The Separation of Powers in Mexico
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The Impact of Federalism on National Party Cohesion in Brazil
National Party Cohesion in Brazil 259 SCOTT W. DESPOSATO University of Arizona The Impact of Federalism on National Party Cohesion in Brazil This article explores the impact of federalism on national party cohesion. Although credited with increasing economic growth and managing conflict in countries with diverse electorates, federal forms of government have also been blamed for weak party systems because national coalitions may be divided by interstate conflicts. This latter notion has been widely asserted, but there is virtually no empirical evidence of the relationship or even an effort to isolate and identify the specific features of federal systems that might weaken parties. In this article, I build and test a model of federal effects in national legislatures. I apply my framework to Brazil, whose weak party system is attributed, in part, to that country’s federal form of government. I find that federalism does significantly reduce party cohesion and that this effect can be tied to multiple state-level interests but that state-level actors’ impact on national party cohesion is surprisingly small. Introduction Federalism is one of the most widely studied of political institutions. Scholars have shown how federalism’s effects span a wide range of economic, policy, and political dimensions (see Chandler 1987; Davoodi and Zou 1998; Dyck 1997; Manor 1998; Riker 1964; Rodden 2002; Ross 2000; Stansel 2002; Stein 1999; Stepan 1999; Suberu 2001; Weingast 1995). In economic spheres, federalism has been lauded for improving market competitiveness and increasing growth; in politics, for successfully managing diverse and divided countries. But one potential cost of federalism is that excessive political decentralization could weaken polities’ ability to forge broad coalitions to tackle national issues.1 Federalism, the argument goes, weakens national parties because subnational conflicts are common in federal systems and national politicians are tied to subnational interests. -
Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe
The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law CUA Law Scholarship Repository Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions Faculty Scholarship 1991 Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe Rett R. Ludwikowski The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/scholar Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Rett. R. Ludwikowski, Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe, 17 SYRACUSE J. INT’L L. & COM. 91 (1991). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions by an authorized administrator of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SEARCHING FOR A NEW CONSTITUTIONAL MODEL FOR EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE Rett R. Ludwikowski* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ........................................ 92 II. CONSTITUTIONAL TRADITIONS: THE OVERVIEW ....... 93 A. Polish Constitutional Traditions .................... 93 1. The Constitution of May 3, 1791 ............... 94 2. Polish Constitutions in the Period of the Partitions ...................................... 96 3. Constitutions of the Restored Polish State After World War 1 (1918-1939) ...................... 100 B. Soviet Constitutions ................................ 102 1. Constitutional Legacy of Tsarist Russia ......... 102 2. The Soviet Revolutionary Constitution of 1918.. 104 3. The First Post-Revolutionary Constitution of 1924 ........................................... 107 4. The Stalin Constitution of 1936 ................ 109 5. The Post-Stalinist Constitution of 1977 ......... 112 C. Outline of the Constitutional History of Romania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia and Hungary ............. 114 III. CONSTITUTIONAL LEGACY: CONFRONTATION OF EAST AND W EST ............................................ -
Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado -
The New Energy System in the Mexican Constitution
The New Energy System in the Mexican Constitution José Ramón Cossío Díaz, Supreme Court Justice of Mexico José Ramón Cossío Barragán, Lawyer Prepared for the study, “The Rule of Law and Mexico’s Energy Reform/Estado de Derecho y Reforma Energética en México,” directed by the Baker Institute Mexico Center at Rice University and the Center for U.S. and Mexican Law at the University of Houston Law Center, in association with the School of Government and Public Transformation at the Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey, the Centro de Investigación para el Desarrollo A.C. (CIDAC), and the Faculty of Law and Criminology at the Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León. © 2017 by the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. José Ramón Cossío Díaz José Ramón Cossío Barragán “The New Energy System in the Mexican Constitution” The New Energy System in the Mexican Constitution Study Acknowledgements A project of this magnitude and complexity is by necessity the product of many people, some visible and others invisible. We would like to thank Stephen P. Zamora of the University of Houston Law Center and Erika de la Garza of the Baker Institute Latin America Initiative in helping to conceive this project from the start. -
