Standing Orders of the Congress of Deputies
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Discontinuity and European Lawmaking – Another Deficit of EU
Discontinuity: Another Source for the EU’s Democratic Deficit? Thomas König [email protected] Abstract: This study evaluates discontinuity that is induced by the two-stage lawmaking process of EU directives and discussed in the jurisprudential literature as another source for the EU’s democratic deficit. While directives must be transposed into national law, their lengthy transposition period has raised the normative question about the extent to which governments of today can politically and reliably commit domestic majorities of tomorrow. From a political science perspective, this jack-in-the-box-effect is particularly critical in systems with restrictive voting procedures and high agency loss because the parliamentary principal is unable to learn about the behaviour of the governmental agent and can hardly change or amend the decision of the former government. Hence, the empirical task is to identify the potential for discontinuity in EU lawmaking which requires measuring the governmental activities in the implementation process and to compare the preferences of the former and current majorities. This is the first study which empirically analyzes the potential of discontinuity by combining statistics on the implementation process in the 15 member states with preference indicators for their governments over a period of almost 20 years. The findings reveal that parliaments are almost excluded from this process. On closer inspection, the results show that the preferences of the former and the newly elected representatives differ drastically in about one third of all cases, in particular in Austria, Denmark, France, Sweden – and to a lesser extent – in Ireland, Greece and Luxembourg where public support for European integration has also notably decreased in recent years. -
KAZAKHSTAN TREND from Totalitarianism to Democratic and Legal State
Astana, 2015 ББК 63.3(5Ка)я6 С 82 Kazakhstan trend: from Totalitarianism to Democratic and Legal State (View from the Outside) / Collection of articles. Executive editor and author of the introduction Doctor of Law, professor, Honored worker of the Republic of Kazakhstan I.I. Rogov, Astana, 2015. – 234 p. ISBN 9965-27-571-8 ББК 63.3(5Ка)я6 Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan, drafted on the initiative and under the direct supervision of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan – Leader of the Nation N.A. Nazarbayev, adopted on the nationwide referendum on 30 August 1995, has become a stable political and legal foundation of the state and society, dialectical combination of the best achievements of the world constitutional idea with Kazakhstan values, of the formation of unified constitutional and legal policy and practice, of gradual assertion of real constitutionalism. This publication includes articles, reflecting the opinions of foreign experts on the significance of the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the deep and comprehensive reformation of Kazakhstan, its transformation into a modern, strong, successful and prosperous state. The collection also includes analytical comparative materials on the experience of Kazakhstani law and state institutions in comparison with similar branches and institutions of other countries. Among the authors are the representatives of authoritative international organizations, famous politicians, heads of state agencies, world-known scientists from various fields of human knowledge. Publication is interesting and useful for politicians, legislators and law enforcers, academics and wide audience. ISBN 9965-27-571-8 © Constitutional Council of the Republic of Kazakhstan, 2015 CONTENT INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................... -
Parliamentary Strengthening and the Paris Principles: Tanzania Case Study
Parliamentary Strengthening and the Paris Principles Tanzania case study January 2009 Dr. Anthony Tsekpo (Parliamentary Centre) and Dr. Alan Hudson (ODI) * Disclaimer: The views presented in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of DFID or CIDA, whose financial support for this research is nevertheless gratefully acknowledged. Overseas Development Institute 111 Westminster Bridge Road London SE1 7JD UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7922 0300 Fax: +44 (0)20 7922 0399 www.odi.org.uk i Parliamentary strengthening and the Paris Principles: Tanzania case study Acknowledgements We would like to thank all of the people who have shared with us their insights and expertise on the workings of the Parliament of Tanzania and about the range of parliamentary strengthening activities that take place in Tanzania. In particular, we would like to thank those Honourable Members of Parliament who took the time to meet with us, along with members of the Secretariat and staff members from a number of Development Partners and from some of the key civil society organisations that are engaged in parliamentary strengthening work. Our hope is that this report will prove useful to these people and others as they continue their efforts to enhance the effectiveness of Tanzania’s Parliament. In addition, we gratefully acknowledge the financial support provided by the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). ii Parliamentary strengthening and the Paris Principles: Tanzania -
Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians
Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Background Study: Professional and Ethical Standards for Parliamentarians Warsaw, 2012 Published by the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) Ul. Miodowa 10, 00–251 Warsaw, Poland http://www.osce.org/odihr © OSCE/ODIHR 2012, ISBN 978–92–9234–844–1 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction is accompanied by an acknowledgement of the OSCE/ODIHR as the source. Designed by Homework Cover photo of the Hungarian Parliament Building by www.heatheronhertravels.com. Printed by AGENCJA KARO Table of contents Foreword 5 Executive Summary 8 Part One: Preparing to Reform Parliamentary Ethical Standards 13 1.1 Reasons to Regulate Conduct 13 1.2 The Limits of Regulation: Private Life 19 1.3 Immunity for Parliamentarians 20 1.4 The Context for Reform 25 Part Two: Tools for Reforming Ethical Standards 31 2.1 A Code of Conduct 34 2.2 Drafting a Code 38 2.3 Assets and Interests 43 2.4 Allowances, Expenses and Parliamentary Resources 49 2.5 Relations with Lobbyists 51 2.6 Other Areas that may Require Regulation 53 Part Three: Monitoring and Enforcement 60 3.1 Making a Complaint 62 3.2 Investigating Complaints 62 3.3 Penalties for Misconduct 69 3.4 Administrative Costs 71 3.5 Encouraging Compliance 72 3.6 Updating and Reviewing Standards 75 Conclusions 76 Glossary 79 Select Bibliography 81 Foreword The public accountability and political credibility of Parliaments are cornerstone principles, to which all OSCE participating States have subscribed. -
Report on the Foreign Policy of the Czech Republic 2007
CONTENTS INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................6 I. MULTILATERAL COOPERATION ................................................................................. 14 1. The Czech Republic and the European Union ........................................................ 14 The Czech Republic and the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy ............. 33 The Czech Republic and European Security and Defence Policy ........................ 42 2. The Czech Republic and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) ............ 48 3. The Czech Republic and Regional Cooperation ..................................................... 74 Visegrad cooperation ............................................................................................. 74 Central European Initiative (CEI) .......................................................................... 78 Regional Partnership .............................................................................................. 80 Stability Pact for South East Europe ..................................................................... 82 4. The Czech Republic and other European international organisations and forums .. 84 The Czech Republic and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)................................................................................................................... 84 Council of Europe ................................................................................................. -
Bi-Cameralism Under the New Constitution the Legislature: Bi-Cameralism Under the New Constitution
Constitution Working Paper Series No. 8 The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution Kipkemoi arap Kirui and Kipchumba Murkomen SID Constitution Working Paper No. 8 ii The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution Constitution Working Paper No. 8 Published by: Society for International Development (SID) Regional Office for East & Southern Africa Britak Centre, First Floor Ragati/Mara Road P.O. Box 2404-00100 Nairobi, Kenya Tel. +254 20 273 7991 Fax + 254 20 273 7992 www.sidint.net © Society for International Development (SID), 2011 ISBN No. 978-9966-029-07-2 Printed by: The Regal Press Kenya Ltd. P.O. Box 46166 Nairobi, Kenya Design & Layout: Sunburst Communications Ltd. P.O. Box 43193-00100 Nairobi, Kenya Email: [email protected] SID Constitution Working Paper No. 8 The Legislature: Bi-Cameralism under the new Constitution iii Abstract The aims of this paper are threefold. First, the paper retraces the history of the Kenyan legislature before and after independence tracking the various transformations spanning a century of its existence. These transformations have been largely characterised by two competing forces: one epitomized by a strong executive seizing power from other arms of government, and the other by pro-reform forces pushing for an expanded democracy, better governance and accountability, and the promotion of rule of law. They agitated for electoral, legislative and constitutional reforms resulting in the reduction of the powers of the president, the re-introduction of multiparty democracy and the expansion of people’s democratic space and shifting power from the presidency back to other arms of the state, including parliament, and by extension to the people. -
New Political Statute
