maria Maggiore formed, like all buildings of its type, a perfect acoustical space. The acoustic properties of the basilical type tend to emphasise high pitches at the expense of low but, if music is performed at an appropriate tempo, individuallines in polyphony can be heard quite clearly. The best effects are obtained when musicians are placed behind the triumphal arch, in the apse structure; baroque alterations to this traditional practice, with musicians in galleries at points along the nave, or at the nave crossing, did violence to basilical architecture by altering the balance between sound and space; even in S. Maria Maggiore, as we shall see, both numbers of musicians and position of choirs disturbed the classical balance of earlier times. a. The period 1600-1650

The cappella musicale of Francesco Soriano consisted, as did the chapel founded in 1545, of 4 putti soprani, 2 altos, 2 tenors and 2 basses l . Altos, it is evident from their life-histories2, were young men with broken voices. An organist completed the performing body. Notwithstanding a chapter decree that in the Holy Year of 1600 the number of putti could rise to 63, in practice they never more than 4 and later, in 1602, dropped to 3 between January and July: it appeaL5 the chapter had second thoughts. Soriano's musicians were involved in large-scale performances when, on major feasts, musicians, usually from the Cappella Sistina, were invited to the basilica. Thus in the year of the Jubilee 1600, four singers were paid 15 giulii each for accompanying those of S. Maria Maggiore in procession. Other payments were made to Lodovico Falzotto, who received I scudo for singing at Easter Vespers, 3 scudi and 30 baiocchi each were paid to singers

I ACSMM, Giustificazioni, for 1600. 2 See supra, Chapter I. 3 ACSMM. Decreti, l7-i-1600 (separate piece), f. Ir: «che li Putti che servono alle Messe per tutto l'anno Santo siano sino al numero di sei».

69 who took part in processions on the feast of S. Marco and the feast of the Santissimo Sacramento; 2 scudi were paid to unnamed singers who performed before cardinals who visited the basilica for the Jubilee and various payments went to singers called to the church on its special feasts, those of the Madonna della Neve and Assumption of the Virgin4• Extraordinary duties were required of the musicians of the basilica during the Octave of the Assumption, when the Holy Image (the "Madonna of S1. Luke' ') later called Salus Populi Romani, was exposed in the middle of the basilica. Presumably litanies were sung before it, as a portative organ was transported to the pIace of exposition. Placing singers before a revered article had the added advantage, in those. times of religious zeal, of safeguarding it from thef1. There is but little information on music actually sung on these occasions. For ordinary purposes the musicians needed, of course, liturgical chant books, and on 25 August, 1600, 45 baiocchi were dispensed to pay for a Martyrologium to be used by the putti5• This was used at a Christmas service, when motets were sung at the crib. Further, 9.30 scudi were paid to Gio. Angelo Raffaelli, bookseller in piazza di Pasquino, for 6 Missals printed in Venice6• Another payment, of 1 scudo, was in respect of the binding of a book of Masses by Palestrina, evidently the Second Book oJ Masses, bought the previous year for 2.30 scudi. Palestrina's First Book oJ Masses was bought (to replace the originaI copy?) by the chapter 43 years

4 All these payments from ACSMM Giustificazioni, 1600. Cf. also Ibid., id., Conto del Capitolo di Santa Maria Maggiore: «Per tirare il baldachino in mezo della chiesa e la coltra e staccare la tela del organi e messa in mezzo la chiesa, in tutto scudi 1». According to the Giustificazioni, Girolamo and Pirro took part in 2 processions and were paid 1.20 scudi each, while Annibale and Costantino served in l procession, for which they each received 0.60 scudi, on 18 June, 1600. The same source gives the names of singers who took part in the music for the Madonna della Neve in 1599: Simone contralto of S. Giovanni (in Laterano), 2 putti, one from St Peter's and another belonging to Signor Quintio Solino the nephew of the parish priest of S. Lorenzo (in Damaso), the putti being Gio Battista Fabrino «cantorino in S. Pietro» and Simone Amoroso. For the same feast the following musicians were called, who perhaps made up a chorus under the direction of Paolo Quagliati, who paid them on 22 August, 1599: Oratio falsetto, Lodovico falsetto, Gioseppo tenore, from the papal chapel and Herchole basso of the Cappella Sistina. For Mass and Vespers Gregorio del Violino was called. 5 ACSMM, Ibid., id. The chapter decision to buy a book of Masses by Palestrina: ACSMM, Decreti, 24-iv-1600 (separate piece). Among ACSMM Giustificazioni for 1600 is the following, for 24 June: «Scudi 2: 30 a M. Nicolo Mutij stampatore pel 2 libro di Messe composte dal Palestrina». For the 1643 purchase, see RAELI, op. cit., 1920b, pp. 20-21. Perhaps these replaced worn copies. 6 Payments for liturgical books recurred at intervals throughout the century. E.g., July, 1662 Giustificazioni «per dui Salterii, et un Cantorino scudi 8.50», Ibid., Aprii 1665: «per haver fatto rilegare, et accomodare libri di messe et altri di Musica per il coro scudi 8»; ibid., January 1667; «per un Cantorino scudi 8» etc.

70 later, in 1643. It is possible that with the first purchase the first signs of a cultus around Palestrina (who di ed in 1595) can be detected ; certainly the second purchase is evidence, if it were needed, of the longevity of Palestrina's appeal. Soriano had been a pupil of Palestrina and, in some respects, remained much influenced by his teacher. There are some indications that lower voices of the chorus were replaced by trombones, and higher by cornetti. R. Padre Felisio was paid 50 baiocchi for playing the trombone at Easter Vespers in 1599, when he was a member of a separate chorus of four singers who assisted those of the basilica7• On 29-viii-1601, Francesco Soriano received 4 scudi to pay Marco Trombone and Fabio Cornetto, who served in two feasts of the Madonna della Neve and Assumption in that year8• Thus when bass voices were missing, trombones were called; when a soprano could not be found, a cornetto sufficed. In each case thesewere solo instruments. Trombones, moreover, seem to have been played by ecclesiastics, who presumably taught other ecclesiastics the mysteries of the instrument. In 1605 Paolo Quagliati, the organist, paid 12 scudi to 12 singers who had been called to the Spanish Mass. When these were added to the musicians of the church, four choruses may have been formed. He was paid in addition 12 scudi «per la cordatura del Organo» on the same occasion lO• Vincenzo Ugolini's duties at S. Maria Maggiore included responsibility for the same extraordinary festal occasions as his predecessor. On 30-xii- 1606 Ugolini, lately returned to the service of the basilica, paid 5 scudi to a contralto and a trombonist who had performed in the Christmas festivities

7 ACSMM, Giustificazioni, 21-iv-1599: «Paolo Basso scudi 1 Oratio Griffi scudi 1 Antonio contralto scudi 1 Lodovico falsetto scudi 1 R. Padre felisio Trombone scudi 0,50 lo Maria Corona ho ricevuto per li cantori di Nostro Signore scudi quattro di moneta dico - 4 scudi computatoci misser Ludovico falsetto in detto numero di cantori sopradetti» Cf. also lbid., mandati registrati, I-iii-1599: «A di po di Marzo 1599 Dd uno e b 50 pagati a fra Jollino (Solino?) frate di S.to Marcello per haver sonato il trombone le feste di Natale 1598 per mandato n. I - I. 50». 8lbid., id. . 9Ibid., Giustificazioni, 1605.

IO lbid., Mandati registrati, 1605.

71 and in following years he received payments for the feasts of Easter, Corpus Domini, the Madonna della Neve, the Assumption, the Nativity of the Virgin, S. Bibiana and Christmas. Domenico Allegri is remembered for his introduction of the instrumental ensemble to double-chourus music. He made this innovation in a secular work, Modi quos expositis in choris fecit Dominicus AllegriusRomanus (Roma, 1617), on the title page of which he calls himself musicae praefectus in basilica Liberiana. The text of Allegri's publication was published separately in the same year: llIustrissimo principi Carolo Medici S.R.E. Cardinali Magni Ducis Etruriae fratri Caelestium Orbium Armoniam Dicat Hilarius Frumentius Novocomensis. [A. Part] Dum Theses ex Universa Philosophia eidem Card. Inscriptas publice defendit In Aula Collegi) Romani Societatis Iesu". Allegri set the first four parts of the cosmic text (Latin stanzas celebrating the event, called «Sol», «Saturnus», «Iuppiten>, «Mercurius», «Luna» and «Mars») for two choruses CA TB/CATB and two organs. In full sections he added the rubric «Organum cum duobus Bassis & piena instrumentorumque simphoniae». or «Alterum Organum cum duobus Superiis» to distinguish freely­ accompanied solos. In these, instruments did not merely play,like the trombones and cornetti, colla parte, but concerted with the solo voices. The polychoral concerto element was already present in the double chorus; there was nothing new in this, of course, and Soriano had included a «Dialogo a due Chori» in Canoni et oblighi di cento et dieci sorte sopra l'Ave Maris Stella (Roma: O.B. Roblettum, 1610), following this with 16- voice motets in Psalmi et Mottecta quae octo, duodecim et sexdecim vocibus concinnuntur (Roma: J. Vincenti, 1616). Palestrina and Lassus had led the way in the late sixteenth century. lt is recorded that in 1626 Allegri paid 6.40 scudi for an organ and in strumentai music (<

Il lt has not proved possible to trace an account of the occasion in BA V Avvisi di Roma, but it was by no means uniqlie. Medici was in Florence in 1616, but carne to Rome for this banquet, which shows his appreciation of music: «Domenica il sr Card. de' Medici al suo Giardino della Trinità de Monti banchetta li ssri Card.li dal Monte, Borghese, Muti, Savello, et Orsino, oltre il Prencipe di Sulmona et Duca di Bracciano, qual banchetto fu benissimo servito con ordine et con silentio, et con un apparato belissimo di Trionfi, et Statue di zucaro, butino, et simili fatte col disegno di scultore eccellente, fra li una di Arrigo 4° Re di francia a Cavallo dal naturale et con grandissima quantità di vivande esquisite, et rare come sono hortolani, torti freschi, et vacilli di Cipro, et simili venendo li Gentihuomini, et servi tori de convitati serviti con la medema grandezza et splendore et il dopo pranzo fu passato con honestissimi trattenimenti di suoni, et canti in parte d'alcuni piccoli Instrumenti non più veduti, et d'alcune voci elette che S. S.ria llI.ma ha condotte qua da Firenze» 12 ACSMM, Cappella Musica, Uscita,20-xii-1626.

72 chorus music with instrumental accompaniment was performed on this occasiono Singers, instrumentalists and instruments were called to the basilica for the feasts of the Assumption, Madonna della Neve and Christmas in 1627 13 . The same thing happened in 1628. For Christmas night, 1627, Allegri called this interesting collection of instruments: a violin, a Iute, a theorbo Iute and a cornettol4. At Christmas, a group like this conceivably played by itself, perhaps performing short sinfonie before the crib. The introduction of instruments in churches seems to have gone hand in hand with the introduction of the double chorus in permanence. When the Jesuits decided to institute two choruses in their church of the Gesù, one of the provisions was that instruments - wind instruments, lutes and viols - could be admitted and played by secular musicians l5• This was in 1614, a year before the publication of Giovanni Gabrieli's Symphoniae sacrae in Venice l6• Instrumental participation in the concerto with voices had been sporadically present in large-scale occasions and in secular music; for instance in the Intermedii composed for the marriage of Duke Ferdinand I of Tuscany l7. Thus two types of concertato can be distinguished; firstly, the grandiose mixture of a great variety of instruments and voices (as in the Intermedii and at the Gesù), and secondly, the small independent concerting ensemble, also present in secular music l8• The trend towards solo instrumental participation, which perhaps owed something to Gabrieli, was continued by Paolo Tarditi, who in the preface to his Psalmi Magnificat cum quatuor Antiphonis Ad Vesperas octo vocibus Liber Secundus (Roma, 1620), directed that instruments were supposed to play sometimes solo and sometimes ripieno 19. This publication included fourteen «Salmi a 8. concertati con istrumenti». An innovation which can be located with some accuracy at S. Maria

13 Ibid., Cappella Musicale, Uscita, 1627; Giustificazioni, 1627. 14 ACSMM, Giustificazioni, 2-i-1629, 4.80 scudi pays: «quattro musici, chi la Notte di Natale 1628 servirono nella nostra chiesa con istromenti, cioè con Violino, Cornetto, Leuto, e Tiorba, a ragione di giulii dodici per ciascheduno». 15 ARSI, Rom. 143, f. 490v: «Inter tot autem tiorba, Liuti, Viole, et si quid aliud novi instrumenti exoriatur, eorumque saeculares sonatores, pietatem potius dediscant, et postmodum in suis Ecclesiis eadem libertate, et levitate procedunt». 16 Which includes In ecclesiis benedicite Dominum. 17 D. P. WALKER, ed. Musique des lntermèdes de «La Pellegrina», Paris: CNRS, 1963. 18 E.g. in Paolo Quagliati's Carro di Fedeltà d'Amore (Roma, 1611), which includes music for a violi n or other soprano instrument, and a continuo group of a cembalo, Iute, theorbo Iute «and other instruments».

19 «quali alle volte sonano la lor' parte, & altre volte servono per ripieno» (Alli lettori).