Declaration of the Vii Forum of the Parliamentary Front Against Hunger in Latin America and the Caribbean - Mexico City
DECLARATION OF THE VII FORUM OF THE PARLIAMENTARY FRONT AGAINST HUNGER IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN - MEXICO CITY We, Members of the Parliaments and members of the Latin America and the Caribbean Parliamentary Front against Hunger (PFH), with the valuable participation of parliamentarians from Africa and Europe, gathered in 1 Mexico City on November 9, 10 and 11, 2016, on the occasion of the 7th Forum of the Parliamentary Front against Hunger in Latin America and the Caribbean. CONSIDERING That the agenda of the States set the focus on the fight against hunger and malnutrition and on the food sovereignty of the nations, as it is stated in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and in its Goal 2 “End hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture,” as well as in the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, which came into force on November 4th, 2016; also, considering that in the Latin America and the Caribbean parliaments, laws on food and nutrition security and sovereignty have been approved and are under discussion. That in the above-mentioned Agenda the legislative powers are crucial agents to end hunger and malnutrition, as it is reflected in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, when noting that the Members of the Parliaments perform a key role in the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) by “enacting legislation, approving budgets, and ensuring accountability”. That in the Special Declaration on the “Plan for Food Security, Nutrition and Hunger Eradication” of January 27, 2016, announced on the occasion of the IV Latin America and the Caribbean States Summit (CELAC) held in Quito, Ecuador, the Heads of State and Government of the region reaffirmed their commitment to the eradication of hunger and malnutrition, as an essential element in order to achieve sustainable development. -
Comparing Power— an Appraisal of Comparative Government and Politics AP Comparative and Politics Curriculum 2 Teachers 2019
Citizen U Presents: Comparing Power— An Appraisal of Comparative Government and Politics AP Comparative and Politics Curriculum 2 Teachers 2019 Big Ideas in AP Comparative Government and Politics* 1. POWER AND AUTHORITY (PAU)* 2. LEGITIMACY AND STABILTY (LEG)* 3. DEMOCRATIZATION (DEM)* 4. INTERNAL/EXTERNAL FORCES (IEF)* 5. METHODS of POLITICAL ANALYSIS (MPA)* Unit 1: Political Systems, Regimes, and Governments* MPA— Enduring Understanding: Empirical data is important in identifying and explaining political behavior of individuals and groups.* 1.1 Explain how political scientists construct knowledge and communicate inferences and explanations about political systems, institutional interactions, and behavior* Analysis of quantitative and qualitative information (including charts, tables, graphs, speeches, foundational documents, political cartoons, maps, and political commentaries) is a way to make comparisons between and inferences about course countries.* Analyzing empirical data using quantitative methods facilitates making comparisons among and inferences about course countries.* One practice of political scientists is to use empirical data to identify and explain political behavior of individuals and groups. Empirical data is information from observation or experimentation. By using empirical data, political scientists can construct knowledge and communicate inferences and explanations about political systems, institutional interactions, and behavior. Empirical data such as statistics from sources such as governmental reports, polls, -
CONSTI INGLES SEPT 2010.Pdf