Issue 67 Year 2005 SPECIAL MONOGRAPHIC ISSUE NewNew PoliticalPolitical Statute,Statute, aa proposalproposal forfor coexistencecoexistence Issue 67 Year 2005 Aguirre, AURKIBIDEA / TABLE OF CONTENTS centenario del primer Lehendakari vasco GAURKO GAIAK / CURRENT EVENTS: New Basque Statute 3 • Opening letter. A proposal for coexistence. 4 • Chronicle of a proposal. Issue 67 - Year 2005 AUTHOR Eusko Jaurlaritza-Kanpo Harremanetarako Idazkaritza Nagusia Basque Government-General Secretariat for Foreign Action C/ Navarra, 2 01007 VITORIA-GASTEIZ Telephone: (+34) 945 01 7900 [email protected] DIRECTOR Josu Legarreta Bilbao 6 • The Lehendakari's EDITOR statement to the Congress Eusko Jaurlaritzaren Argitalpen of Deputies in Madrid in Zerbitzu Nagusia defense of the New Statute Servicio Basque Government Central Publication Service for the Basque Country. COORDINATION AND 14 • The Lehendakari's EDITORIAL OFFICE reply to party A. Zugasti (Kazeta5) representatives. LAYOUT AND DESIGN didart 16 • 100 questions . 100 answers. PHOTOGRAPHS Photo Archive, Office of the President and EFE PRINTING Xxxxxxxxxxx ISSN: 1579-4210 Further information and the complete texts of the articles cited in this issue are available by visiting: www.nuevoestatutodeeuskadi.net NEW POLITICAL STATUTE Aurkezpena Introduction n a plenary session held on Covenant on Economic, Social, December 30th, the Basque and Cultural Rights. Parliament passed by an The right of the Basque people Iabsolute majority the to decide their own future is proposal to reform the based on respecting their right Political Statute for the as citizens of the different Basque Autonomous legal and political spheres Community. Under Spanish A proposal for making up the Basque region, law statutory amendments to be consulted when it comes may be introduced under to deciding their own future. -
Models of Bicameral Parliaments. a Comparative Approach a Comparative Parliaments
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AND ACTIVITIES AND INSTITUTIONS POLITICAL Zbigniew Machelski Models of bicameral parliaments. A comparative approach Regardless of any structural properties “chambers of reflection” that were to ensure and internal differences (unicameralism vs. full optimisation and high standard of the bicameralism), the parliament defines the legislative process. This is a reference to the formal framework within which other or- tradition of the Republican Rome, whose Se- ganisations and institutions in society are to natus (literally council of elders) has become operate. The aim of the article is not so much a nearly universally recognised role model1. to analyse but to classify bicameralism. Each The reference to tradition is important, but classification has its strengths and weakness- it does not explain all contemporary polit- es. First, as in the case of most tools used in ical phenomena, which are the domain of comparative methods, it carries with it a risk political science. Studies conducted in the of simplifications, without which, howev- mid-1990s confirmed that 126 legislatures er, formal modelling is impossible. Second, in various geographical regions of the world making comparisons is associated with easy were unicameral, while 56 were bicameral2. manipulation of some variables. This often In the initially bicameral system, unicamer- stems from political scientists’ own prej- alism has clearly become dominant. udice, when they try to examine political The discussion about the sense of the phenomena in accordance with their own bicameral system keeps coming back from preferences. In analyses of bicameralism, time to time, also in Poland3. Critics of bi- this is manifested in a tendency to attribute cameralism are trying to demonstrate that rationality only in the case of federal or large the bicameral structure of the parliament is states. -
The Parliamentary Mandate
THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE A GLOBAL COMPARATIVE STUDY THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE A GLOBAL COMPARATIVE STUDY Marc Van der Hulst Inter-Parliamentary Union Geneva 2000 @ Inter-Parliamentary Union 2000 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not be a way of trade or otherwise, be lent, re-sold hired or otherwise circulated without the publisher's prior consent in any form or binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent publisher. ISBN 92-9142-056-5 Published by INTER-PARLIAMETARY UNION Headquarters Liaison Office with the United Nations Place du Petit-Saconnex 821 United Nations Plaza C.P. 438 9th Floor 1211 Geneva 19 New York, N.Y. 10017 Switzerland United States of America Layout, printing and binding by Atar, Geneva Cover design by Aloys Robellaz, Les Studios Lolos, Carouge, Switzerland (Translated from the French by Jennifer Lorenzi and Patricia Deane) t Table of Contents FOREWORD ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xi INTRODUCTION l PART ONE: NATURE AND DURATION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE I. NATURE OF THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE 6 1. The traditional opposition between national sovereignty and popular sovereignty 6 2. The free representational mandate 8 3. The imperative mandate 9 4. A choice motivated by pragmatic rather than ideological considerations? 10 II. DURATION OF THE PARLIAMENTARY MANDATE.. -
Congressional Membership and Appointment Authority to Advisory Commissions, Boards, and Groups