73 Maggiore was the practice of doubling voices in chorus, producing massive effects typical of the Colossal Baroque. As the polychoral style got under way, the interior aspects of basilicas on great festal occasions began to resemble the overcrowed cities, reflecting a century of demographic change, migration from countryside to town, and changes in religious temperature from indifference to urgency (flaming hearts had appeared in Oratorian buildings early in the seventeenth century). According to Pietro Della Valle, it was Paolo Quagliati who introduced the polychoral style involving several choruses - «Messe e Vespri a più chori, non che da più voci insieme» - and Della Valle also detected a new singing style which Quagliati introduced, characterized as «sensuous and graceful»20. A Venetian influence seems to be indicated, doubling choruses and doubling voices, and a new sensuous approach to sound, based on the persuasive affects of sound qualities. This was in the air, so to speak; from this peri od, around 1600, dates the rise of the castrato voice, which was effectively the male alto voice, in falsetto, raised to a new expressive power. Once the Sistine Chapel had begun to include a sufficient number of castrati, the whole festal sound complex at S. Maria Maggiore, where they were regularly invited, must have changed. It is clear that music of vast polychoral dimensions was established in Rome by 1616. Perhaps it followed the lead given by the Jesuits, for it was in their church of the Gesù that on 7-viii-1616 Giacinto Gigli attended the first sung Mass there; evidently the Jesuits' decision to pIace two choruses with instruments in the Gesù had been superseded. A Mass by Francesco Anerio was sung by eight choirs of musicians, an event which according to Gigli was without precedent21 . At that time, as another contemporaneous account mentions22, Anerio was maestro di cappella at S. Maria de' Monti. The performance, it appears, was not an unqualified successo A feature of the architecture of the Gesù is the series of coretti placed between nave pillars. These were intended for dignitari es and members of the Collegio Romano who, once enclosed in the opera-box-like structures, could observe Mass without being observed. Coretti were a speciality of early Baroque church design. Anthony Blunt, describing the design of the Oratory at the Chiesa Nuova, writes:

20 P . KAST, MCC, art. "Quagliati". 21 G. GIGLI, Diario Romano (1608-1670), ed. G. RICIOTTl, Roma: Tuminelli, 1958, p. 37. 22 BAV, Avviso di Roma, Urb. lat. 1084, f. 310v: lO Agosto 1616 Domenica mattina nella chiesa del Giesu parata nobilmente concorse grandissima quantità di popolo per una messa novella cantata dal Sr. Gio. francesco Anerio mastro di cappella della Madonna de Monti, favorita dall'Intervento di tutti gli altri mastri di Cappella,

74 space had to be left ... between the mai n entrance and the oratory for the rooms needed for musicians and for visiting preachers ... a gallery facing the altar, which was required for cardinals and other distinguished visitors who might attend musical performances. (Borromini) left room for a narro w passage behind the altar to allow circulation on the ground floor and room for musicians' galleries at the upper levels 23 . There is a gallery of sorts in Carlo Rainaldi's church of S. Agnese in Piazza Navona; the same architect's S. Maria in Campitelli has large cantorie over side chapels. These were built, however, in 1710, though in Rainaldi's section of the church other coretti, along the sides of the nave as in the Gesù, can be seen and were part of the originaI conception24• The musicians, placed in the coretti as well as in the tribune (near the high altar) , were cramped, and the ensemble, difficult to sustain in polychoral music, was affected. Paolo Quagliati worked with Domenico Allegri at S. Maria Maggiore to produce polychoral music: Quagliati added the new acoustic dimension of ripieno choruses, and Allegri had the timely idea of adding instruments to these. Extra musicians had been needed since the late sixteenth century to take part in processions, when visits to the patriarchal basilicas, St Peter's, S. Paolo fuori le mura, S. Maria Maggiore and S. Giovanni in Laterano, were made. The Counter-Reformation in Rome gave the practice new life. For the procession on the feast of S. Marco, 1613, the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore decided, to give the putti new vestments25 . The attendance of the singers of the Sistine Chapel at feasts in the basilica, where they accompanied the pope, contributed a possible third chorus to the musical body. On 14-viii-1611, for the reception of Cardinal Nazaret al S. Maria Maggiore, a motet for three choruses was performed, et da grandissimo numero di musici delli piu eletti voci di Roma, che cantorno una Compositione di detto Anerio a 8. Chori Inventione nuova che saria stata piu grata et meglio goduta se la situatione dei Chori fosse posta per linea diretta oltre la distanza delli primi quattro propinqui alla Tribuna dall'altri verso la navata della chiesa, et li pilastri posti nelli angoli non havessero forzato li musici a voltarsi le spalli, et in con sequenza impedita l'unione delle voci, onde apparve maggiormente la peritia delli musici, et di quelli che li guidavano non vi essendo sequito errore o dissonanza di di (sic) sorte alcuna. 23 A. BLUNT, Borromini, Harvard U. P., 1979, p. 88.

24 P . F. FERRAIRONI, S. Maria in Campite/li (Le Chiese di Roma Illustrate, 33), Roma, Casa Editrice «Roma», s. d. See also G. EIMER, La Fabbrica di S. Agnese in Navona, 2 vols., Stockholm, 1970.

25 ACSMM, Decreti, 12-iv-1613, f. 30v.

75 followed by a Mass for the same forces 26 o In 1624, for the feast of the Madonna della Neve, Quagliati and Allegri required two extra choruses in addition to the musicians of the basilica, six instrumentalists and a carriage to transport musicianso A similar force was called for Christmas in the same year. For the feast of the Madonna della Neve in 1625, two choruses, each with instruments, were called to the churcho Such unequivocal mixing of voices and instruments in choruses is a very significant documentation of musical practice, since it resolves all doubt concerning in strumentaI participation in polychoral music27 o Quagliati travelled on several occasions to the north in pursuit of his business affairs, and a Venetian influence seems to be impliedo Already, however, a specifically Roman form of the style, always involving choirs of equal tessitura, is present, and the instruments play a conservative role, doubling upper voices and perhaps (there is no bass viol) providing a basso continuo in concerted musico In Rome, the direction of development in polychoral music was to be typically one of expansion through duplicationo This made life easier for composers, who had merely to alter «choro» to «chori» in double-chorus compositions to produce the effect of monumentalism which was the raison d'etre of the Roman polychoral Masso More modern styles were practised in Vespers settings, where papal strictures on styles appropriate for the church were more liberaI. Polychoral Masses were often associated with the glorification of an important ecclesiastico Between them, Allegri and Quagliati instituted at So Maria Maggiore, in the first decade of the seventeenth century, one of the major developments of the peri od - proliferation of choruses and instrumental participation in sacred musico Instruments used were violins, cornetti, lutes, theorbo lutes, and small portative organs besides the principal organ of the basilica o The chittarino makes its appearance in 1625 as a continuo instrument. It is difficult to say when the violone, as a continuo instrument, began to be used, as there are few detailed giustificazioni after 1630, until the series recommences after 1650, and in these the violone does not appear. Musicians were placed on platforms, to raise them above mass congregations so that the liturgy could be more easily perceivedo The practice seems to have been to erect one platform in the apse (the other musicians being placed in the tribune for a second chorus) and, for

26 ACSMM, Decreti, 14oviii-161J, f. 10v-llr: «o •. cantandosi intanto un motetto a tre chori con bonissima Musica, il che finito .. s'incominciò la Messa solenne con Musica a tre chori, che riuscì belissima, et di sodisfatione a tutti». 27 lbid., Giustificazioni, 1625.

76 Christmas, two platforms in the Sistine Chapel in the basilica. On these, musicians and a portative organ were placed28 . A payment from 1632, relating to movements of organs, confirms that a double chorus was established for feasts in the basilica, when musicians were placed in the apse and in the Sistine Chapel. For the former, one extra organ was needed, and for the latter, two extra organs29• The decree of Alexander VII's Apostolic Visit (1656) on the duties of the beneficed clerics of the basilica reveals that the organ was used on the following occasions: on feasts and the vigils of feasts, «cantant Beneficiati S. Mariae Maioris ... cum Organo et cantu figurato», on Rogation days, during the Octave of Corpus Christi, during Holy Week, and on the feast of S. Pudentiana. On these occasions, the organist must have been present. On Saturdays, the clergy «respondere organum», and «cantu figurato cani aliquod mottetum in laudem eiusdem Virginis, quod modernis temporibus pretermittitun>30. The succeeding maestri di cappella, until the end of the century, continued the polychoral practices of Allegri and Quagliati. Thus in 1631, Paolo Tarditi received 27 scudi to pay musicians for the feasts of S. Bibiana and Christmas in the previous year. It is not possible for the peri od just before 1650 to give precise details of the forces involved. b. The Period 1650-1700

The indifferent character of evidence related to musical practice at S. Maria Maggiore before 1650 changes dramatically after that date, when an abundance of giustificazioni allows a more or less detailed account of musical activity to be given. It will be convenient to divide the year by liturgical occasions, and to treat these in the order in which they occurred.

I. Christmas Christmas festivities were Mass, first Vespers, second Vespers on Christmas day, and the feast ofthe Holy lnnocents. In the Holy Year 1650 a procession was added to the number of events. Payments refer to singers and instrumentalists called to the Mass on Christmas Night, and to second Vespers the following day. For Christmas Mass, a number of singers, often forming a first and second chorus, and a select group of instrumentalists were called. The

28 ACSMM, Giustificazioni, 2-i-1632. 29 Ibid., id., 23-xii-1632. 30 ASV, Armadio VII, no, f. 382r.

77 function of the latter may have been to play short sinfonie during the service, as well as to concert with the double chorus. The homogeneous nature of the instrumental groups suggests independent performance. Thus in 1650, 22 singers and instrumentalists were called to the basilica. For the Holy Year the number of choruses was increased to four, and participating instruments were archlute, theorbo, violone (2), cornetto and four violins. Typical of instrumental forces for this occasion at this period is the group found in 1654, of two violins, Iute, violone and virginals. The organ often replaced the virginals as continuo instrument. In 1672 a trombone was added to a group of two violins, violone and organ, and in 1683 a bassoon was added to two violins and organo A payment from 1688 distinguishes between Christmas Night, when three violins, archlute, violone and organ were required, and Vespers the following day, when two violins, archlute and violone were called to the basilica. After 1689 the Iute disappears from the instrumental ensemble, and after about 1665 the number of singers decreased drastically, so that in 1669 Giuseppe Fede, Beneficiary of the basilica, was the only singer to be called, perhaps as a solo soprano, to assist the musicians of the basilica. In that year, Carlo Manelli, Ercole Bernabei (Violin), a violinist called Filippo and a violone player called Michele also assisted. In generai, singers became fewer and more excellent at Christmas Night as the end of the century approached. In 1672, four go od singers, Giuseppe and Giovanni Battista Fede, Carlo, a singer in the service of the Pamphili family, and Giuseppe, a singer from S. Agnese in piazza Navona, were cali ed to the basilica, with an instrumental group comprising two violinists, Benedettini and Girolamo, a trombonist, Cesare, a violone player, Simone and an organist. Giuseppe Fede continued to be called until at least 1696, and received considerable payments, 3 and sometimes 4 scudi, for his services. Second Vespers on Christmas Day was celebrated with four choruses of musicians in 1650, 1654, 1655, and possibly in intervening years unti11673, when eleven singers and an organist were required in addition to the musicians of the basilica. In 1674 the trend towards excellence and fewer musicians noted in Christmas Night festivities becomes noticeable in Second Vespers also; Giuseppe Fede and Francesco Siface were the only extra singers required in 1674 and Fede, favoured by the Archpriest, displaced other singers, with the occasionai exceptions of singers from the Sistine Chapel, in the last years of the century. From occasionai payments to instrumentalists for Christmas Night and Vespers, it may be deduced that instruments, usually violins, were sometimes required at the latter service, though there are example of payments which distinguish between separate groups, and in these payments to instrumentalists for Christmas Vespers are not included.

78 First Vespers on the day preceding Christmas seems to have been celebrated with two choruses of singers without instrumental parti ci patio n other than that of the organo Thus in 1674 Giuseppe Fede is described as organist of the second chorus, and Bastiano, a singer under Bernardo Pasquini (at the Chiesa Nuova) is required to beat time for the second chorus.

Il. S. Ildefansa In January the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore, anxious to impress the Spanish Ambassador and thus the secure the extraction of the Tract of Naples, celebrated the feast of S. Ildefonso, a Spanish saint of the seventh century, in solemnity and at great expense. The number of chourses required for this feast was never less than four (and perhaps this number may be extended to the previous half-century) and occasionally rose to five or six. To each of these choruses was added an instrumental group, whose composition varied. About 1660, two violins and continuo instruments (iute, harpsichord or virginals, and organ) seems to have been normal practice, and a harp was added to the continuo group in 1656-57. Instruments no doubt participated in music for the Mass, as well as second Vespers, since lists survive which call them specifically for each liturgical occasiono A list of payments for 1661, for example, shows four choruses called for second Vespers. In the first chorus (often made up of singers from the Sistine Chapel) were the eunuch Bonaventura Argenti and Mare' Antonio Cesti, who received 3 scudi in payment, while the others, including Domenico del Pane, at that time in the Sistine Chapel, received 1 scudo. Half this amount was paid to instrumentalists - 50, 60 or 80 baiocchi - and violinists were, at 50 baiocchi, the lowest paid. Each chorus has its instrumental group, of two violins and continuo instruments: Iute, archlute, virginals or harpsichord, and organo At the Mass, four choruses of singers were accompanied by Carlo del Violino (Carlo Caproli), Carlo di Pamphili (a violinist), Michelangelo (a theorbo player) and Michele (a violone player). The exact function of the instrumental group is not clear from the list of payments. A list for the «Messa di Spagna» of 1679 includes the first mention of the "Violone Contrabasso», played by one Teodosio. In 1680 a remarkable number of violins were present in the instrumental forces: a total of 13 violins played, with two trombones and continuo instruments. The same predominance of treble instruments is noticeable in the Te Deum of the same year, in which there were 12 violins.

79 A string ensemble, consisting of two violins, violone and contrabass violone becomes the standard instrumental group about 1692 and continues to the end of the century. By this time the use of virginals and harpsichord in the continuo had died out; henceforth the continuo is entrusted to the organo

III. Easter Vespers Vespers of Easter Day was performed at S. Maria Maggiore with the assistance of four choruses of singers and continuo instruments until about 1675, when the performers called to the basilica are drastically reduced. Under Abbatini in 1654, 14 extra singers were called, with Michele, a violone player and three extra organists'. Stamegna called Silvestro Durante, Francesco Tozzi and Matteo, the organist of S. Lorenzo (in Damaso?) to accompany twelve singers of the Sistine Chapel in 1659. In 1675, however, only 5 singers and an organist were called, and in 1689 only the "soprano from Bolsena".

IV. Processions Through public processions the institutions of Counter-Reformation Rome expressed religious solidarity. Traversals of the city, taking in en route sites of particular spiritual interest, in the presence of the pope, had been a feature of Roman life since the Middle Ages. In Jubilee years, at least after the late sixteenth century, public manifestations were on a considerable scale. In 1650, the chapter and its musicians processed around the basilica, singing hymns and antiphons «in cantu figurato» before moving on to the Lateran and the basilica of S. Paolo, where more music was sung31 . Procession regularly took pIace on the feasts of S. Marco and Corpus Domini. These feasts were also marked by the chapters of the Vatican and Lateran basilicas. Usually a few singers were called to the basilica to aid the musicians of the church in singing during processions. The most thorough source of information relating to these comes from 1691, and hinges on the question of whether the Holy Sacrament could be carri ed in procession during a sede vacante, created in this case by the death of Alexander VIII32.

31 ACSMM, Giustificazioni: Cantori e suonatori presi per la Processione della Porta santa primo Vespero per la Notte, per la Messa, e per il secondo Vespero il giorno del Santissimo Natale in S. Maria Maggiore l'anno 1650; Sacrae Praeces Recitandae a Capitulo, & Clero Sacrosanctae Basilicae Sanctae Mariae Maioris de Urbe in Processione ad Quatuor Ecclesias Anno Sancto. Iubilei MDCL, Roma, Ludovico Grignani, 1650, 32 AV, Segreteria del Tribunale, t. IV, f. 216r-217v.