First edition: August 2005 Second edition: November 2008 Third edition: March 2010 Fourth edition: August 2010 All rights reserved. © Mexican Supreme Court Av. José María Pino Suárez, No. 2 C.P. 06065, México, D.F. Printed in Mexico Translators: Dr. José Antonio Caballero Juárez and Lic. Laura Martín del Campo Steta. Translation updated by: Lic. Sergio Alonso Rodríguez Narváez and Estefanía Vela The update, edition, and design of this publication was made by the General Management of the Coordination on Compilation and Systematization of Theses of the Mexican Supreme Court. Mexican Supreme Court Justice Guillermo I. Ortiz Mayagoitia President First Chamber Justice José de Jesús Gudiño Pelayo President Justice José Ramón Cossío Díaz Justice Olga María Sánchez Cordero de García Villegas Justice Juan N. Silva Meza Justice Arturo Zaldívar Lelo de Larrea Second Chamber Justice Sergio Salvador Aguirre Anguiano President Justice Luis María Aguilar Morales Justice José Fernando Franco González Salas Justice Margarita Beatriz Luna Ramos Justice Sergio A. Valls Hernández Publications, Social Communication, Cultural Diffusion and Institutional Relations Committee Justice Guillermo I. Ortiz Mayagoitia Justice Sergio A. Valls Hernández Justice Arturo Zaldívar Lelo de Larrea Editorial Committee Mtro. Alfonso Oñate Laborde Technical Legal Secretary Mtra. Cielito Bolívar Galindo General Director of the Theses Compilation and Systematization Bureau Lic. Gustavo Addad Santiago General Director of Diffusion Judge Juan José Franco Luna General Director of the Houses of Juridical Culture and Historical Studies Dr. Salvador Cárdenas Gutiérrez Director of Historical Research CONTENT FOREWORD ................................... IX TITLE ONE CHAPTER ONE Fundamental rights ............................................1 CHAPTER TWO Mexican nationals ............................................ 95 CHAPTER THREE Aliens ................................................................ 99 CHAPTER FOUR Mexican citizens ............................................ -
Types of Semi-Presidentialism and Party Competition Structures in Democracies: the Cases of Portugal and Peru Gerson Francisco J
TYPES OF SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND PARTY COMPETITION STRUCTURES IN DEMOCRACIES: THE CASES OF PORTUGAL AND PERU GERSON FRANCISCO JULCARIMA ALVAREZ Licentiate in Sociology, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Peru), 2005. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in POLITICAL SCIENCE Department of Political Science University of Lethbridge LETHBRIDGE, ALBERTA, CANADA © Gerson F. Julcarima Alvarez, 2020 TYPES OF SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND PARTY COMPETITION STRUCTURES IN DEMOCRACIES: THE CASES OF PORTUGAL AND PERU GERSON FRANCISCO JULCARIMA ALVAREZ Date of Defence: November 16, 2020 Dr. A. Siaroff Professor Ph.D. Thesis Supervisor Dr. H. Jansen Professor Ph.D. Thesis Examination Committee Member Dr. J. von Heyking Professor Ph.D. Thesis Examination Committee Member Dr. Y. Belanger Professor Ph.D. Chair, Thesis Examination Committee ABSTRACT This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier- presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar. -
Mexican Elections in 2018
Mexican elections in 2018: What to expect when you're expecting? . The upcoming electoral process of 2018 in Mexico is one of the September 15, 2017 geopolitical risks to the outlook www.banorte.com . We believe that it is still too early to call the electoral result www.ixe.com.mx @analisis_fundam . In fact, polls still show a high degree of indecision among the population Delia Paredes . We expect a tight race, albeit with a limited impact on the Executive Director of Economic Analysis markets [email protected] . This election is particularly important since it will be one of the first times many of the new laws enacted as part of 2014’s electoral reform will be carried out, although some will come into effect later: (1) Senators and Representatives elected in 2018 might be reelected; (2) Possibility of coalition governments and independent candidates; (3) Changes in the regime of political parties; (4) New provisions for the National Electoral Institute (INE); and (5) Provisions regarding popular consultations . There are mechanisms established in case of a contested election . In addition, at the end of this year there are also two important processes: (1) The transition of power in Banxico; and (2) 2018’s budget process Mexican elections in 2018 What to expect when you're expecting? The electoral process in Mexico is one of the geopolitical risks for the scenario of the coming year. After the delivery of the 2018 fiscal budget on September 8th, the 2018 electoral process will now be the center of attention with parties already taking some steps in this direction. -
Sub-National Second Chambers and Regional Representation: International Experiences Submission to Kelkar Committee on Maharashtra