Congressional Membership and Appointment Authority to Advisory Commissions, Boards, and Groups Updated February 12, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33313 Congressional Membership and Appointment Authority to Advisory Bodies Summary Over the past several decades, Congress, by statute, has established a wide array of commissions, boards, and advisory bodies to provide it with assistance in meeting various legislative, investigative, and administrative responsibilities. Some of these entities are temporary and created to serve specific functions, such as studying a discrete policy area or performing one-time tasks. Others are permanent, serving an ongoing purpose, such as overseeing an institution or performing a regular administrative function. The majority of these congressional bodies provide that Members of Congress, particularly the leadership, be intimately involved in the appointment process, either through direct service on a commission, or by appointing or recommending candidates for membership. The choice of a particular mechanism for membership appointment may have implications for the ability of these entities to fulfill their congressional mandates. Examination of the statutory language creating these bodies reveals several common approaches to membership selection. Each alternative schema has its advantages. For example, a commission or board composed entirely of Members permits a high degree of congressional control over the entity’s operations. Bodies composed mainly of qualified private citizens or executive branch appointees may provide a broader expertise than Member-only bodies. Assemblages of mixed membership provide some of the advantages of both Member and citizen-only appointment schemes. This report contains a compilation of existing commissions and boards that demonstrates the range of alternative membership-appointment structures. -
Bicameral Systems and Representation of Regions and Local Authorities: the Role of Second Chambers in Europe”
CONFERENCE ON “BICAMERAL SYSTEMS AND REPRESENTATION OF REGIONS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES: THE ROLE OF SECOND CHAMBERS IN EUROPE” Paris, 21 February 2008 organised by THE FRENCH SENATE THE CONGRESS OF LOCAL AND REGIONAL AUTHORITIES OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE in co-operation with THE PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE AND THE VENICE COMMISSION REPORT FORMS OF REPRESENTATION IN SECOND CHAMBERS: ELECTION PROCEDURES BY Mr Carlos CLOSA MONTERO (member of the European Commission for democracy through law - Venice Commission -, Spain) 1. The position of second chambers in european constitutional design: at some time during the 20th century, the use of second chambers seemed to be condemned to a corner of history, since several european countries eliminated them during the first third of the xxth century (Serbia 1901-1903; 1917 Russia; 1917 Finland; 1926 Portugal; 1928 Albania; 1949 Malta; 1982 Turkey). However, drafters of new constitutions after 1945 have shown themselves kin on having second chambers, a path continued also at the end of the xxth century in new constitutions. Thus, rather than being an extraordinary feature of european political system, it has become a common one: not least than 17 european states have second chambers.1 There is a certain correspondence between the size of states and having a second chamber: generally speaking, large countries do tend to have second chambers. In Europe, the largest countries to have a unicameral parliament are Greece, with 11 million inhabitants, and Portugal, with 10.5 million. Despite this trend, second chambers are disputed. Usually, their operative costs and the delays in passing legislation are arguments used against them. -
Directorate-General for Research
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR RESEARCH W O R K I N G D O C U M E N T NATIONAL PROVISIONS CONCERNING INELIGIBILITY AND INCOMPATIBILITY WITH REGARD TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT "National Parliaments" Series W - 9 This document is available in : EN DE FR The contents of this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorized provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice and sent a copy. Publisher: European Parliament Directorate General for Research ECPRD Secretariat L - 2929 LUXEMBOURG Tel . : (352) 4300 2447 Fax : (352) 4300 9021 Editor: Marília CRESPO ALLEN in collaboration with the CORRESPONDENTS of the ECPRD, European Centre for Parliamentary Research and Documentation Manuscript completed in February 1997 DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR RESEARCH W O R K I N G D O C U M E N T NATIONAL PROVISIONS CONCERNING INELIGIBILITY AND INCOMPATIBILITY WITH REGARD TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT "National Parliaments" Series W - 9 6 - 1997 PE 220.623 National provisions concerning ineligibility and incompatibility with regard to elections and membership of the european parliament Contents Page General remarks ............................................................ 3 1. Ineligibilities arising from: (a) the holding of certain posts or the exercise of certain activities (b) an individual criminal law or civil law decision Belgium................................................................. 8 Denmark................................................................