80 The procession during the sede vacante of 1691 took pIace on 14th lune at 12.30 p.m. Matins for Corpus Domini was finished at 10.00 a.m., and followed by the Divine Office to None, and Mass, sung by the musicians in the choir of the basilica. After Mass the procession began; in the forefront was the "Padiglione", preceded by a bell, servants of loeal worthies and shopkeepers, followed by the Archpriest and his attendants, the chapter's crucifix, gentlemen, cavalieri, the musicians, the chapter, and finally the Holy Sacrament carri ed by four Dominican fathers (confessors of the basilica) under the baldachino, attended by four musicians, whose function was to keep the crowd from the devotional object. The musicians continually sang hymns of the lubilee in honour of the Holy Sacrament. The procession left the basilica by the Holy Door, turned to the right, and processed around the basilica, passing by the Pauline (Borghese) chapel. Reentering by the Porta della Nunziata, the procession moved to replace the Sacrament in its chapel, where the musicians sang the last two strophes of the hymn Pange Lingua. The Holy Sacrament was then exposed for the rest of the day until CompIine. The basilica was sumptuosly decorated for the occasion, with damasks and gold cloth, as were, more humbly, the windows of house opposite the Pauline chapel. As the procession passed them, the inhabitants scattered flower petals before it.

V. The Madonna della Neve

By continuing to celebrate the ancient feasts proper to the basilica33 the chapter insured the religious, political and economic status of the institution it served. The feast of the Madonna della Neve commemorated the supposedly miraculous foundation of the originaI basilica, occasioned by an unseasonal fall of snow on the Esquiline. Music was performed at first Vespers, second Vespers, and at Mass. Two choruses of musicians was standard for first Vespers, three to six for second Vespers, and four for Mass. This arrangement was unchanged during the century. The pattern of performance for the feast of the Madonna della Neve parallels that of S. Ildefonso. In 1655, for example, four organs and four harpsichords support four choruses of singers at second Vespers. In 1656, the marking «Doi cimbali» followed by «Cimbalo 2° ch.o» indicates that the harpsichord played with the organ as a continuo instrument. Possibly personal influences, personal preferences for certain instruments, played their part in the selection of the continuo. Bernardo Pasquini, a noted

33 Cf. Supra, Introduction.

81 composer and performer on the harpsichord, usually played that instrument at S. Maria Maggiore. In 1660, the note «suonava il Cimbalo il Sr Bernardo organista della Chiesa Nuova» is found among the Giustificazioni. About 1660, at Mass, four choruses of singers, with harpsichord, violone, virginals and organ in the first chorus is a typical performing arrangement. That the choruses were to some extent divided in space is indicated by the presence of Paolo Olivieri, whose task it is to beat time (he is called «Batteva») and aid the ensemble of musicians. About 1670 this pattern begins to change. The first chorus becomes perhaps a «coro favorito» with instruments. Other choruses have merely continuo instruments. Instruments added to the first chorus are typically two violins, violone and trombone; after 1684 two violins, contrabasso and organ are added. As before, lutes, virginals and harpsichord have disappeared from the continuo group. Inspection of the musicians called about the mid century reveals a complex pattern of patronage, mainly ecclesiastic and aristocratico Patronage was mainly drawn from the nobility, families represented include Colonna, Rospigliosi, Maidalchini, Aldobrandini, Sforza, later Pamphili, alI from were hence supporters of musical establishments of some nature.

VI. The Nativity oj the Madonna Celebrated in September, on the Sunday within the octave of the Nativity of the Madonna, this feast, with music at morning Mass and Vespers, was one of the ancient feasts proper to the basilica. It was celebrated with the assistance of four choruses of musicians throughout the century. An arrangement of «Musici di Cappella» in groups of four in the payment list for 1657 (SATB) suggests four choruses. To these may have been added eight sopranos, two each of altos, tenors, and three basses . from «fuori di Capella». To accompany these, three extra organs, two violins and a theorbo were needed. For the morning Mass in 1654, the following disposition was requir'ed: 1st Chorus: 6 singers, 2 violins, archlute, harp, Iute, harpsichord, violone, organo 2nd Chorus: 6 singers, violin, Iute, organ, harpsichord, organo 3rd Chorus: 5 singers, violin, theorbo, Iute, harpsichord, organo 4th Chorus: 2 or 3 singers, theorbo, violin, harpsichord, organo This pattern was repeated consistent1y for the rest of the century. The harpsichord disappears about 1678, and the contrabasso makes its appearance in 1687, rather late in comparison to other feasts.

82 VII. The election oJ Giulio Rospigliosi to the papacy On 3rd JuIy, 1667, the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore met to discuss arrangements to be made in celebrating the election of a new pope: fuit ordinatum, et resolutum quod pro gratiarum actione assumptionis ad Pontificatum sanctissimi Domini Nostri Clementis olim Julii Cardinalis Rospigliosii, et huius Basilicae Canonici; caneretur solemniter in medio Ecclesiae in altare portatili; Missa ab Emm.o D.no Card.li Archipresbitero cum octo Musicalibus Choris ..... 34 Three days Iater the performance took pIace, after copying work, costing 4 scudi, had been done. An altar was erected, and the eight choruses placed variousIy about the basilica. The music sung was described as «most pleasing»; and in this generalisation may perhaps be detected a reference to music in stile antico, expanded to coIossaI choral dimensions: Eletta per tanto di questo generosissimo Prencipe la Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore per Teatro non solo della sua magnificenza, ma per [ ... ) della sua ricca, e soprabondante osservanza verso il suo Capo Sovrano, deliberò, come Arciprete di essa cantarvi Messa solenne in gratiarum actionem, & in allegrezza della felicissima Assuntione di sua Beatitudine, che fu il giorno di Domenica delli lO. del corrente mese di Luglio 1667 . ... Avanti l'Altare Papale, tra le due Tribune fu eretto un altro Altare, ove havevasi a celebrare dal sudetto Eminentissimo Sig. Arciprete, che fu adornato di ricchissimi candelieri, e croce d'argento, & alla maestà di questa funtione; Intorno poi quasi per corone di cosi superbo apparato, vi si vedevano otto grandissimi Chori da Musica, che con le loro debite distanze compartiti in varii siti si sollevano dal pavimento, e terminavano con simetrica proportione in vaghe, e belissime gelosie, apparati tutti i fianchi, & i corpi di Damaschi, & arazzi pregiatissimi ... 35 Two lists of payments may be cited in order to supplement the account published by Dragondelli. They were made for Giuseppe Fornari,jestarolo at S. Maria Maggiore: 36 l) Conto della Allegrezza Fatta a Sancta Maria Maggiore Per la Incoronatione di N.S. Papa Clemente Nono. Per haver fatto cento e quaranta padelle di mestura servite per acendere dui sere messe in diversi lochi ha Ragione di Baiochi vinticinque luna scudi 35 Per haver sparato in tutte due le sere cinquanta Mortaletti grossi a Ragione di baiochi vinti luno scudi lO Per haver fatto fare dui cento LanternonÌ serviti per acendere in diversi lochi scudi 4

34 ACSMM, Decreti, 3-vii-1667, f. 114r. 35 Feste fatte in Roma Nelli Basiliche di S. Gio: Laterano, e Santa Maria Maggiore il di 26. Giugno, & il di lO. Luglio, & in S. Gio: de' Fiorentini il di 17. detto M.DC.LXVII Per la Creatione di N.S. Papa Clemente IX. Roma, Giacomo Dragondelli, 1667; pp. 1-2.

36 ACSMM, Giustificazioni, 1667 .

83 Per quatro dicine di Candele servite per le dui sere scudi 2 Per portatura di sopra dte Padelle scudi 60 Per portatura di sopra dte Lanternoni scudi 30 Per portatura e riportatura delli Mortaletti scudi 60 Per haver aceso li sopra dti Lanternoni sopra alla tribuna et sopra al tetto et sopra alla facciata della Porta Grande, et haver aceso le sopra dte padelle sopra al Campanile et nelli sopra dti lochi due sere per la dta Incoronatione di N.S. scudi 8 Per haver apparato tutta la Nave di Mezzo con le Coltre et il Coro con li Damaschi novi con il suo Baldachino et haver messo un altro Baldachino in mezzo della Chiesa, et haver adornato tutte le porte con festoni come solito scudi 12 72.50 2) Conto della Allegrezza fatta dalli IlI.mi Sig.ri Canonici di Santa Maria Maggiore Per la Promutione del Em.mo Sig.re Card.le Rospigliosi alli 12 di Xbre 1667. Per haver fatto sessanta padelle di mestura servite dui sere per acendere sopra al Campanile et altri Lochi per la dta Alegrezza a Ragione di Baiochi vinti cinque l'una scudi 15 Per haver sparato cinquanta mortaletti con la polvere del mio due sere scudi lO Per Portatura e riportatura di dti Mortaletti et dte Padelle scudi 40 Per Cinque homini che hanno aceso le dette dui sere le padelle sopra al Campanile et tetti dove Bisogniava . scudi 3 somma 28.40

The choruses were raised from the floor (<

37 J. COSTE, Mesures de longeur et de superficie en usage dans l'agro Romano avant l'introduction du système metrique, unpublished typescript, 1978, gives the metric equiva1ent of the palmo as 0.223426 metres.

84 probably in other Roman chapels, served the dual purpose of raising the musicians into a position favourable to observing the liturgy, and emphasising the social status of singers, especially those of the Sistine Chapel, over the masses who crowded into the basilica. It is difficult to estimate the height of these constructions, since only the dimensions are preserved, and it is perhaps wishful thinking to find in their use a compensation for the lack of galleries (Venetian style) in Roman basilical architecture38 . Nor is it known whether instrumentalists as well as singers were placed upon them.

Conclusion

The complex question of patronage, the network of ties, political and spiritual, which existed between institutions, families and individuals and affected admission or exclusion from performance, and therefore a useful and regular source of income, at festal occasions in S. Maria Maggiore, must be left to future research. The subject is vast, and too little is known of other ecclesiastic musical centres, not to mention private musical establishments, in the seventeenth century to enable even hypotheses to be put forward. It is impossible to say even that the musicians called to the basilica were part of a predominantly resident, or nomadic group of musicians, though preliminary enquiries suggest that there were both types of musicians involved: those who were permanently employed in other churches or by noble families, and those passing through Rome on the way to Foligno, Assisi, Modena, Venice, etc. Whatever the type of musician involved, it is plain that the chapter of S. Maria Maggiore arranged its music according to liturgical occasion: hence performance patterns, especially i'n relative number of choruses present, were perhaps stabilised in the first half of the seventeenth century and certainly continued, with certain modifications, into the 1680s and '90s. Thus instruments (apart from the continuo) were never used at Easter Vespers, while for feasts proper to the basilica polychoral forces with instruments were standard. For these latter feasts, the standard was never allowed to drop, while generally the amount of money spent on festal music during the second half of the centu~y declined. Generally, therefore, there was a pronounced tendency to greater thrift as the century wore on, and fewer musicians were being employed casually by the basilica in 1700 than in 1620. A watershed seems to have been reached in 1674 (see Decreti in Appendix 3) when the chapter decided, for reasons of cost, to reduce the

38 The nearby S. Martino ai Monti possessed several choir galleries (stili in situ) by 1650.

85 growing number of regular musicians. This prudence seems to have been extended to festal music. What alI festal music involving instrumental participation went through was the successive change in type of instrumental ensemble. There have been frequent references to violins and several continuo instruments - Iute, archlute, virginals, harp, and harpsichord as well as organ - being replaced by a string band, at some ti me in the mid-1670s. Papal restrictions on concerted music, made in 1657 and reiterated thereafter, seem to have had little immediate effect at S. Maria Maggiore; rather it is the influence from other forms, opera, oratorio and concerto, which may have stabilised instrumental accompaniment. Alternatively, money, or virtuosi, may have become suddenly scarce, and trimming operations made. It is not possible to tell from the lists of payments the precise function of the instrumental groups. Although the papal restrictions of Piae sollicitudinis (1665) make reference to «symphonies», indicating that instrumental music did play some part in the liturgy, whether it was composed (in which case very little has survived) or improvised, musicians were never paid for performing independently of voices. Moreover, groups are frequently found of heterogenous composition, which obviously replaced voices or added to the choral sonority. Within these broad generaI limits, those of liturgy and probable instrumental participation, several possible methods of performance present themselves, from instruments doubling voices colla parte throughout, to instruments playing alone, from vocal music. The presence of many continuo instruments would favour the former, and the four-part string band the latter intepretation. The most that can safely be said is that in music dating from the period of Domenico Allegri to that of Nicolò Stamegna (perhaps incuding the period of Alessandro Melani) written for the basilica, the addition of several different continuo instruments to each chorus, with perhaps a concentration of instruments in the first chorus, would be in order, and in music for the basilica by Francesco and Antonio Foggia, two violins, violone and contrabasso would be added to the choral forces in performance. On the question of number of voices in chorus, whether these were solo voices or whether voices were doubled in each part, there is little that can be said with any certainty before ca. 1660. But around this date the double quarte t SSAATTBB, with instrumental support, is common enough for the suggestion to be made that this was the standard choral medium at this ti me (see Appendix 5a, «Mass and second Vespers before the Spanish Ambassadors, 1661», in which the first and third choirs are double quartets with instruments, the second choir is SATBB with instruments,

86 and the fourth choir, apparently composed entirely of instruments, was added to the double quartet of the basilica's choir). Owing to the nature of the documents, which name singers from other churches, it is difficult to be precise about tessitura. A typical illustration of the problem is represented by Appendix 5b, «List of Musicians for the Feast of the Madonna della Neve, 1678». What may be a double quartet supported by instruments (violone, organ, and Iute) appears in the first part of the list as the «Primo Choro». If Carlo Brincoli (or Broncoli) was a soprano, the second chorus would be SSSATB, a tessitura which appears with some regularity. Perhaps the basilica's musicians were added to the third and, at Vespers, to the fourth choruses, both of which appear to be seriously lacking in musicians. On the other hand, Appendix 5c, «List of the Musicians for the Feast of the Madonna della Neve, 1679» shows perhaps four choruses (if to the three organs mentioned was added the organ of the basilica), with apparently A TB solo voices in each and a concentration of soprano voices that would be considered normal in, for instance, a chorus required to sing polyphonic music in five parts. Thus double quartets, choirs of solo voices, and choirs with in strumentai support were all present at one time or another, with possibly the double quartet with instruments taking precedence, in the late 1650s and 1660s.

87

APPENDIX l

Paul III's Bull of Dismembration and Application, 19-vi-1545. Text: BA V, fondo S. Maggiore, Cart. 75, no. 276 (pergamene); Punctuation: ASV, Reg. Vat. 1697, f. 7r-8v.

