Presidential Legislative Powers

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Presidential Legislative Powers Presidential Legislative Powers International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 15 Presidential Legislative Powers International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 15 Elliot Bulmer © 2017 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA) Second edition First published in 2015 by International IDEA under the title Presidential Powers: Legislative Initiative and Agenda-setting International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/> International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Cover design: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> Produced using Booktype: <https://booktype.pro> ISBN: 978-91-7671-120-0 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 3 Advantages and risks ................................................................................................ 3 2. Content and scope.................................................................................................. 4 3. What is the issue?................................................................................................... 6 4. Proactive presidential legislative powers ............................................................ 8 Proposing and introducing legislation ...................................................................... 8 Exclusive powers over financial legislation................................................................ 9 Convening the legislature and setting its agenda..................................................... 10 Decree laws ............................................................................................................ 11 Fast-track legislative procedures.............................................................................. 15 5. Other aspects of presidential–legislative relations ..........................................17 Vetoing legislation.................................................................................................. 18 Presidentially initiated referendums........................................................................ 18 Cabinet ministers in the legislature......................................................................... 19 Dissolving the legislature........................................................................................ 21 6. Avoiding hyper-presidentialism .......................................................................... 22 Getting the balance right........................................................................................ 22 Government powers: legislature confirmation, scrutiny and oversight .................... 23 The judiciary and ‘fourth-branch’ institutions........................................................ 24 Federal systems and decentralization ...................................................................... 25 7. Contextual considerations ................................................................................... 26 Party system and electoral rules .............................................................................. 26 Norms and expectations of presidential power ....................................................... 29 Public outreach ...................................................................................................... 29 Stability and risk of regime collapse........................................................................ 30 8. Decision-making questions................................................................................. 31 9. Examples ............................................................................................................... 33 References ................................................................................................................. 38 Annex.......................................................................................................................... 40 About the author.................................................................................................... 40 About International IDEA ..................................................................................... 40 About this series ..................................................................................................... 41 1. Introduction 1. Introduction In addition to strictly defined executive powers, presidents in presidential and semi-presidential democracies typically possess certain powers of legislative initiative and agenda-setting powers. These enable them to exercise political leadership, for example, by proposing legislation, controlling the legislative agenda and issuing decrees with legal force. All presidential and semi-presidential constitutions invest the president with some agenda-setting and legislative initiative powers. Newer presidential constitutions, especially those in Latin America, tend to give more explicit legislative initiative powers to presidents. Ceremonial presidents in parliamentary systems typically do not possess legislative or agenda-setting powers, or possess them only to a very limited degree. This reflects the fact that prime ministers, rather than presidents, are expected to exercise policy leadership in such systems. Advantages and risks Elected presidents are increasingly expected to act as ‘chief legislators’ as well as ‘chief executives’. They are expected to set a strategic vision for the country, make an active contribution to the development of policies and provide leadership to other institutions, such as legislatures. To do this, presidents need adequate powers at their disposal. However, the excessive concentration of powers in the presidency may result in a hyper-presidential regime, in which the president is subject to few effective constraints, undermining both democracy and good government. International IDEA 3 Presidential Legislative Powers 2. Content and scope This Primer concerns presidential leadership and proactive legislative and agenda-setting powers in democracies where the president is popularly elected and has substantial governing powers, either as a chief executive in a presidential system (as in Brazil, Colombia, Kenya and the United States) or as a head of state in a semi-presidential system (as in France). In such countries, presidents are typically entrusted with a range of leadership powers, which may include: • the right to propose or to introduce legislative bills; • exclusive power to draft and propose the budget; • the right to summon special sessions of the legislature and to control the legislature’s agenda; • the right to issue decrees that have the force of law; • the right to address the legislature; and • the right to initiate referendums. This Primer considers the constitutional design issues surrounding these powers. It discusses the constitutional architecture necessary to sustain a workable and responsible political system that can meet public expectations for effective leadership, on the one hand, without allowing the president to become autocratic, on the other. Since the way in which these constitutional powers are likely to be used in practice will depend on the political situation, and especially on the nature of the relationship between the