Sub-national Second Chambers and regional representation: International Experiences Submission to Kelkar Committee on Maharashtra By Rupak Chattopadhyay October 2011 The principle of the upper house of the legislature being a house of legislative review is well established in federal and non-federal countries like. Historically from the 17th century onwards, upper houses were constituted to represent the legislative interests of conservative and corporative elements (House of Lords in the UK or Senate in Bavaria or Bundesrat in Imperial Germany) against those of the ‘people’ as represented by elected lower houses (e.g. House of Commons). The United States became the first to use the upper house as the federating chamber for the country. This second model of bicameralism is that associated with the influential ‘federal’ example of the US Constitution, in which the second chamber was conceived as a ‘house of the states’. It has been said in this regard that federal systems of government are highly conducive to bicameralism in which a senate serves as a federal house whose members are selected to represent the states or provinces, with each constituent state provided equal representation. The Australian Senate was conceived along similar lines, with the Constitution guaranteeing each state, again regardless of its population, an equal number of senators. At present, the Australian Senate consists of 76 senators, 12 from each of the six states and two from each of the mainland territories.60 The best contemporary example of a second chamber which does, in fact, operate as an effective ‘house of the states’ is the German Bundesrat, members of which are appointed by state governments from amongst their members, with each state having between three and six representatives, depending on population. -
Establishing a Lebanese Senate: Bicameralism and the Third Republic
CDDRL Number 125 August 2012 WORKING PAPERS Establishing a Lebanese Senate: Bicameralism and the Third Republic Elias I. Muhanna Brown University Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Additional working papers appear on CDDRL’s website: http://cddrl.stanford.edu. Working Paper of the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy at CDDRL. About the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy: The Program on Arab Reform and Democracy examines the different social and political dynamics within Arab countries and the evolution of their political systems, focusing on the prospects, conditions, and possible pathways for political reform in the region. This multidisciplinary program brings together both scholars and practitioners - from the policy making, civil society, NGO (non-government organization), media, and political communities - as well as other actors of diverse backgrounds from the Arab world, to consider how democratization and more responsive and accountable governance might be achieved, as a general challenge for the region and within specific Arab countries. The program aims to be a hub for intellectual capital about issues related to good governance and political reform in the Arab world and allowing diverse opinions and voices to be heard. It benefits from the rich input of the academic community at Stanford, from faculty to researchers to graduate students, as well as its partners in the Arab world and Europe. Visit our website: arabreform.stanford.edu Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94305 Phone: 650-724-7197 Fax: 650-724-2996 http://cddrl.stanford.edu/ About the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) CDDRL was founded by a generous grant from the Bill and Flora Hewlett Foundation in October in 2002 as part of the Stanford Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. -
The Value of TRUTH a Third of the Way
The value of TRUTH A third of the way MARCH 2021 THE VALUE OF TRUTH :: 1 https://www.elmundo.es/america/2013/01/08/mexico/1357679051html Is a non-profit, non governmental organization thats is structured by a Council built up of people with an outstanding track record, with high ethical and pro- fessional level, which have national and international recognition and with a firm commitment to democratic and freedom principles. The Council is structured with an Executive Committee, and Advisory Committee of Specialists and a Comunication Advisory Committee, and a Executive Director coordinates the operation of these three Committees. One of the main objectives is the collection of reliable and independent informa- tion on the key variables of our economic, political and sociocultural context in order to diagnose, with a good degree of certainty, the state where the country is located. Vital Signs intends to serve as a light to show the direction that Mexico is taking through the dissemination of quarterly reports, with a national and international scope, to alert society and the policy makers of the wide variety of problems that require special attention. Weak or absent pulse can have many causes and represents a medical emergency. The more frequent causes are the heart attack and the shock condition. Heart attack occurs when the heart stops beating. The shock condition occurs when the organism suffers a considerable deterioration, wich causes a weak pulse, fast heartbeat, shallow, breathing and loss of consciousness. It can be caused by different factors. Vital Signs weaken and you have to be constantly taking the pulse.