Paulus Episcopus Servus Servorum Dei. Ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Exigit incumbentis no bis apostolicae servitutis officium ut circa quarumlibet presertim Alme Urbis ecclesiarum, ac personarum in illis divinis laudibus insistentium statum prospere dirigendum, operosis studiis intendentes in hiis, per que dictarum ecclesiarum et illarum fabricarum reparationi decori et ornamento ac inibi divinas laudes decantantium subventioni, nec non divini cultus augmento consulatur, juxta* vigilantie partes propensius impartiamur, aliasque desuper disponamus, prout in domino conspicimus salubriter expedire. Sane cum sicut dilectus filius Guido Ascanius Sfortia Sancti Eustachii Diaconus Cardinalis de Sancta Flora nuncupatus Camerarius noster, qui Archipresbiteratum ecclesie beate Marie Majoris eiusdem Urbis ex dispensatione apostolica obtinet, nobis nuper exposuit, fructus redditus et proventus fabrice ipsius ecclesie adeo tenues existant, ut ad illius reparationem et manutentionem non sufficiant, Si omnes et singuli Sanctae Potentianae et Sanctae Euphemiae ecclesiarum etiam de Urbe et illis forsan annexorum fructus redditus et proventus dudum eidem Archipresbesbiteratui apostolica auctoritate perpetuo applicati et appropriati ab eodem Archipresbiteratu separarentur, et dismembrarentur, ac ecclesiae beatae Mariae et illius fabricae huiusmodi in reparationem et manutentionem ac decus et ornamentum ejusdem ecclesie, ac divini cultus in ea augmentum, necnon manutentionem Cantorum et puerorum inibi divinas laudes altissimo decantantium per dilectos filios Capitulum et Canonicos dictae Ecclesie Beatae Mariae convertendi perpetuo applicarentur, et appropriarentur, profecto ipsius ecclesiae Beatae Mariae decori et ornamento ac utilitati et necessatibus opportune provideretur, cultusque divinis nonsolum in ea manteneretur, sed etiam non modicum susciperet incrementum. Quare idem Guido Ascanius Cardinalis et Camerarius supplicavit, et praefati Capitulum nobis humiliter supplicari fecerunt ut omnes et singulos fructus redditus et proventus huiusmodi, qui Trecentorum ducatorum auri de Camera secundum communem extimationem valorem annuum, ut Guido Ascanius Cardinalis et Camerarius, ac Capitulum praefati asserunt, non excedunt, ab eodem Archipresbiteratu separare et dismembrare, aliasque in praemissis opportune providere de benignitate apostolica dignaremur. Nos igitur qui dudum inter alia volumus, quod petentes beneficia ecclesiastica aliis uniri, tenerentur exprimere verum annuum valorem secundum extimationem praedictam etiam beneficii, cui aliud uniri peteretur, Alioquim unio non valeret, et semper in unionibus commissio fieret ad partes vocatis quorum interesset; Canonicos et Capitulum praefatos et eorum singulos a quibusvis excommunicationis suspensionis et interdicti, aliisque ecclesiasticis sententiis censuris et poenis, a jure vel ab homine quavis occasione vel causa latis, si quibus quomodolibet innodati existunt ad effectum praesentium duntaxat consequendum, harum serie absolventes, et absolutos fore censentes, necnon fructuum redditum et proventuum ecclesiae beatae Mariae et fabricae praedictarum veros annuos valores praesentibus pro expressis habentes huiusmodi supplicationibus inclinati Omnes et singulos fructus redditus et proventus applicatos huiusmodi ab eodem Archipresbiteratu apostolica auctoritate tenore praesentium ipsius Guidonii Ascanii

89 Cardinalis et Camerarii ad hoc expresso accedente consensu perpetuo separamus, et dismembramus, ac ecclesiae beatae Mariae et fabricae praedictis pro reparatione decore et ornamento, ac illius et Cantorum, necnon puerorum inibi divinas laudes decantatium manutentione, divinisque cultus augmento perpetuo applicamus et appropriamus. Ita quod liceat Capitulo et Canonicis praefatis per se vel alium seu alios omnes et singulos fructus redditus et proventus Sanctae Potentianae et Sanctae Eufemiae ecclesiarum et annexorum eorumdem propria auctoritate libere percipere, et perpetuo retinere, Illosque in reparationem, et manutentionem, decus, et ornamentum, necnon utilitatem ecclesiae beatae Mariae et fabricae, ac Cantorum et puerorum predictorum manutentionem et alios eis benevisos usus convertere cujusvis licentia super hoc minime requisita. Non obstantibus praemissis, ac voluntate nostra praedicta, necnon Lateranenis Concilii novissime celebrati uniones perpetuas, nisi in casi bus a jure permissis fieri prohibentis, et quibusvis aliis Constitutionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis, ac dictae ecclesiae beatae Mariae juramento, confirmatione apostolica, ve! quavis firmitate alia roboratis statutis et consuetudinibus contrarios quibuscumque. Volumus autem quod dictus Archipresbiteratus debitis propterea non fraudetur obsequiis, et animarum cura in eo, si qua illi immineat, nullatenus negligantur, sed eius congrue supportentur onera consueta. Et in super ex nunc irritum decernimus et inane sisecus super hiis a quoquam quavis auctoritate scienter ve! ignoranter contigerit attemptari. Nulli ergo omnio hominum liceat hanc paginam nostrae absolutionis, separationis, dismembrationis, applicationis, appropriationis, voluntatis, et decreti infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit indignationem omnipotentis Dei, ac beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurm. Datum Romae apud Sanctum Marcum Anno Incarnationis Dominicae Millesimo quingentesimo quadragesimo quinto Tertio decimo Kalendas Julii Pontificatus nostri Anno Undecimo.

Joannes Barengus L. de Torres L. Sauli Federicus card. Cesius

Nel/'attengato: Anno a Nativitate Domini Millesimo quingentesimo quadragesimo quinto die vigesima nona mensis julii Rev.mus Rev.mus IIl.mus Dominus Guido Ascanius Cardinalis Camerarius ut Archipresbyter separationi et dismenbrationi ac applicationi retributionum et Iiterarum expeditioni presens et sponte consensit. Michelangelus registrata apud secretariam brevium

90 APPENDIX 2

Miscellanea della Cappella Musica, I, Regolamenti I-II

In primis che debbiano li Cantori offitiare et cantare intelligibilmente puntualmente, et con ogni diligenza li divini offitii, massime nel salmeggiare servino il ponto in mezzo del verso del salmo facendo differenza tra li giorni feriali, et festivi ... Item che nelli giorni feriali li Cantori si debbano ritrovare in Choro all'himno del Matutino della Madonna sotto pena di perdere ogni volta doi baiocchi. Item se nelli medesimi giorni feriali non si trovaranno presenti al principio del Matutino della Madonna sotto pena di perdere ogni volta doi baiocchi. Item se nelli medesimi giorni feriali non si trovamo presenti al principio Matutino del Signore perdino un baioccho, al hinno doi baiocchi, et al terzo salmo baiocchi quattro. Item che non sarà presente all'himno di prima perda un baioccho. Item chi non sarà presente all'himno di Terza perda un baioccho. Item chi non si trova presente al hinno de Sesta perda un baioccho. Item chi non si trovarà presente all'Introito della Messa Conventuale cantata perda baiocchi cinque. Item chi non si trovarà presente al principio di Nona perda un baioccho. Item chi non sarà presente al primo salmo del Ves pero della Madonna perda baiocchi doi, et chi non si trovarà presente al primo Salmo del Vespero del Signore perda baiocchi quattro. Item chi non si trovarà presente al principio della Compieta perda doi baiocchi. Nel tempo della Quaresima perda baiocchi cinque, et quando nella Chiesa vi è la statione della Quaresima perda baiocchi dieci. Item nelli giorni festivi, nelli giorni di statione della nostra Chiesa, et tutti li communi alli Signori Canonici, li cantori debbano trovarsi presenti a tutte l'hore . canoniche, et divini officii, come di sopra, et chi mancarà sia puntato et perda al doppio di quello, che si è stabilito nelli giorni feriali. Item che li giorni delle feste, et communi delli Signori Canonici non possa alcun cantore pigliar si il giorno vacante, che se gli permette, chi contrafarà perda baiocchi venti per volta. Item che non possino senza licenza delli Signori Canonici deputati sopra la Cappella lasciare la Chiesa per andare a servire altre Chiese, et Lochi, massime li giorni festivi, et principalmente nelle feste di nostra chiesa soto pena d'uno scudo per ciascuna volta. Item quando si fanno le processioni generali, et altre proprie del nostro Capitolo tutti debbano essere presenti sotto pena di, perdere uno scudo per ciascheduna persona. Item chi andarà con altra processione senza licenza lasciando la nostra perda giulii quindici per volta. Item quando alcuno venisse tardi all'offitio, et hore canoniche debba ogni volta presentarsi, et stare in Choro sin' al fine, altrimente perda il doppio della puntatura di quell'hore, ne s'intenda alcuno esser presente, se non stà dal principio sin' al fine di ciaschedun'hora, et offitio divino. Item che quando alcuno de Cantori sarà indisposto, cioé amalato debba andare a far la scusa al Mastro di Cappella; altrimente sarà sempre puntato, et risanato che

91 sia debba subito presentarsi al servitio di nostra Chiesa, altrimente se sarà visto per Roma perda il triplicato. Item che niun Cantore possa servire del suo giorno della settimana a qualsivoglia altro cantore, se non a quelli della parte sua, cioé basso per basso, Tenore per Tenore, Contralto per Contralto. Item che niuno de Cantori si possa partire di Chiesa mentre durano gl'offitii divini senza licenza delli SSri Canonici Prefetti della Cappella, o uno di essi, et in loro absenza del più vecchio Canonico, che si trovarà presente al servitio, al quale si deve obedire in tutto, e per tutto come alli SSri Prefetti della Cappella con avvisare il Mastro di Cappella di tal licenza, acciò sappia chi mancarà altrimenti absente perda mezzo scudo.

92 APPENDIX 3

Chapter decrees concerning music

Note: In the extracts which follow, the orthography of the originaI has been respected. Where contractions and abbreviations have been expanded, the additional letters are preceded by a full stop and placed in brackets. Where the meaning of the contraction or abbreviation is obvious, or in doubt, it has been left as it stands in the originaI. No attempt has been made to moderni se spelling or punctuation. Differences in usage also occur among those who recorded the decrees. [Decreta anno 1600] (separate piece) 17-i-I600, f. lr: che li Putti chi servono alle Messe per tutto l'anno Santo siano sino al numero di sei. Decreta Capituli, et Canonicorum Basilicae S. tae Mariae Majoris De Urbe Anno MDCVI 30-i-I606, f. 46v: Ob admissionem Rev. Caroli Vanni Tenoris et punctatoris in Cappellam pontificiam, substituerunt eius loco in officio punctatoris Rev. M. Ant. Pichinesium Nostrae Basilicae clericum. Martium Valineum Urbinatem et Camillum de Comitibus Aglanum musicos tenores pro serviti o Cappellae receperunt et D. Bartholomeum a' Porta mandarunt, ut iis mercedem menstruam scutorum septem pro unoquoque polliceatur. Quoniam Magister Cappellae diuturno morbo impeditus non potest suum officium exercere, elegerunt Rev. Dominicum Patalonium Cappellanum Toletanum qui interim per modum provisionis pueros Cappellae musicae doceat cum mercede menstrua 2. aut 3 scutorum. Dimiserunt ex Cappella Reverendum Patrem fratrem Franciscum Petrobellum ordinis servorum, qui bassus canebat, et eius loco receperunt Reverendum federicum Donatum Cappellanum Toletanum, modo in serviti o ecclesiae velit stabilis perseverare. Id., 13-iii-I606, f. 52r: Lamentationes Hieremiae prophetae in solemni officio maioris hebdomadae non a toto cantantium choro, sed unica pueri voce recitandas. Ibid., id.: Pro die Sancto Paschatis ad vesperas ratione stationis advocandos esse iuxta consuetudinem quattuor alios cantores, videlicet unum pro qualibet parte. Id., 18-iii-I606, f. 53v: Quoniam ad Capitulum relatum est Magistrum Cappellae aut in pueros curam, et disciplinam minus invigilare, aut durius cum ipsis agere, quam oporteat, Deputavit Dominum Joannem Antonium fliscum, et Dominum Bartholomaeum a' Porta, qui illum pro hac vice de his rebus admoneant ne in posterum novum aliquod inconveniens succedat. Id., lO-iv-I606, f. 57v: Accersendos esse septem cantores externos in die Sancti Marci ad processionem Litaniarum maiorum.