president and the political parties in the 4 International IDEA 2. Content and scope legislature, a large section of the Primer is devoted to an analysis of the political contexts that constitutional designers need to consider. On presidential powers in situations where the president is a ceremonial figurehead or non-executive constitutional guardian see International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer No. 6, Non-Executive Presidents in Parliamentary Democracies. On the veto powers of presidents see International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer No. 14, Presidential Veto Powers. International IDEA 5 Presidential Legislative Powers 3. What is the issue? The classical model of the separation of powers, as developed in the USA in the late-18th century, regards the president primarily as a chief executive official. The president appoints and directs cabinet members, presides over the cabinet, commands the armed forces, conducts foreign relations, leads the administration and issues regulations to implement laws. Meanwhile, the power to make laws, including the power to approve budgets, is entrusted, along with other deliberative and oversight functions, to a separately elected legislature (a congress or parliament). In practice, however, executive presidents rarely if ever act as merely administrative chiefs whose duty is simply to ‘execute’ (implement) the laws made by others. Executive presidents are above all democratic political leaders, with electoral promises
Recommended publications
  • Parliamentary, Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies Democracies Are Often Classified According to the Form of Government That They Have
    Parliamentary, Presidential and Semi-Presidential Democracies Democracies are often classified according to the form of government that they have: • Parliamentary • Presidential • Semi-Presidential Legislative responsibility refers to a situation in which a legislative majority has the constitutional power to remove a government from office without cause. A vote of confidence is initiated by the government { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A vote of no confidence is initiated by the legislature { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A constructive vote of no confidence must indicate who will replace the government if the incumbent loses a vote of no confidence. A vote of no confidence is initiated by the legislature { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. A constructive vote of no confidence must indicate who will replace the government if the incumbent loses a vote of no confidence. A vote of confidence is initiated by the government { the government must resign if it fails to obtain a legislative majority. The defining feature of presidential democracies is that they do not have legislative responsibility. • US Government Shutdown, click here In contrast, parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies both have legislative responsibility. • PM Question Time (UK), click here In addition to legislative responsibility, semi-presidential democracies also have a head of state who is popularly elected for a fixed term. A head of state is popularly elected if she is elected through a process where voters either (i) cast a ballot directly for a candidate or (ii) they cast ballots to elect an electoral college, whose sole purpose is to elect the head of state.
    [Show full text]
  • The Protean Nature of the Fifth Republic Institutions (Duverger)
    University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap This paper is made available online in accordance with publisher policies. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item and our policy information available from the repository home page for further information. To see the final version of this paper please visit the publisher’s website. Access to the published version may require a subscription. Author(s): Ben Clift Article Title: The Fifth Republic at Fifty: The Changing Face of French Politics and Political Economy Year of publication: 2008 Link to published article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639480802413322 Publisher statement: This is an electronic version of an article published in Clift, B. (2008). The Fifth Republic at Fifty: The Changing Face of French Politics and Political Economy. Modern & Contemporary France, Vol. 16, No. 4, pp. 383-.398. Modern & Contemporary France is available online at: http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/cmcf20/16/4 Modern and Contemporary France Special Issue - Introduction Dr. Ben Clift Senior Lecturer in Political Economy, Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Warwick, Coventry CV4 7AL, UK Email: [email protected] web: http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/pais/staff/clift/ The Fifth Republic at Fifty: The Changing Face of French Politics and Political Economy. At its inception, a time of great political upheaval in France, it was uncertain whether the new regime would last five years, let alone fifty. The longevity of the regime is due in part to its flexibility and adaptability, which is a theme explored both below and in all of the contributions to this special issue.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Federalism on National Party Cohesion in Brazil
    National Party Cohesion in Brazil 259 SCOTT W. DESPOSATO University of Arizona The Impact of Federalism on National Party Cohesion in Brazil This article explores the impact of federalism on national party cohesion. Although credited with increasing economic growth and managing conflict in countries with diverse electorates, federal forms of government have also been blamed for weak party systems because national coalitions may be divided by interstate conflicts. This latter notion has been widely asserted, but there is virtually no empirical evidence of the relationship or even an effort to isolate and identify the specific features of federal systems that might weaken parties. In this article, I build and test a model of federal effects in national legislatures. I apply my framework to Brazil, whose weak party system is attributed, in part, to that country’s federal form of government. I find that federalism does significantly reduce party cohesion and that this effect can be tied to multiple state-level interests but that state-level actors’ impact on national party cohesion is surprisingly small. Introduction Federalism is one of the most widely studied of political institutions. Scholars have shown how federalism’s effects span a wide range of economic, policy, and political dimensions (see Chandler 1987; Davoodi and Zou 1998; Dyck 1997; Manor 1998; Riker 1964; Rodden 2002; Ross 2000; Stansel 2002; Stein 1999; Stepan 1999; Suberu 2001; Weingast 1995). In economic spheres, federalism has been lauded for improving market competitiveness and increasing growth; in politics, for successfully managing diverse and divided countries. But one potential cost of federalism is that excessive political decentralization could weaken polities’ ability to forge broad coalitions to tackle national issues.1 Federalism, the argument goes, weakens national parties because subnational conflicts are common in federal systems and national politicians are tied to subnational interests.