93 Id., 17-iv-1606, f. 58v: Permiserunt Vincentio Ugolino Magistro Cappellae ut ad confirmandas vires possit per totum mensem Maium proxime sequentem Roma abesse et Rev. Dominicum Patalonium Cappellanum Toletanum substituerunt, qui in eius absentia puerorum curam gerat, cui quidquid pro mercede debebitur, ex consuetis ipsius Magistri Cappellae fructibus detrahatur. Id., 24-iv-1606, f. 59r: Declararunt ex mercede menstrua scutorum viginti trium, quae dantur Magistro Cappellae, scuta novem illi dari pro eius mercede, reliqua vero scuta 14 dari pro victu quattuor puerorum ad rationem trium scutorum cum dimidio pro quolibet puero: con enim antea pro illis alendis non nisi scuta tria, sostituta essent, additum deinde est scuti dimidium pro singulis, ut Magister posset hoc onus commodius sustinere. Decreveruntque ut in posterum in libros expensarum iuxta hoc decretum, huiusmodi mercedis solutiones referrentur. Id., 12-vi-1606, f. 65v: Investigetur per Rev.D. Joannem Antonium fliscum Musicae Praefectum, an aliquis Rev. Pater sanctae Praxedis Pueros Cappellae edocendi onus assumere velit, cum Rev. Franciscus Parisius Magister non sit frequens, et in eorum eruditione minime laboret. Id., 19-vi-1606, f. 66r: Adscribatur in numerum Musicorum Ecclesiae Pompeius Lascus Contraltus, cui menstrua merces scutorum septem monetae constituatur. Ibid., id., f. 66v: Investigetur, an aliquis sit doctrina, virtute ac moribus insignis, que munere Magistri Cappellae Ecclesiae nostrae fungi cupiat, ut, si fieri potest, Puerorum incommodis consulatur. Cum R. Dominicus Patalonius cupiat recedere ab administratione Puerorum, simulque etiam a munere illos edocendi Musicam, scribatur D. Vincentio Ugolino Cappellae Magistro Capitulum decrevisse, ut facile inveniatur alter Vir aptior, et eruditior, qui id munus eo absente diligenter exequatur. integram suam mercede illi tribuere. Id., 1O-vii-1606, f. 67v: Inquiratur per Rev.D. Joannem fliscum Musicae Praefectum aliquis doctrina, et moribus excellens, qui omni studio, ac diligentia ad Pueros Cappellae Grammaticam educendos frequens accedat. id., 24-vii-1606, f. 68v: RR.DD. Lelius Pasqualinus, et Odoardus Santarellus cognoscant de doctrina, vita ac moribus Magistri Cappellae firmanae. Id., 7-viii-1606, f. 69v: Retulit R.D. Joannes Antonius fliscus Musicae Praefectus Pueros Cappellae Non solum non proficere in scientiis, verum etiam immodestos, et licentiores evadere, ideo RR. DD. Canonici, ne suo desint officio, tribuerunt illi auctoritatem dictis Pueris per modum provisionis prospiciendi de Magistris tam Musicae, quam Grammaticae, qui in eorum eruditione frequenter, et diligenter versentur. Id., 21-viii-1606, f. 7Ov: Cum non possit ex pecuniis minutis, et vulgo fertur, solvi debita merces cantori bus , qui inservierunt nostrae Basilicae in festis Beatae Mariae ad Nives, et Assumptionis eiusdem Virginis Mariae, sumantur ex argentaria Illustris D. Vincentii Justiniam Depositarii, dictisque Cantoribus quam primum numerentur ut opportune vocari possint pro die festo Nativitatis Beatae Mariae Virginis, quo

94 Missam Solemnem pro salutem Regis Hispaniarum decantari a RR. DD. Canonicis decretum fuit. Id., 4-ix-1606, f. 71v: Cuidam Pauperi, qui Ecclesiae servivit, et servit in extollendo folles Organi, detur scutum unum. Id., 18-ix-1606, f. 72v: Camillo de Comitibus nostrae Cappellae tenori petenti facultatem proficiscendi Amiternum spatio viginti dierum circiter, concedendum annuerunt RR. DD. Canonici. Cum vox Joannis Baptistae Pueri cantoris non sit canora, et suavis, ut est necesse, immo potius aures audientium offendat, et sic frustra terat tempus in discendo Musicae scientiam, decreverunt RR. DD. Canonici, et mandarunt R. D. Joanni Antonio flisco, ut illum dimittat, Patri consignando. et Pietatis causa ei donet scuta sex monetae. (f. 73r) Camillo de Comitibus nostrae Cappellae Tenori, cui superiori Capitulo concessum est viginti dierum spatio circiter abesse ab Urbe, petenti mercedem praesentis Mensis, tribuatur, dummodo Rev. D. Bartholomeus a Porta camerarius de illius reditu certus sit. Id., 16-x-1606, f. 74v: Ut Natalis Puer Cappellae in Seminarium Romanum. Acta, et Decreti Capituli, et Canonicorum Basilicae Santae Mariae Maioris registrata per me Marcellum de Vitellensibus eiusdem Basilicae Canonicum et Secretarium surrogatum in locum Rmi Domini Mutii Cinquini Episcopi A vellinensis et Frigentini praeconizati a Smo Dno nostro Dno Paulo Papa V. in Concistorio habito Monte Quirinali die lO Junii anni 1609 &c. Id., 22-ix-I609, f. 88v: Decrevit Donari Lucretiae Matri Francisci, et Lucae Angeli puerorum cantorum nostrae Cappellae pro elemosina rubrum unum frumenti. Id., 29-xi-1609, f. 91v: Decrevit ex nunc tradi licentiam D. Vincentio Magistro Cappellae iustis de causis Capitulum moventibus, et RR. DD. Lelio Pasqualino, et Marcello Arberino mandavit curam inveniendi alium magistrum Cappellae idoneum et proponendi eum, ut a Capitulo approbetur. Id., 12-i-161O, f. 97v: Vacante loco Magistri Cappellae recepit in Bassum Rev. Federicum Donatum, ut cum solita mercede alias illi a Canonicis tributa canat durante Magistri Cappellae vacatione. Id. 9-ii-161O, f. 101r: Cum Paulus Tardita electus Cappellae Magister infirmitatem sui corporis excusaverit et ob id ei officio imparem se dixerit: In magistrum Cappellae electus est Robertus e Flandria ad praesens magister Cappellae Reate in ecclesia Cathedrali, de cuius scientia, et diligentia Capitulum Ecclesiae satisfacturum sperat. Id., 3-iv-161O, f. 107v: Cum magistri Cappellae hactenus electi vel infirmitate vel absentia impediti servitium ecclesiae praestare non possint, eligerunt Dominicum de Alegris in magistrum qui peractis festis Paschatis in Ecclesiam S.ae Mariae Transtyberim, cui modo inservit, nostrae Basilicae servitium aggrediatur. Id., 20-iv-161O, f. 108v: Recipiatur in musicum ecclesiae Philippus qui tenoris vocem in Tempio S.ae Mariae Lauretanae deservit. Id., 4-v-161O, f. IlOr:

95 Auferatur ad mercedem Eunuchi cantoris scuti dimidium, quod illi praeter conventum praemium, a Capitulo tribuitur, quod ecclesia servitium negligat. Id., 28-vi-1610, f. 116r: Philippum Simonettam tenorem absentem ad servitium Cappellae recepit, modo durante vacationum estivarum tempore Roman redeat. Ibid., id., f. 116v: Ut Magister Cappellae sororem uxoratam ad cohabitandum accersat, quae puerorum cantorum curam gerat, Domum Canonicalem Rev. Dni Odoardi Sanctarelli Ecclesiae coniunctam, tamquam ampliorem, commodioremque in locationem accipere decrevit pro pensione annua scutorum 40; ex quibus 30: a Capitulo re1iqua decem ab ipso magistro de suis pecuniis persolvantur. Id., 6-ix-161O, f. 122r: Matri duorum puerorum cantorum infirmae unum frumenti modium in elemosinam detur. Id., 4-x-161O, f. 123r: Accipiantur duo pueri pro cantori bus facta obligatione per parentes quod voce durante ab Ecclesiae serviti o non recedent. Id., 30-x-161O, f. 125r: Rev. Federicus Donatus excusavit se a die 9 usque ad 25 octobris propter infirmatatem, et ita iuravit. Ibid., 7-i-1611, p. 1: Si fece l'obligo tra il Capitolo e lo. Bapt.a Marsilies padre di un putto preso per cantare cioé Domenico. che il Capitolo lo tenga per imparare, finché sia buono per cantare et il Padre non lo possa ripigliare. Id., 4-iii-1611, p. 4: Il putto cantore piu piccolo si mandi via per esser impedito di lingua et per essere sopra il numero solito da tenersi dalla chiesa. Id., 25-vii-1611, p. 9: Havuta notitia dell'eccesso fatto da Domenico Granos uno dei Cappellani Toletani, et da Don Benedetto monaco Cantore di detta Chiesa, et dello scandalo publico, per haver fatto a pugni con le cotte in Chiesa il Capitolo decretò, che si desse licenza a Don Benedetto cantore et a Domenico Grano Cappellano se li facesse un precetto di non escire di casa per due mesi, et l'interdetto di non venire in Chiesa, et la suspensione a celebratione Missarum et perceptione fructuum per detti due mesi, et fu fatto per li atti del Catalone. Id., 29-vii-1611, p. 9: Che si mandi via Eleuterio tenore. Id., 9-viii-1611, p. 9: Su le due hore di notte passò a miglior vita l'Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo S.r Cardinale Domenico Pinelli nostro Archiprete et alli Il fu portato da Santo Andrea della Valle a sepellire a Santa Maria Maggiore con pompa solennissima accompagnato da tutto il Choro di detta Chiesa. Id., 14-viii-1611, p. 10-11: cantandosi in tanto un motetto a tre chori con bonissima Musica, il che finito ... s'incominciò la messa solenne con Musica a tre chori, che riuscì bellissima, et di sodisfatione a tutti. Id., 30-xii-1611, f. 13r: Che si dia licenza a Messer Federico Donati, Basso, a M. Costantino Coltralto, et alli due Tenori.

96 1612 Id., 2-iii-1612, p. 15: Che si diano scudi venti Moneta pro una vice a ..... padre di ..... putto, acciò l'oblighi per la Cappella mentre dura la voce, et quelli se gli dano perché il putto sa cantare. Id., 18-iii-1612, p. 17: Fu dato anco il possesso del Chiericato vacato per morte di Messer Pietro Martire de Rossi a Cesare Torrone cantore soprano della nostra Cappella conferito gli dal Signor Gio. Battista Vedallino Canonico hebdomadario, Locatello notaro del Vicario. Id., ll-v-1612, p. 19: Si è data licenza a me Marcello Vitelleschi di potere portare in camera li libri manuscritti e stampati che sono in Archivio, con questo che ne facci nota nel libro accomodatorum e li riporti poi me ne sarò servito all' Archivio. 1613 Id., l-ii-1613, p. 27: Che si diano anche li dodeci scudi come si è trattato dal Sig. Santarello per terminare la liti et quietare quello, che ha insegnato musica al soprano ultimamente pigliato per serviti o della nostra Cappella. Id., 15-iii-1613, p. 29: Che per la festa di Pasqua di Resurretione prossima si piglino tre voci di piu per aiuto della nostra musica et servitio della nostra Chiesa nel detto giorno. Id., 12-iv-1613, p. 30: Che si vestano di nuovo li putti della nostra Cappella. Ibid., id: Che si piglino musici forastieri uno per parti per la processione di San Marco prossima. Ibid., id.: Che si prestino cinquanta scudi a Messer Giulio basso della nostra Chiesa con obligo che li restituisca delle sue paghi a cinque scudi per mese. Id., 24-v-1613, p. 32: Che il sig.r Alberino Maestro di Cappella proveda di cantori pochi et buoni per le feste d'Agosto, et settembre prossime per serviti o della nostra Chiesa. Id., 31-v-1613; p. 32: Che si pigli per servitio della nostra Cappella di Santa Maria Maggiore il basso di Santo Spiirito con provisione di scudi otto al mese. Id., 21-vi-1613, p. 33: Che il Signor Cinquino, et Arberino piglino il pensiero et la cura di far fare li cotti chi bisognano per li chierici della sacristia, et putti della cappella della nostra musica. Id., 28-vi-1613, p. 34r: Il capitolo ha decretato che al fine del presente mese di Giugno si cominci a ritenere della paga che si deve al Maestro di Cappella, cinque scudi al mese fino alla somma di trenta scudi per pagare il residuo del fitto della casa dove lui habita al Sig. Santarelli. Id., 30-viii-1613, p. 36: Che a Thomassino contralto della nostra Cappella si gli dia uno scudo di piu di provisione, che sarà in tutto scudi otto al mese.

97 Id., 15-xi-1613, p. 39: Il Capitolo ha resoluto che si parli al padre prefetto delle scole pie per levar francesco di casa del Maestro di Cappella non potendo piiI senqre alla nostra Chiesa per Soprano, per trovargli qualche partito, o, ripiego et di aiutarlo et sovernirlo ancora per doi mesi di piu dove detto francesco sarà di quanto gli farà bisogno come esso Capitolo per charità ha fatto per molti mesi passati, che non ha servito per soprano. 1614 . Id., 23-v-1614, p. 49: Si è preso per soprano della nostra Cappella francesco figliolo di Andrea de Mattheo Ceri da Parma, sin che li durerà la voce di soprano. Id., 14-xi-1614, p. 55 : Che Cesare Putto della nostra Cappella per havere perso gia molto tempo la voce de soprano, se licentij, et se mandi a casa sua, et serva per contralto della nostra Cappella, sin che sodisfarrà al nostro Capitulo la sua voce di contralto, con assegnarli de provisione scudi quattro il mese. 1615 Id., 9-i-1615, p. 59: Che il Sig.r frumenti possa spendere vinti cinque scudi per servitio delli putti della Cappella in tanta biancaria, et non piiI et si passarà detta somma debba andare a sue spese et non del Capitolo. Id., 30-i-1615, p. 62: Che il Maestro di Cappella tenghi un mese appresso di se il soprano eunuco figliolo del musico Napolitano per fare prova della sua voce si satà bona et riuscibile per servitio della nostra Cappella. Id., 30-iv-1615, p. 68 : Che il Maestro di Cappella anticipatamente proveda de cantori, che bisognano per la processione del Santissimo Sacramento et festa della Neve, conforme alla provisione, che fu fatta l'anno passato per detti giorni. Id., 8-v-165, p. 68 : Che si pigli per servitio della nostra Cappella il soprano che ultimamente si è provato in Capitolo. Id., 15-v-1615, p. 69: fu fatto l'instrumento dell'obligo dal Padre, et Madre di Michelangelo soprano pigliato ultimamente per servitio della nostra Cappella.

1618 Id., 23-iii-1618, p. 109: Che ad Antonio cantore si faccia un ferraiolo novo. Id., 30-iii-1618, p. 110: Deliberarono che si pigliasse Antonio Buttafoco contralto per scudi otto il mese da cominciare il Primo di Aprile. Id., 6-iv-1618, p. 110: fu preso per tenore a sette scudi il mese Balthassar ... Cominciò Uprimo d'aprile 1618.

98 Id., 27-iv-1618, p. 111: Che si pigli un maestro di grammatica per gli putti della Capella della musica con provisione di venti quattro scudi l'anno ad effetto che commodamente le possa insegnare in Casa. Id., 15-vi-1618, p. 113: fu deliberato che ad Antonio Buttafoco contralto si prestino ventiquattro scudi anticipati et retinergli questi primi mesi che currano. 1619 Id., 18-i-1619, p. 129: Che si faccia sicurtà per don Giacomo Contralto per quindici scudi al mercante che gli darà per far un farraiolo per rimborsarsene a tanto per mese. Id., 8-iii-1619, p. 133: Che si dia licenza al maestro di scuola de putti della Cappella et in luogo si pigli Don Camillo Maestro del nipote di Monsignor Santarelli. Id., 1O-v-1619, p. 136: Che si dia licenza a Don Giacomo Contralto finito il presente mese di Maggio 1619. et in suo loco per adesso supplisca francesco grande che comincia a perdere la voce di soprano. Id., 25-v-1619, p. 136: fu deliberato che delli 800 agnus dei benedetti che si sono havuto da Palazzo si distribuischino fra tutto il clero e tutti di chiesa fino fra Cantori e mansionari non che fra Cappellani. Id., 14-vi-1619, p. 137: fu ratificato l'instrumento dell'accetatione di Giovanni putto Castrato per la Cappella della musica per dieci anni per soprano. Id., 30-viii-1619, p. 138: fu deliberato che si pigliasse il putto castrato proposto dal Sig. Giovanni Battista Zandi con conditione che si provi per un'anno se egli riesce, in evento che non riesca il Capitolo lo possa licentiare. Riuscendo si intenda cominciar da quel tempo per servir dodici anni avvenire per soprano. Id., 8-xi-1619, p. 141: Che si vestini tutti i putti della Capella e quelli della sacristia in modo che a Natale siano vestiti.

1620 Id., 3-i-1620, p. 152: fu deliberato s'accrescessero cinque giulii il mese di piu a ..... Basso che compresi i scudi haverà 7 il mese. Id., 24-iv-1620, p. 156: Che per l'avvenire non si pigli mai per contralto i putti soprani quando perdono la voce; ma pi6 presto si tollerino per soprani due mesi di pi6. Ibid., id: Che si dica a francesco già soprano hora contralto che si proveda che gli dia tempo per tutto il mese di Maggio. et in tanto si pigli un nuovo contralto. Id., 23-x-1620, p. 164: Al Contralto nuovo si dia una mesata anticipata da ritenersi a tanto il mese piti che sia scontato.

99 1621 Id., 5-ii-1621, p. 186: fu preso per organista Messer ..... al presente organista in San Luigi per cinque scudi il mese. Id., 27-viij-1621, p. 190: fu deliberato che si dasse licentia a francesco ... putto di capella d'entrar nel seminario romano poiche si sta sul mutar della voce ma che stia fin fatta la festa di San Carlo che sarà a 4 di Novembre prossimo avvenire. 1622 Id., 6-v-1622, p. 209: Che nel giorno della traslazione dell'Immagine della Maddonna della Vittoria si canti il vespro solennemente. Id., 7-x-1622, p. 216: Che si pigli per la nostra Cappella il Basso che serve S. Pietro, e se gli diano di Provvisione otto scudi il Mese, potendosi fargli havere la salve, e questa non si potendo havere, se gli diano nove scudi il Mese. Id. 3-xi-1622, p. 218: Si prolungò la licenza al Cavaliere Costantini nostro organista di stare assente in gratia dell'Ill.mo Sr: Cardinale d'Este per altri sei mesi, essendo spirata la licenza presa all'ultimo d'ottobre 1622. 1623 Id., 19-i-1623, p. 222: Cominciò a servire ..... Basso, che serviva in S. Pietro. Id., 20-x-1623, p. 232: Che si presti al Maestro di Cappella una mesata anticipata per scontarne tre scudi al mese. 1625 Id., 31-i-1625, p. 255: fu resoluto che per l'avvenire non si piglino piu Putti Cantori senza dare sicurtà, secondo che sarà risoluto dalli SS.ri Avvocati, e Procuratori del Capitolo, e Maestro di Cappella canonico. Id., 20-vi-1625, p. 259: fu accettato per Putto Cantore con le condizioni solite Stefano figlio di Cesare Quintilio, Pittore, e che al Maestro che gli ha insegnato s'usi cortesia secondo parerà al Sig. Marcello Vitelleschi, et alli SS.ri Decio Memoli et Ottavio Bracci camerlenghi. Id., 27-vi-1625, p. 260: Che si diano dodici piastre al Maestro che ha insegnato cantare al figlio di Cesare Pittore, che s'è preso per putto cantore. 1627 Id., 23-iv-1627, p. 287: fu dal Capitolo preso per nostro soprano Onofrio figlio di Isabella da foligni. 1628 Id., 28-i-1628, p. 301: fu risoluto che a Leone che servì la Chiesa di soprano si desse da fare l'habito di

100 frate del Carmine, havendo egli risoluto d'entrare in quella Religione. Id., 31-iii-1628, p. 304: fu accettato per Cappellano Soriano D. Gregorio Allegri. Ibid., Id.: Che si donino tre scudi alla sorella buona memoria di Giulio Basso. 1630 Id:, 29-vii-1630, p. 341: Hanno dato licenza a Carlo Soprano della nostra Cappella di potere andare con sua Madre, e suo zio fuori di Roma sino finite le vendemie e ritrovarsi al servitio della detta Cappella alla fine del mese d'ottobre prossimo venturo, con patto, che avanti parti di qua, la detta sua Madre, e zio s'oblighino di manenerlo nel detto servitio sinche al detto Carlo suo figlio li dura la voce di soprano. 1632 Id., 4-vi-1632, p. 374: si è risoluto che li nostri musici non faccino oppositione alli Cappellani Soriani cerca l'esser chiamati alli musiche straordinarie, ma che possino et debbano esser chiamati a tutte et singole funtioni et musiche che si faranno nella nostra Chiesa o Cappelle di essa dal nostro Maestro di Cappella, et partecipare delli emolumenti et distributioni che per tal effetto si faranno come ciascun di loro et quel musico che havesse ardire opporsi a quanto è stato risoluto o di strapazzare li detti Cappellani Soriani sacerdoti debba esser espulso et privato del loco della nostra Cappella. 1633 Id, 4-ii-1633, p. 383: Luigi figlio d'Alfonso Cherubini, giovanetto d'eta di nove anni, fu obligato al servitio del Capitolo per tutto il tempo, che gli durerà la voce di soprano. Id., l-iv-1633, p. 388: Si è risoluto, che si dia a Onofrio Vertecchi, nostro soprano, tanto quanto importa la sua admissione al Chiericato, per aiutarlo nelle spese, ch'egli ha da fare. Id., 27-v-1633, p. 392: fu preso per Mastro d'Organi a rivedere, accordare, et accomodare gli organi della nostra Chiesa, Nicolò Borbone, con la solita provisione di sei scudi l'anno, essendo morto l'antico Mastro Giovanni e suo nipote. fu considerato, che saria bene, che in ogni bisogno di rivedere i detti organi stesse presente uno dei Ministri della Chiesa, dovendosi custodire con gelosia tutte le Canne, che hora si trovano ridotte a tanta perfettione.

Decreti anni 1641-1651 I-ix-I644, f. 51v: Havendo finito il tempo per Mutatione di voce di Soprano, francesco Antonio da Lionessa havendo servito la nostra Chiesa per spatio di quattr'anni, con esattissima diligentia fu stabilito che per ricognitione del servitio fatto li si faccia da SS.ri Camerlenghi il Mandato al Banco per D. Venti di moneta. 1645 Id., 29-x-I645, f. 67-67v: fu risoluto che per l'avvenire si dismetta il tenere li soprani in casa del nostro

101 Maestro di Cappella nella forma che si fa al presente, ma che si dii cinque scudi il mese per ciascheduno, come si costuma nelle Basiliche di San Pietro e Santo Giovanni Laterano e che sia in arbitrio del sig.r Canonico Maestro di Cappella di levarli e metterli a suo beneplacito et intanto il medesimo sig.r Canonico Maestro di Cappella al nostro Maestro di Cappella gli aumenti quella provisione che parerà alla sua prudenza, regolandosi però a quello che usano le Basiliche di San Pietro e Santo Gio. Laterano ed il loro Maestro di Cappella, tutta volta però che non vi sij constitutione in contrario sopra di ciò et essendovi ricorrere alla Santità di Nostro Signore per la derogatione, et a quelli che saranno venuti in casa del detto Maestro di Cappella se li dij medesimamente scudi cinque il mese. 1646 Id., 5-i-I646, f. 70r: fu creato Camerlengo de SS.ri Benefitiati il Sig.r francesco Bianchi. Id., 23-ii-1646, f. 73r: Che si pigli per nostro Maestro di Cappella Il Sig. Horatio Benevolo e che se li dii per sua provisione scudi quindici il mese et altri scudi cinque insino a tanto che si racquista la provisione della salve nella Cappella della Santa Memoria di Paolo Quinto. 1647 Id., 17-v-1647, f. loor: Per la spesa che s'ha da fare il giorno della Neve della musica e stata rimessa al Sig.r Canonico Patarella Prefetto della Musica per farla maggiore, o minore, o eguale a quella fatta gl'altri anni. 1648 Id., 16-iv-I648, f. 122r: fu licentiato il mastro di Capella Cecchelli per la sua inhabilità e poco merito al serviti o della Chiesa usandogli però qualche tempo per habilità di poterli provedere cioè un paio di mesi aI piu altrimenti si mandi via. Id., 22-v-1648, f. 123v: fu risoluto che vedendosi la chiesa essere mal servita dalli Musici sino al quarto punto perdino il solito da questo in loco si aumenterà il punto ad Arbitrio del sig. Canonico Prefetto della Musica. Id., 19-vi-1648, f. 125r: fu data autorità a Monsig. de Hippolitis Canonico Prefetto della nostra Musica di potere levare per forza una donna da una casa del nostro Capitolo come ella in termine di quattro giorni non parte per metterci un musico della nostra Chiesa. 1649 Id., 7-v-1649, f. 137v: furono donati a Gregorio soprano quale parte dal nostro servitio scudi sei moneta in recognitione del suo servitio. Id., 28-x-1649, f. 142r: fu risoluto che il Mastro di Cappella che si piglierà sia obligato a tenere li putti e vestirli condecentemente, e mantenerli a sue spese e biancherie per scudi quattro e mezzo il mese. per putto, e per sua provisione habbia scudi dieci il mese ... » Fu preso per maestro di Capella l'Abbatini con patti e conditioni come sopra, e che non si possi mandar via se non s'intima un pieno e particolar Capitolo avanti per trattare di questo.

102 1650 Id., 29-iv-1650, f. 154r: dovendo ritornare al suo Paese Angeluccio Soprano da Rimini è parso al Nostro Capitolo di dargli li scudi sei di recognitione purche non possi questo passare in esempio, che partendosi altri soprani dal nostro servitio dovessero pretendere la medesima recognitione che questo se sie fatto per gratia speciale. Id., 2-vii-1650, f. 157r: Portandosi cosi bene nel servitio del Coro Il Sig.re Angelo (sic) Maria Abbatini nostro Maestro di Cappella è parso al nostro Capitolo di aumentarli la provisione in recognitione di quel buono servitio che ci presta, che per ciò s'e determinato che se li dii scudi due il mese di maggio. Id., 9-vii-1650, f. 157v: Acciò il servitio della Musica si ... (blot) piu espressamente che sia possibile s'è determinato se dii l'alternativa alli Musici, e bisognando anche si pigli due parti, e per la Conclusione et effettuatione di ciò s'è rimesso alli SSri. Canonici decano Marinucci, e Mascambucci.

Decreti anni 1652-82 1654 26-iv-1654, f. 23v: fuit acceptatus Abbatinus magister cappelle ad servitium Ecclesiae per decennium, nemine autem contradicente. Id., 30-iv-1654, f. 24v: fuit electus, et acceptatus Hilarius Virgilianus ad habendam curam organi in locum equitis Enni defuncti.

1655 Id., 18-vii-1655, f. 38v: fuit impertita licentia per suffragia secreta D. Michaeli Angelo Amadori Cantori eundi extra Romam per duos vel tres menses, cum pacto insubstituendi quousque fuerit absens.

1656 Id., 22-v-1656, f. 44v: Decretum fuit, ut omnes missae canantur a musicis, et per cappellanos capituli servientes in choro.

1657 Id., 25-ii-1657, f. 48r: Electus fuit Magister Musice D. Stephanus Faber in locum D. Abbatini. Id., 6-x-1657, f. 58v: Ritrovandosi la nostra Musica accresciuta di cinque tenori, e tre soli contralti, per adeguare le parti si è decretato per voti secreti, che si licentii Tomaso Rossino. Ibid., id, 3-xi-1657,58v: Che si donino dodeci scudi a Tomaso Rossino già contralto della nostra Cappella licentiato per pigliare in suo loco un tenore, e questo regalo se li fa per haver servito per spatio di vinti, e piu anni.

103 1658 Id., 31-i-1658, f. 62v: Essendo stata rappresentata dal Sig. Ottaviano Bocca Padule Prefetto della Musica la necessità che tiene d'esser provi sta di Maestro di Cappella per voti secreti è stato eletto D. Nicolò Stamegna, che al presente esercita la medesima Carica nel Duomo di Orvieto. 1662 Id., 16-iv-I662, f. 86v: fiat reductio musice, ut aliquobus cantoribus detur licentia, et inter alios D. ferrotto. 1663 Id., 4-ix-1663, f. 95r: Instante Raphaele Panutio nostrae Cappellae soprano, ut ei aliquod largiatur, quo possit se vestire, nequeunte Patre ob nimia eius inopia subvenire, decretum fuit, ut provisio scutorum quinque que ei datur hoc presenti mense septembris duplicetur . 1664 Id., 1O-ii-1664, f. 97v: vacante in nostra Cappella officio Organistae per obitum francischini, electus fuit per suffragia secreta nullo dissentiente Bernardus Pasquinus. 1665 Id., 22-xi-1665, f. 105r: Decretum fuit et assignata fuit pecunia que debet expendi in solemnitatibus Ecclesiae scillicet in festivitate B.M. ad Nives quadraginta quinque nummi monete in duobus Vesperis, et Missae in festivitate Natalis Domini Nostri Jhesu Christi viginti nummi in moneta pro nocturno matutino et missa in Vesperis in Resurrectione Domini Nostri Jhesu Christi duodecim nummi in moneta ita tamen ut liceat Prefecto Cappelle de proprio asse expendere. 1667 Id., 3-vii-1667, f.114r: fuit ordinatum, et resolutum quod pro gratiarum actione assumptionis ad Pontificatum sanctissimi Domini Nostri Clementis olim Julii Cardinalis Rospigliosii, et huius Basilicae Canonici; caneretur solemniter in medio Ecclesiae in altare portatili; Missa ab Eminentissimo Domino Cardinali Archipresbitero cum octo musicalibus Choris. Id., 17-vii-1667, f. 114v: fuit resolutus quod pecunie Cappellanie quam retinet D. Stamigna reducerentur ad summa juliorum triginta septem cum dimidio a Patribus Jesuitis. Id., 16-x-1667, f. 117r: fuit conclusum quod eveniente discessu D. Stamignae presentis Magistri Cappelle acceptetur in eius locum D. Milanus Pistoriensis. 1669 Id., 17-iii-1669, f. 138v: Decretum fuit quod Musica reducatur ad pristinum statum scilicet quod

104 admittantur duo bassus quorum singulis pro mercede assignentur scuta octo duo tenores quorum singulis scuta octo et Baiocchi 40 duo contraltus et eisdem pariter scuta octo pro quolibet et quatuor soprani pro quorum mercede, assignentur scuta quinque pro singulis menstruatim.

1672 Id., 20-iij-1672, f. 152r: Et cum vacaret locus Magistri Nostra Cappella ob petitiam licentiam a Domino Alexandro Melano per secreta suffragia ne mi ne prorsus discrepante electus est Dominus Antonius Maria Abbatinus.