    [Show full text]
  • Discontinuity and European Lawmaking – Another Deficit of EU
    Discontinuity: Another Source for the EU’s Democratic Deficit? Thomas König [email protected] Abstract: This study evaluates discontinuity that is induced by the two-stage lawmaking process of EU directives and discussed in the jurisprudential literature as another source for the EU’s democratic deficit. While directives must be transposed into national law, their lengthy transposition period has raised the normative question about the extent to which governments of today can politically and reliably commit domestic majorities of tomorrow. From a political science perspective, this jack-in-the-box-effect is particularly critical in systems with restrictive voting procedures and high agency loss because the parliamentary principal is unable to learn about the behaviour of the governmental agent and can hardly change or amend the decision of the former government. Hence, the empirical task is to identify the potential for discontinuity in EU lawmaking which requires measuring the governmental activities in the implementation process and to compare the preferences of the former and current majorities. This is the first study which empirically analyzes the potential of discontinuity by combining statistics on the implementation process in the 15 member states with preference indicators for their governments over a period of almost 20 years. The findings reveal that parliaments are almost excluded from this process. On closer inspection, the results show that the preferences of the former and the newly elected representatives differ drastically in about one third of all cases, in particular in Austria, Denmark, France, Sweden – and to a lesser extent – in Ireland, Greece and Luxembourg where public support for European integration has also notably decreased in recent years.
    [Show full text]
  • Final Communique
    ECONOMIC COMMUNITY OF COMMUNAUTE ECONOMIQUE WEST AFRICAN STATES DES ETATS DE L'AFRIQUE ^ DE L'OUEST WENTY SIXTH SESSION OF THE AUTHORITY OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT Dakar, 31 January 2003 Final Communique • J/v^ u'\ Final Communique of the 26m Session of the Authority Page 1 1. The twenty sixth ordinary session of the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), washeid in Dakar on 31 January 2003. underthe Chairmanship of His Excellency Maitre Abdoulave Wade, President of the Republic of Senegal, and current Chairman of ECOWAS. 2. The following Heads of State and Government or their duly accredited representatives were present at the session: His Excellency Mathieu Kerekou President of the Republic of Benin His Excellency John Agyekum Kufuor President of the Republic of Ghana His Excellency Koumba Yaila President of the Republic of Guinea Bissau His Excellency Charles Gankay Iayior President of the Republic of Liberia His Excellency Amadou Toumani Toure President of the Republic of Mali His Excellency Mamadou Tandja President of the Republic of Niger His Excellency Olusegun Obasanic President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria His Excellency Abdoulaye Wade President of the Republic of Senegal His Excellency General Gnassingbe Eyadem; President of the Togolese Republic Y-\er Excellency, isatou Njie-Saidy Vice-President of the Republic a The Gambia Representing the President of the Republic His Excellency Ernest Paramanga Yonli Prime Minister . \ Representing the President of Faso \ Final Communique ofthe 26m Session of the Authority Paae 2 His Excellency Lamine Sidime Prime Minister of the Republic of Guinea Representing the President of the Republic Mrs Fatima Veiga Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation Representing the President of Cabo Verde Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • President, Prime Minister, Or Constitutional Monarch?