1674 Id., f. 15-iv-1674, f. 165r: fu decretato che alla Processione di S. Marco e del Corpus domini si invitino musici forastieri. Id., 22-iv-1674, f. 165r: Fu messo a partito se si doveva revocare il decreto fatto del capitulo antecedente che vi si chiamino Musici forastieri alla processione di S. Marco stante che il S. Abbatini Maestro di Cappella disse haverli invitati e fu corsa la bossola e si stiede in decretis. Id., 12-viij-1674, f. 171r-171v: fu resoluto che essendo riuscita la musica della Messa e Vespero della Madonna della Neve con la spesa di quaranta scudi che per l'avvenire non si spendesse di vantaggio. Ibid., id.: fu parimenti resoluto che per la festa dell' Assunta si facessero due Cori abbasso nella Cappella, e non si contasse nei coretti conforme era solito per il passato e che non si chiamasse altri musici forastieri ma solamente il Sig. fede stante che il Sig. Cardinale Archiprete sol venire in detto giorno. Id., 26-viij-1674, f. 172v: fu decretato che per la prossima Messa di Spagna della Natività solenne il Primo coro per gl'altri tre non si chiamassero Musici di Cappella. Id., 13-x-1674, f. 174r: fu per bussola eletto per Cappellano Soriano D. Andrea Lucchese Musico Basso della nostra Chiesa in loco di D. Paolo defonto. Id., 21-x-1674, f. 174v-175r: fu decretato che tutte le musiche solemni della Chiesa in quanto alla spesa si regolino con le liste di quest'anno 1674 nel tempo però della Prefettura di Mons. Muti. Mons. Muti Prefetto della Musica diede parte in Capitolo qual mente haveva ridotte le parti delli Musici, a quattro, et otto scudi per parte, et i Musici istessi le haveva ridotti a quattro Bassi, quattro Tenori, e due Contralti togliendo le parti che erano a cinque, e sei scudi, quali tenevano confuso tutto il corpo, e che in luogo di alcuni defonti come D. Paolo, e licentiati come non atti e colpevoli, come Honofrio e Dirimpella, haveva in loro luogo sostituite persone primarie nella professione con avanzare in questa mutatione al Capitolo, e massa scudi quarantotto l'anno, e con tutto che Monsignore come Prefetto non havesse necessità di alcuna approvazione, o conferma, Il Capitolo nemine discrepante pienamente approvò dette reductioni di

105 paghe, e mutationi di sogetti come fatte con grandissimo vantaggio, e decoro della nostra Basilica. 1675 Id., 30-vi-1675, f. 187r: Monsignore Bernini Prefetto della Cappella hà rappresentato, che il libro degl'Hinni del Choro è cosi mal condotto, che non può servire. Si è risoluto che se ne compri un altro. Id., 1O-xi-1675, f. 192v: Si è risoluto di supplicare Nostro Signore per la gratia di potersi conseguire dal nostro Clero l'Indulgenza dell' Anno Santo col visitare processionalmente una delle Basiliche espresse nella Bolla del Giubileo, e l'altre tre privatamente. si è presa la sudetta risolutione, perché essendosi inteso, che il Capitolo di S. Giovanni in Laterano non havrebbe trattato il nostro Clero nella forma che conveniva, si è stimato bene di visitare solamente la Basilica di S. Paolo processionalmente ad invitatione del Capitolo di S. Pietro, che haveva preso l'istesso espediente per la medesima causa. 1676 Id., 12-iv-1676,f. 204r: Si è risoluto, che all'organaro chi hà cura di aggiustare gl'organi della nostra Chiesa, in riguardo delle fatiche, che gli sono cresciute per il mantenimento dell'Organo nuovo, si diano quattro scudi annui oltre alla sua provvisione ordinaria. Id., 17-v-1676, f. 206v: Si è fatto decreto, che alli SS.ri Canonici, che nella prossima passata settimana Santa hanno cantati i Passii si dia la distributione di giulii sei per ciaschedun Passio, cioè ad ogn'uno di essi SS.ri Canonici e cosi si ossrvi per l'avvenire. 1677 Id., 13-vi-1677, f. 223r: fu eletto Maestro di Cappella il Sig. franesco foggia nemine discrepante, con la sostitutione del Sig. Antonio suo figlio, e in caso d'impedimento per il Sig. francesco per assistere alle funzioni a conditioni che venghino l'uno e l'altro ad habitare nelle case del Capitolo soliti a darsi a Maestri di Cappella. Ibid., id.: Che si diano venti piastre al Sig. Abbatini in picciola ricognitione del buon servitio prestato dal medesimo alla nostra Basilica. 1678 Id., 23-i-1678, f. 228r: A di 23 detto non si tenne Capitolo per la solita messa solenne, che si cantò in honor di S. Ildefonso.

1680 14-i-1680, f. 241v-242r: Decretum etiam fuit quod infra octo dies in vigesima octava die huius mensis Januarii in qua celebratur solemnis festivitas, huius Basilicae ob translationem factam a Paulo Quinto felicis recordationis ad plenariam indulgentiam cantetur Te deum pro matrimonio Regis hispaniarum et advocetur eius Excellentissimus Orator.

106 Id., f. 242r: Donata fuere Francisco Foggia musico directori scuta decem pro ricognitionem laborum extra ordinem factorum quos Illustrissimus Mutius representavit. Id., 23-iii-1680, f. 250r-v: stante negligentia organarii a Capitulo salariati qui nunquam ut personaliter tenebatur, organa invisit si quae erant reaptanda, cuius negligentiae causa alterum ex hiis nempe recenter constructum est pene dirutum et desunt illi alique fistule fuit a Capitulo electus alter organarius nempe Jeronimus Gallius immo etiam Joannes Jacobus Hilarius. Quod ultro spectat ad reaptationem dicti organi diruti data est Illustrissimo Domino Bemino musice praefecto libera facultas pretium ut decemendi et curandi ut dicti organarii noviter electi hac de causa organum reaptent cum minori quod fieri possit Capituli dispendio.

Decreti, anni 1683-721 1683 Id, 13-vi-1683, f. 3: Data fuit facultas Dominis Camerariis emendi Canonem scuti unius et baiocch. 20 super una Domo Capitulari possessa a D. Dominico del Pane, et fiat Instrumen­ tum. 1685 Id., 30-ix-1685, f. 28: Giuseppe fede humilissimo delle Sig.rie V.V. Illustrissime riverentemente gl'espone d'aver servitio la SS . Basilica di S. Maria Maggiore quattro anni in circa da Soprano in età di 14. in 15. anni, e doppo continuò perlo spazio di sett'anni a servire la SS. Basilica, e nelle feste solenni, e nelle feste ordinarie per la gratitudine e per l'obligo, che hà sempre professato ali Illustrissimo Reverendissimo Capitolo, e doppo detto tempo ha servito vinti due anni in grado di Benefiziato; hora trovandosi con qualche età con continue vertigini, e flussione a gl'occhi si è risoluto di supplicare la Santità di Nostro Signore a volergli concedere un Coadiutore, che si chiama Benedetto Grossi di buona vita, e di ottimi costumi molto ben noto a Monsignor Illustrissimo Paolucci Vicario, perciò ricorre alla somma dignità delle SS. VV. Illustrissime acciò gli concedino il Placet, che questo potrà facilitar la grazia, che desidera. Praestitus illi fuit iuxta eamdem supplicationem consensus, ut assumere sibi possit coadiutorem in Beneficiatu, quem obtinet in praefata nostra Basilica R.D. Benedictum Grossum. 1691 Id., 1O-vi-1691, f. 89: Inter cetera actum fuit de celebranda proxima festivitate S.mi Sacramenti Corporis Christi, et fuit unanimiter resolutum, celebrandam esse die Iovis 14. presentis mensis Junii, propria die festi, et cum solemni processione extra Ecclesiam ex quo, stante sede vacante, sancta memoria Alexandri Octavi, dicta dies propria non erat impedita, eo quod non erat locus translationi et ita decreverunt, et ut supra celebrari, et solemnizzari mandarunt, pro ut alias fuit servatum.

107 APPENDIX 4

Singers oJ S. Maria Maggiore, Rome, 1600-1700

NAME DATES OF SER V/CE VO/CE ADAMI, Fra Angelo May-June, 1602 alto AGLIO, Gioseppe B. October 1613-at least tenor December 1614 AMATORI, Michaelangelo June 1652-November1656 tenor AMBROSIO, Padre ca. 1600-02 bass AMBROSIO, Amelio February 1608-April 1609 tenor AMBROSIO, Angelo January 1619-August 1622 bass AMBROSIO, Antonio June 1602-August 1605 alto AMBROSIO, Antonio May 1659-at least October 1660 soprano BALDI, Valerio 1670 soprano? BALDOVINI, Angelo November 1630-? soprano BARTOLINI, Ludovico November 1668-September 1674 tenor BARTOLINI, Bartolomeo June 1608-0ctober 1610 soprano BASSELLA, Giovanni May 1652-July 1655 bass BAZZATTI, Francesco 1663 soprano BAZZATTI, Don Benedetto January 1611-July 1611 tenor BAZZATTI, Benedetto ca. 1611 ? BAZZATTI, Padre Don Benedetto January 1605-November 1605 tenor BAZZATTI, Bernardino ca. 1616 alto BERTINI, Vincenzo September 1663-January 1664 soprano BESCI, Pompeo ca. 1675 soprano? BOCEI, Andrea October 1653-December 1653 alto BONAVERA, Mattheo December 1654- alto at least September 1667 BONDIELLI, Jacomo May 1644-at least August 1649 bass BONIFANTE, Francesco December 1630-September 1635 bass BONNA, Pietro D. August 1655-June 1656 bass BORGIANI, Alessandro May 1649-ca. December 1649 soprano BORGIANI, Domenico November 1629 soprano BORGIANI, Pietro 1649 soprano BRACCIO, Ferdinando December 1613-0ctober 1614 alto BROCHI, Marc Antonio October 1629-ca. 1635? soprano BRUNERI, Michaelangelo May 1615-? soprano BUCCINI, Domenico December 1633-June 1638 basso BUTTAFOCO, Domenico Aprii 1618-at least June 1618 alto CAESI, Joannes ca. 1596 basso CALDERI, Agostino ca. 1656 soprano CALDERI, Viviano October 1637- at least December 1644 CALDERI, Camillo ca. 1600 soprano CANAVESE, Giuseppe July 1674 tenor CANDIDO, Baldessare March 1607-December 1636 bass CAPORALI, Gioseppe 1663 soprano? CAPRANI, Antonio October 1622-August 1623 bass

108 CAPRANI, Carlo 1630 soprano CAPRANI, Carlo ca. 1600-February 1606 tenor CAPRANI, Carlo Felice 1656 soprano CAV ALLETTI, Giulio at least June 1683-June 1692 soprano CECCANO, Francesco 1682 soprano? CECCARELLI, Benedetto October 1674 soprano CECCHELLI, Domenico June-October 1657 soprano CERASELLUS, Francesco December 1606-February 1608 tenor CERI, Francesco May 1614-? soprano CERIGIA, ca. 1624 soprano CHERUBINI, Carlo L. February 1633-? soprano CHERUBINI, Christoforo November 1659 soprano CICCIO, June-August 1653 alto COCCHI, Angelo ApriI 1664-December 1666 tenor COMACHIA, Michele 1680 ? CONTI, Carlo February-December 1649; soprano May 1652-July 1653? CORDIALI, Carlo Felice February-March 1660 soprano CORFANI, Gioseppe B. 1658 soprano CORFANI, Costantino March 1608-December 1611 alto CURSIO, D. Paolo ?-October 1674 ( +) ? DATI, Pietro January 1688-August 1690 soprano DATI, Vincenzo July 1683-May (?) 1687 soprano DE ANGELIS, Ludovico March 1634-February 1641 tenor DE CAV ALIERI, Antonio F. 1663 soprano DE COMITIBUS, Camillo 1606 tenor DE ROSSI, Pietro Martine 1612 (+) soprano DEL BENE, Gioseppe P. before 1600 bass DEL PANE, Domenico February 1641-1646 soprano DE P AOLI, Gio. Battista 1641 soprano DE PERSEUS, D. Francesco A. July 1683-January 1684 tenor DE ROSSI (DE RUBEIS), Gio. Maria February 1685-February 1688 soprano DI MEOROND (?), Francesco 1681 soprano DI PORTA, Bartolomeo before 1606 tenor DI PORTA, Domenico before May 1652-March 1656 soprano DI PORTA, Domenico June 1659- soprano at least December 1659 DI PORTA, Domenicus florentinus ca. 1596 ? DI PORTA, Euaristo June 1600-ApriI 1601 alto DONATI, Federico January 161O-December 1611 bass DONATI, Eleuterio March 1613 alto DONATI, Eleuterio December 1668-April 1669 tenor EPISCOPINI, Stefano November 1689-February 1690; tenor November 1691; J une 1692-at least 1694 FABRITII, Domenico February 1641-December 1641 tenor FABRITII, Fabritio ca. 1600-February 1602 alto FALZOTTO, Ludovico May 1600 soprano

109 FANELLI, Giulio G. June 1683 tenor FEDE, Francesco Maria May 1655-1656 soprano FEDE, Giuseppe July 1653-March 1656; soprano September-October 1688 FEDE, Federico January 161O-December 1611 bass FEDI, Antonio Maria November 1656 soprano FELICE, Mare' Antonio July 1644- ? at least December 1644 FELLENGHI, Romolo December 1638; ? March 1639-at least 1644 FERROTII, Francesco before June 1656- tenor at least September 1661 FILICELLI, Tomasso August 1637-0ctober 1658 alto FILICELLI, Filippo April (?) 1610- tenor at least Novernber 1610 FIOCCHINI, Michaelangelo October 1658- tenor before March 1661; ca. March 1662- between September and December 1663 FlOCCHINI, Gioseppe before May 1647- soprano February 1649 FIOCCHINI, Gioseppe January 1625-September 1626 tenor FIOCCHINI, Gio. Antonio October 167o-November 1671 bass FIOCCHINI, Gio. Antonio January 1619-February 1627 alto FlOCCHINI, Gio. Battista June 1603-0ctober 1603 tenor FIOCCHINI, Gio. Jacomo May-July 1662 alto Giov, Giovanni June 1619-1629 (?) soprano GIPTIl, Urbano August 1643-? soprano? GIPTIl, Girolamo October 1603-0ctober 1606 alto GIPTIl, Girollarno Septernber 1652-July 1653 alto GIPTII, Girollarno August 1663-December 1663 soprano GIULIl, Giuseppe May-December 1669 ( +) alto GIULIl, Giulio January 1608-March 1628 bass GIULIl, Giulio Cesare until June 1596 soprano GRANDE, Francesco before 1619-May 1620 soprano/ alto GRASSI, Francesco March 1673-at least 1694 bass GRASSI, Gregorio October 1648-May 1649 soprano ISABELLI, Onofrio I 627-? soprano ISABELLI, Jacinto before May 1652- soprano at least January 1655 ISABELLI, Jacomo January (?)-March 1619 soprano ISABELLI, Jacomo July 1674 tenor JANNICOLO, Curtio June 1628-June 1629 bass LACHERIO, Domenico June-Septernber 1657 soprano LAMBECCARI, Giuseppe February 1688-March 1690 soprano LANFRANCHI, Angelo before May 1647- soprano at least Decernber 1649