    I McN A I R PAPERS NUMBER THREE PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER, OR CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH? By EUGENE V. ROSTOW THE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL S~RATEGIC STUDIES I~j~l~ ~p~ 1~ ~ ~r~J~r~l~j~E~J~p~j~r~lI~1~1~L~J~~~I~I~r~ ~'l ' ~ • ~i~i ~ ,, ~ ~!~ ,,~ i~ ~ ~~ ~~ • ~ I~ ~ ~ ~i! ~H~I~II ~ ~i~ ,~ ~II~b ~ii~!i ~k~ili~Ii• i~i~II~! I ~I~I I• I~ii kl .i-I k~l ~I~ ~iI~~f ~ ~ i~I II ~ ~I ~ii~I~II ~!~•b ~ I~ ~i' iI kri ~! I ~ • r rl If r • ~I • ILL~ ~ r I ~ ~ ~Iirr~11 ¸I~' I • I i I ~ ~ ~,i~i~I•~ ~r~!i~il ~Ip ~! ~ili!~Ii!~ ~i ~I ~iI•• ~ ~ ~i ~I ~•i~,~I~I Ill~EI~ ~ • ~I ~I~ I¸ ~p ~~ ~I~i~ PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER, OR CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH.'? PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER, OR CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH? By EUGENE V. ROSTOW I Introduction N THE MAKING and conduct of foreign policy, ~ Congress and the President have been rivalrous part- ners for two hundred years. It is not hyperbole to call the current round of that relationship a crisis--the most serious constitutional crisis since President Franklin D. Roosevelt tried to pack the Supreme Court in 1937. Roosevelt's court-packing initiative was highly visible and the reaction to it violent and widespread. It came to an abrupt and dramatic end, some said as the result of Divine intervention, when Senator Joseph T. Robinson, the Senate Majority leader, dropped dead on the floor of the Senate while defending the President's bill.
    [Show full text]
  • Political System of France the Fifth Republic • the Fifth Republic Was
    Political System of France The Fifth Republic • The fifth republic was established in 1958, and was largely the work of General de Gaulle - its first president, and Michel Debré his prime minister. It has been amended 17 times. Though the French constitution is parliamentary, it gives relatively extensive powers to the executive (President and Ministers) compared to other western democracies. • A popular referendum approved the constitution of the French Fifth Republic in 1958, greatly strengthening the authority of the presidency and the executive with respect to Parliament. • The constitution does not contain a bill of rights in itself, but its preamble mentions that France should follow the principles of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, as well as those of the preamble to the constitution of the Fourth Republic. • This has been judged to imply that the principles laid forth in those texts have constitutional value, and that legislation infringing on those principles should be found unconstitutional if a recourse is filed before the Constitutional Council. The executive branch • The head of state and head of the executive is the President, elected by universal suffrage. • France has a semi-presidential system of government, with both a President and a Prime Minister. • The Prime Minister is responsible to the French Parliament. • A presidential candidate is required to obtain a nationwide majority of non- blank votes at either the first or second round of balloting, which implies that the President is somewhat supported by at least half of the voting population. • The President of France, as head of state and head of the executive, thus carries more power than leaders of most other European countries, where the two functions are separate (for example in the UK, the Monarch and the Prime minister, in Germany the President and the Chancellor.) • Since May 2017, France's president is Emmanuel Macron, who was elected to the post at age 39, the youngest French leader since Napoleon.
    [Show full text]
  • ALBERTA SECURITIES COMMISSION DECISION Citation
    ALBERTA SECURITIES COMMISSION DECISION Citation: Re Global 8 Environmental Technologies, Inc., 2015 ABASC 734 Date: 20150605 Global 8 Environmental Technologies, Inc., Halo Property Services Inc., Canadian Alternative Resources Inc., Milverton Capital Corporation, Rene Joseph Branconnier and Chad Delbert Burback Panel: Kenneth Potter, QC Fred Snell, FCA Appearing: Robert Stack, Liam Oddie and Heather Currie for Commission Staff H. Roderick Anderson for René Joseph Branconnier Patricia Taylor for Chad Delbert Burback Daniel Wolf for Global 8 Environmental Technologies, Inc. Submissions Completed: 26 November 2014 Decision: 5 June 2015 5176439.1 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. OVERVIEW ....................................................................................................................... 1 A. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1 1. G8 .................................................................................................................1 2. Halo and CAR ..............................................................................................2 B. History of the Proceedings ...................................................................................... 2 C. Certain Prior Orders ................................................................................................ 3 D. Summary of Conclusion ......................................................................................... 3 II. PROCEDURAL AND EVIDENTIARY MATTERS
    [Show full text]
  • Direct Democracy an Overview of the International IDEA Handbook © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2008
    Direct Democracy An Overview of the International IDEA Handbook © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2008 International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The map presented in this publication does not imply on the part of the Institute any judgement on the legal status of any territory or the endorsement of such boundaries, nor does the placement or size of any country or territory reflect the political view of the Institute. The map is created for this publication in order to add clarity to the text. Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. Cover design by: Helena Lunding Map design: Kristina Schollin-Borg Graphic design by: Bulls Graphics AB Printed by: Bulls Graphics AB ISBN: 978-91-85724-54-3 Contents 1. Introduction: the instruments of direct democracy 4 2. When the authorities call a referendum 5 Procedural aspects 9 Timing 10 The ballot text 11 The campaign: organization and regulation 11 Voting qualifications, mechanisms and rules 12 Conclusions 13 3. When citizens take the initiative: design and political considerations 14 Design aspects 15 Restrictions and procedures 16 Conclusions 18 4. Agenda initiatives: when citizens can get a proposal on the legislative agenda 19 Conclusions 21 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Legislative Chambers: Unicameral Or Bicameral?
    Legislative Chambers: Unicameral or Bicameral? Legislative Chambers: Unicameral or Bicameral? How many chambers a parliament should have is a controversial question in constitutional law. Having two legislative chambers grew out of the monarchy system in the UK and other European countries, where there was a need to represent both the aristocracy and the common man, and out of the federal system in the US. where individual states required representation. In recent years, unicameral systems, or those with one legislative chamber, were associated with authoritarian states. Although that perception does not currently hold true, there appears to be a general trend toward two chambers in emerging democracies, particularly in larger countries. Given historical, cultural and political factors, governments must decide whether one-chamber or two chambers better serve the needs of the country. Bicameral Chambers A bicameral legislature is composed of two-chambers, usually termed the lower house and upper house. The lower house is usually based proportionally on population with each member representing the same number of citizens in each district or region. The upper house varies more broadly in the way in which members are selected, including inheritance, appointment by various bodies and direct and indirect elections. Representation in the upper house can reflect political subdivisions, as is the case for the US Senate, German Bundesrat and Indian Rajya Sabha. Bicameral systems tend to occur in federal states, because of that system’s two-tiered power structure. Where subdivisions are drawn to coincide with other important societal units, the upper house can serve to represent ethnic, religious or tribal groupings, as in India or Ethiopia.
    [Show full text]
  • Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
    brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado
    [Show full text]
  • Australia's Political System
    Australia’s Political System Australia's Political System Australia's system of government is based on the liberal democratic tradition, which includes religious tolerance and freedom of speech and association. It's institutions and practices reflect British and North American models but are uniquely Australian. The Commonwealth of Australia was created on January 1, 1901 - Federation Day - when six former British colonies - now the six States of Australia - agreed to form a union. The Australian Constitution, which took effect on January 1, 1901, lays down the framework for the Australian system of government. The Constitution The Australian Constitution sets out the rules and responsibilities of government and outlines the powers of its three branches - legislative, executive and judicial. The legislative branch of government contains the parliament - the body with the legislative power to make laws. The executive branch of government administers the laws made by the legislative branch, and the judicial branch of government allows for the establishment of the country's courts of law and the appointment and removal of it judges. The purpose of the courts is to interpret all laws, including the Constitution, making the rule of law supreme. The Constitution can only be changed by referendum. Australia's Constitutional Monarchy Australia is known as a constitutional monarchy. This means it is a country that has a queen or king as its head of state whose powers are limited by a Constitution. Australia's head of state is Queen Elizabeth II. Although she is also Queen of the United Kingdom, the two positions now are quite separate, both in law and constitutional practice.
    [Show full text]