110 LASCUS, Pompeius June 1606-0ctober 1607 alto LATERA, Antonio 1660 soprano? LAURENTIO, Nicolo 1609-1614 (?) soprano LAZZARI, Antonuccio June 1687-after 1694 soprano LEMPI, Domenico June-August 1692 soprano LENARDI, Carlo A. 1675-1677 soprano? LEONE (LEONI), Giuseppe 1675 soprano? LEONE, Honofrio ca. May 1627-January 1628 soprano LIBERATI, Girolimo before May 1647-July 1649 soprano LlONESSA, Francesco Antonio 1640-1644 soprano LlONESSA, Livio January 1628-December 1628 bass LlONESSA, Lodovico February 1608 alto LlONESSA, Luca May 1609-May 1610 tenor MACERONI, Pauolo March 1693-at least 1694 soprano MAGIONI, Giuliano 1656-1657 soprano MALYARINO AprilI617-? soprano MANILO, Domenico January 1611-? soprano MANILO, Marc' Antonio March 1626-September 1627 bass MANILO, Marc Antonio July 1611-May 1622 tenor MARCHESANO, Dionisio February 1612-April 1612 alto MARCHITELLI, Filippo, or Pippo November 1687-January 1688; soprano March 1688-August 1689 MARESCA, Marcello 1601 bass MARIANUS, Giovanni September 1626-January 1634 tenor MARIOTTINI, Viventi o at least June 1683-April 1685 alto MARSILES, Domenico January 1611-? soprano MARTINETTI, Pietro P. 1671 soprano MATELICA, Francesco da January 1612-November bass (December?) 1612 MA TTEI, Pietro 1671 soprano MATTHEO,Octavio 1596 ? MAZZONI, Andrea July 1674 ? MELENDEZ, Antonio February 1628-July 1637 ( + ) alto MELGARINI, Gioseppe 1627 soprano MELGARINI, Michaelangelo January-February 1602 alto MELGARINI, Michele September 1602-August 1603 bass MILETI, Lazzaro 1670 soprano MILECTI (CEULETI), Giovanni 1645-1648? soprano? MILECTI, Montepulciano 1647 soprano MONTICELLI, Bonino 1675 soprano MOSCHETTI, Santi October 1630-at least 1644 alto MUFFERI, Horatio August 1649-0ctober 1668 tenor NARDI, Don Francesco January 1613-at least 1614 bass NARDI, Gian'Battista September 1658-September 1661; bass June 1667 NARDI, Natale ca. 1606 soprano? NARDI, Natale ca. 1640 soprano

111 NARDI, Natale ?-October 1606 soprano NENCIONI, Gio. Antonio before June 1683-at least 1694 alto NENCIONI, Nicola December 1663-March 1664 tenor NENCIONI, Nicolo November t608-May 1610 soprano NENCIONI, Nicolo August 1647 alto NOVELLI, Francesco December 1648-December 1649 bass NOVELLI, Matthia July 1656-September 1656; tenor June-September 1657; October-December 1657; January 1658; March-April 1658; June-July 1658 NOVELLI, Matthia before October 1649- ? December 1649 OLIVIERI, Honofrio March 1628-0ctober 1633; bass October 1649-0ctober 1676 (+) ORI, Carlo Antonio before June 1683-at least 1694 alto p ACCIONI, Leone 1622 ? PAGANELLI, Domenico January 1659-March 1660 soprano PANDIANI, Girolamo before August 1686-? tenor January 1690-May 1693 PANFILI, Rosato November 1690-at least 1694 tenor p ANTALEONE, or February-December 1691 bass? BRANCALEONE, Gioseppe PANUTIO, Raffaele December 1659-August 1664 soprano P AOLI, Francesco Maria October 1656-August 1657 bass ? June 1658-at least September 1662? PAPARINI, Domenico 1671 soprano PATALONIO, Gio. Domenico January 1602-May 1603; tenor August 1608-May 1609 p A TRIGNANI, Francesco 1671 soprano PATRIGNANI, Pauolo July 1620-at least 1627 alto PELLEGRINI Christmas 1600 bass PERETTI, Antonio March 1649-August 1649 alto PESENTI, Carlo June 1636-September 1637 ? PETRUCCI, Felice February 1684-February 1687 bass PETRUCCI, Pier Mattheo January 164I-at least June 1644 soprano PETRUCCI, Piccinonno August 1599 soprano PICHINESE, Pier Antonio ca. 1599 soprano PICHINESI, M. Antonio 1600-1610 : bass/tenor POLLINI, Don Michele before May 1647-March 1660 bass POLLINI, Pupalloni December 1631-? bass PUSTERLA, Domenico ca. December 1663- tenor November 1668 QUINTILII, Stefano J une 1620-at least 1625 soprano RAFFAELLI, Raffaello 1675 soprano RAFFAELLI, Raffaello 1660 soprano

112 RAZZI, Gio. Pauolo July 1653- alto at least September 1661 REALI, Giuliano March 1642-April 1644 bass RENINO, Tomasso ?-October 1658 alto ROSA, Claudio de' January 1612-May 1613 tenor ROSA, Domenico July 1658 bass ROSATI, Gio. Battista before June 1683-at least 1694 tenor RUBINI, Jacomo ca. February 1662- soprano September 1666 RUBINI, Jacomo June 1683-0ctober 1690 ( +) tenor SABBI, Pauolo January 1668-0ctober 1669 bass SAGRETTI, Giacinto March 1643-at least 1644 ? SALINA, Giuseppe October 1669-January 1685 tenor SALLETTI, Francesco ? March 1662-? September 1663 tenor SALUZI (or BATISTINI), October 1683-April 1685 ? Raimondo SANCES, Lorenzo October 1648-December 1649 tenor SANTI, Domenico September 1689-at least 1694 soprano SANTI, or SANTES, Padre Don November 160&)une 1612 alto SARDI, before May 1647-March 1649 soprano SARDINO, Giuseppe September 1653-May 1659 soprano SECONDI, Felice October 1656 tenor SECONDI, Felice January-at least October 1660 soprano SELLARI,Ottavio before June 1683-July 1683 ? SERALLI, Pietro 1662 soprano SERALLI, Simone January 1603-Apiil 1603 alto SIMONETTI, Filippo ca . 1608-ca. 1610 tenor SOTTILE, Carlo Pio September 1690-March 1691 soprano STOCCHI, Biasio 1616 tenor T ALINI, Isidoro September 1657-July 1663; tenor December 1670-at least 1674 T AMAGNA, Giuseppe November 1670-at least 1674 alto TANCREDI, Giovanni D. 1665 ·soprano THEBALIESCHI, Filippo December 1684-May 1685 soprano THEBALIESCHI, Theodoro January-August 1605 soprano TIBURTIO, Giovanni 1675-677 soprano TIZI (TITIO), Tomasso before 1649 tenor TODESCO, May-June 1652 bass TODINO, Giovanni February 1599-? soprano TODINO, Tomassino Aprii 1613-December 1613 alto TONARI, Gio. Mattheo 1676-1677 soprano TONELLI, Andrea 1675 alto TOSI, Gabriel 1681-1682 soprano TOSIGNANI, Antonio June 1612-? soprano TROVARELLI, Nicolo before June 1683-at least 1694 bass TUBIA, Antonio ca. Aprii 1635-April 1640 ? UNCINI, Benedetto before June 1683- soprano December 1687 VAlARI , Pietro before 1654 ( + ) alto VALINEO, Martio February 1606-July 1607; tenor NovemberrDecember 1607

113 VALLA, Domenico October 1605-June 1606 alto VALLETTA, Francesco July 1644- ? at least December 1644 VANNI, R. Carlo ca. 1600-1606 tenor VANTI, Pietro Pauolo October 1655-November 1668 alto VERNACCI, Marc Antonio 1675 soprano VEROVIO, Jacomo Tolio October 1613- tenor at least December 1614 VERTECCHI, Onofrio ca. 1633 soprano VERZELLI (VERGELLI), June-September 1687 soprano Gio. Battista

114 APPENDlX 5a

ACSMM, Cappella Musica Giustificazioni II (1647-1694), «Musici chiamati per la festa di S. Idelfonso 1661»

P.[rim]o Choro Sig.re Bonaventura Argenti ...... 3 (scudi) Sig.re Domenico Del Pane ...... l (scudo) Sig. re Giuseppe Fede ...... l (scudo) Sig.re Lorenzo ...... l (scudo) Sig.re Vulpio ...... l (scudo) Sig.re Cesti ...... 3 (scudi) Sig.re Nicolino ...... (scudo) Sig.re Isidoro ...... (scudo) Sig.re Carlo Caprioli Violino ...... 50 (baiocchi) Sig.re Giacomuccio Violino ...... 50 (baiocchi) Sig.re Arcangelo Arceleuto ...... 60 (baiocchi) Sig.re Michel Violone ...... 80 (baiocchi) Sig.re Gio: Batt.a Spinetta ...... 50 (baiocchi) Sig.re Mutij Org.ta ...... 60 (baiocchi)

2.0 Ch.o Sig.re Fedino Soprano ...... 60' (baiocchi) Sig.re Francesco flamini o Alto ...... l (scudo) Sig.re Rutilio Tenore ...... l (scudo) Sig.re Langravio Basso ...... (scudo) Fra Pauolino Basso ...... (sc~do) Sig.re Carluccio di Pamfilio Violino ...... 50 (baiocchi) Sig.re Gio: Batt.a Violino ...... 50 (baiocchi) Sig.re Francesco de Petris Arcileuto ..... , ...... 60 (baiocchi) Sig.re Giovannoni Org.ta ...... 60 (baiocchi)

3.0 Ch.o Sig.re Carlo di San Luigi Soprano...... 60 (baiocchi) Sig.re Costantino di S. Pietro Alto...... 60 (baiocchi) Sig.re Giuseppe di S. Pietro Alto...... 60 (baiocchi) Sig.re Ghiringhella ...... 60 (baiocchi) Sig.re Michele Basso ...... 1 (scudo) Sig.re Basselli Basso ...... 60 (baiocchi) Sig.re Bocci Violino ...... 50 (baiocchi) Il Fr[ate]llo di Checchino Violino ...... 50 (baiocchi) Il Pesetti per sonar li Cimbalo...... 1 (scudo) Sig.re Silvestro Durante Org.ta ...... 60 (baiocchi)

4.0 Ch.o Sig.re Mario Violino ...... 50 (baiocchi) Sig.re Carlo Violino ...... 50 (baiocchi) Sig.re Bernado Org.ta della Chiesa Nova p[er] sonar il Cimbalo . . 50 (baiocchi)

115 Sig.re Tozzi Org.ta ...... 60 (baiocchi) D. Antonio Violone ...... 60 (baiocchi) Doi Cimbali ...... I (scudo) Tre Organi ...... 4 :50 (scudi) Per aggiustar dd.i Organi a loro luoghi ...... 30 (baiocchi) Per Alzamantici ...... 15 (baiocchi)

37:55 (scudi)

APPENDIX 5b.

Ibid., id., «Lista della Musica della Neve 1678»

Primo Choro D. Felice di S. Agnese.. I (scudo) Li Sig.ri Gio. AnLo ...... ' I :20 (scudi) Carlo Brincoli ...... I (scudo) Giuseppe fede ...... 2 (scudi) Organista ...... 1 (scudo) Franc.o Maria [Fede] .. 2 (scudi) Organo di fede ...... I :50 (scudi) D. Giuseppino ...... I :20 (scudi) Paoluccio ...... I (scudo) 3.0 Choro Dom.co Antonio ...... 2 (scudi) Giorgio ...... (scudo) Siface ...... 2 (scudi) franc.o ...... (scudo) D. franc.o M.a ...... I (scudo) D. Ant. Tobia ...... (scudo) Posterla ...... I (scudo) D. Domenico ...... (scudo) Verdone ...... 2 (scudi) Organista ...... (scudo) Gio: Franco ...... I (scudo) Paolo felice ...... (scudo) Instrumenti 4.0 Choro Bolognese ...... (scudo) Matteo ...... (scudo) Organista ...... (scudo) Arcangelo ...... (scudo) In vespro p[er] l' Assunta D. Gasparo ...... (scudo) Giuseppe fede...... (scudo) Cesare ...... (scudo) Carlo Ant...... :20 (scudi) Organo di fede ...... :50 (scudi) Alzamandaci ...... 40 (baiocchi)

2.0 Choro 40 (scudi) Dom.co del Pane...... 2 (scudi) [Signed:] Pietro Paolo...... (scudo) Muti CaPreLto Ghiringella ...... (scudo) franc[es]co foggia m.ro di Capp.a

116 APPENDIX 5c.

Ibid., id., «Lista della Musica della Neve», 1679

Li Sig.ri Ant.o Tobia ...... (scudo) Gioseppe fede ...... 3 (scudi) Tivolese ...... (scudo) Franc.o Maria ...... 2 (scudi) d. Gregorio ...... (scudo) Paoluccio ...... (scudo) Instrum.ti Soprano di Loreto . . .. . (scudo) Bolognese ...... (scudo) Senese ...... (scudo) Matteo ...... (scudo) Dom.co Antonio ...... (scudo) d. Gasparo Violo ne . . . . (scudo) Pietro Paolo ...... (scudo) Arcileuto ...... (scudo) Alti Trombone ...... (scudo) Gio: Ant.o Trombone. . 1 (scudo) Raffaele (scudo) Campalucci ...... (scudo) Teodosio ...... 1 (scudo) Lorenzo ...... (scudo) Organi ...... 3 (scudi) Carlo ...... (scudo) Organisti Tenori Paolo Oliviero ...... (scudo) Gio: Agostino ...... (scudo) Bastiano p[er] battere . . (scudo) Posterla ...... (scudo) Biascio ...... (scudo) Ghiringhella ...... (scudo) Paolo ...... (scudo) Lucchese ...... (scudo) Gio: Batta p[er] battere. (scudo)

Bassi 40 (scudi) Verdone ...... 2 (scudi) Gio: Antonio...... 1 (scudo) (Signed:) Pf Bernino Can.co Pref.to

117

Finito di stampare nel mese di giugno 1985

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