Freedom in the World Report 2020
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The Impact of Federalism on National Party Cohesion in Brazil
National Party Cohesion in Brazil 259 SCOTT W. DESPOSATO University of Arizona The Impact of Federalism on National Party Cohesion in Brazil This article explores the impact of federalism on national party cohesion. Although credited with increasing economic growth and managing conflict in countries with diverse electorates, federal forms of government have also been blamed for weak party systems because national coalitions may be divided by interstate conflicts. This latter notion has been widely asserted, but there is virtually no empirical evidence of the relationship or even an effort to isolate and identify the specific features of federal systems that might weaken parties. In this article, I build and test a model of federal effects in national legislatures. I apply my framework to Brazil, whose weak party system is attributed, in part, to that country’s federal form of government. I find that federalism does significantly reduce party cohesion and that this effect can be tied to multiple state-level interests but that state-level actors’ impact on national party cohesion is surprisingly small. Introduction Federalism is one of the most widely studied of political institutions. Scholars have shown how federalism’s effects span a wide range of economic, policy, and political dimensions (see Chandler 1987; Davoodi and Zou 1998; Dyck 1997; Manor 1998; Riker 1964; Rodden 2002; Ross 2000; Stansel 2002; Stein 1999; Stepan 1999; Suberu 2001; Weingast 1995). In economic spheres, federalism has been lauded for improving market competitiveness and increasing growth; in politics, for successfully managing diverse and divided countries. But one potential cost of federalism is that excessive political decentralization could weaken polities’ ability to forge broad coalitions to tackle national issues.1 Federalism, the argument goes, weakens national parties because subnational conflicts are common in federal systems and national politicians are tied to subnational interests. -
The Protection of Human Rights in the Mexican
THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE MEXICAN REPUBLICANISM CARLOS ALBERTO AGUILAR BLANCAS1 Abstract: Democracy is not only a procedure of choice and citizen participation, but also a set of values that affirm freedom and citizen’s rights. The reform of 2011 rose to constitutional rank the defence, protection and promotion of human rights, representing an unprecedented historic breakthrough. With these reforms, Mexico seeks to consolidate its constitutional system adapting it to reality, increasing its cultural diversity, values and traditions that have been shaping the Mexican identity. The full knowledge of their rights produces a citizenship aware of them, which, even for Mexico, is a long-term task. KEYWORDS: State, Government, Mexican Constitutional Law, Human Rights, International Law, Sovereignty. Summary: I. INTRODUCTION; II. AN APPROACH TO THE RULE OF LAW IN MEXICO; II.1. General aspects of the rule of law; II.2. Rule of law in Mexico; III. SCOPE OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN THE FIELD OF HUMAN RIGHTS FROM 2011; III.1. Aspects of the reform in the field of human rights, III.2. Jurisdictional implications of the reform in the field of human rights; III.3. Realities and prospects of human rights in Mexico; IV. CONCLUSIONS; V. REFERENCES. I. INTRODUCTION The constitutional state is characterized by the defence of the fundamental rights of individuals, in contrast to the classic constitutionalism, which sought the political freedom of the citizens against the public abuse of power (SCHMITT, 1992: 138), i.e., in those days it was reflected that there was not a bourgeois rule of law, that there was no individual rights and the separation or division of powers was not established. -
Mexico: Freedom in the World 2021 Country Report | Freedom Hous
FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2021 Mexico 61 PARTLY FREE /100 Political Rights 27 /40 Civil Liberties 34 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 62 /100 Partly Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Overview Mexico has been an electoral democracy since 2000, and alternation in power between parties is routine at both the federal and state levels. However, the country suffers from severe rule of law deficits that limit full citizen enjoyment of political rights and civil liberties. Violence perpetrated by organized criminals, corruption among government officials, human rights abuses by both state and nonstate actors, and rampant impunity are among the most visible of Mexico’s many governance challenges. Key Developments in 2020 • With over 125,000 deaths and 1.4 million cases, people in Mexico were severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. The government initially hid the virus’s true toll from the public, and the actual numbers of cases and deaths caused by the coronavirus are unknown. • In July, authorities identified the bone fragments of one of the 43 missing Guerrero students, further undermining stories about the controversial case told by the Peña Nieto administration. • Also in July, former head of the state oil company PEMEX Emilio Lozoya was implicated in several multimillion-dollar graft schemes involving other high- ranking former officials. Extradited from Spain, he testified against his former bosses and peers, including former presidents Calderón and Peña Nieto. • In December, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) named Mexico the most dangerous country in the world for members of the media. -
Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado -
Freedom in the World Annual Report, 2019, Mexico
Mexico | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/mexico A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 9 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 3 / 4 The president is elected to a six-year term and cannot be reelected. López Obrador of the left-leaning MORENA party won the July poll with a commanding 53 percent of the vote. His closest rival, Ricardo Anaya—the candidate of the National Action Party (PAN) as well as of the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) and Citizens’ Movement (MC)—took 22 percent. The large margin of victory prevented a recurrence of the controversy that accompanied the 2006 elections, when López Obrador had prompted a political crisis by refusing to accept the narrow election victory of conservative Felipe Calderón. The results of the 2018 poll also represented a stark repudiation of the outgoing administration of President Peña Nieto and the PRI; the party’s candidate, José Antonio Meade, took just 16 percent of the vote. The election campaign was marked by violence and threats against candidates for state and local offices. Accusations of illicit campaign activities remained frequent at the state level, including during the 2018 gubernatorial election in Puebla, where the victory of PAN candidate Martha Érika Alonso—the wife of incumbent governor Rafael Moreno—was only confirmed in December, following a protracted process of recounts and appeals related to accusations of ballot manipulation. (Both Alonso and Moreno died in a helicopter crash later that month.) A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 3 / 4 Senators are elected for six-year terms through a mix of direct voting and proportional representation, with at least two parties represented in each state’s delegation. -
Types of Semi-Presidentialism and Party Competition Structures in Democracies: the Cases of Portugal and Peru Gerson Francisco J
TYPES OF SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND PARTY COMPETITION STRUCTURES IN DEMOCRACIES: THE CASES OF PORTUGAL AND PERU GERSON FRANCISCO JULCARIMA ALVAREZ Licentiate in Sociology, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Peru), 2005. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in POLITICAL SCIENCE Department of Political Science University of Lethbridge LETHBRIDGE, ALBERTA, CANADA © Gerson F. Julcarima Alvarez, 2020 TYPES OF SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND PARTY COMPETITION STRUCTURES IN DEMOCRACIES: THE CASES OF PORTUGAL AND PERU GERSON FRANCISCO JULCARIMA ALVAREZ Date of Defence: November 16, 2020 Dr. A. Siaroff Professor Ph.D. Thesis Supervisor Dr. H. Jansen Professor Ph.D. Thesis Examination Committee Member Dr. J. von Heyking Professor Ph.D. Thesis Examination Committee Member Dr. Y. Belanger Professor Ph.D. Chair, Thesis Examination Committee ABSTRACT This thesis analyzes the influence that the semi-presidential form of government has on the degree of closure of party competition structures. Thus, using part of the axioms of the so-called Neo-Madisonian theory of party behavior and Mair's theoretical approach to party systems, the behavior of parties in government in Portugal (1976-2019) and Peru (1980-1991 and 2001-2019) is analyzed. The working hypotheses propose that the president-parliamentary form of government promotes a decrease in the degree of closure of party competition structures, whereas the premier- presidential form of government promotes either an increase or a decrease in the closure levels of said structures. The investigation results corroborate that apart from the system of government, the degree of closure depends on the combined effect of the following factors: whether the president's party controls Parliament, the concurrence or not of presidential and legislative elections, and whether the party competition is bipolar or multipolar. -
Migration and Human Rights at Mexico's Southern Border
The Neglected Border: Migration and Human Rights at Mexico's Southern Border The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Bahena Juarez, Jessica. 2019. The Neglected Border: Migration and Human Rights at Mexico's Southern Border. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:42004203 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA !"#$%#&'#()#*$+,''-$./&0,)/12$,2*$345,2$6/&")7$,)$.#8/(197$:14)"#02$;10*#0$ <#77/(,$;,"#2,$$ =$!"#7/7$/2$)"#$>/#'*$1?$@2)#02,)/12,'$6#',)/127$ ?10$)"#$A#&0##$1?$.,7)#0$1?$B/C#0,'$=0)7$/2$D8)#27/12$:)4*/#7$ $ 3,0E,0*$F2/E#07/)G$ .,G$HIJK$$ L1MG0/&")$HIJK$<#77/(,$;,"#2,$ =C7)0,()$ $ !"#$(15M'#8/12$1?$5/&0,2)$?'1N7$1E#0$.#8/(1O7$714)"#02$C10*#0$",7$(",2&#*$ ?10(#?4''G$/2$(12)#5M10,0G$#0,)/127P$!"/7$7)4*G$#8M'10#7$)"#$"/7)10/(,'$)0#2*7$1?$ L#2)0,'$=5#0/(,2$5/&0,)/12Q$)"#$(15M'#8/)G$1?$.#8/(197$714)"#02$C10*#0Q$,2*$0#,7127$ ?10$)"#$?,/'40#$1?$M01&0,57$/5M'#5#2)#*$)1$M01)#()$5/&0,2)79$0/&")7P$!"#$,0&45#2)$ M01M17#*$/2$)"/7$)"#7/7$/7$)",)$*#7M/)#$C#/2&$?0,5#*$/2$,$',2&4,&#$)",)$M0151)#7$ M01)#()/12Q$.#8/(,2$C10*#0$#2?10(#5#2)$M1'/(/#7$,2*$M0,()/(#7$1C7(40#$)"#$E/1'#2(#$12$ )"#$&0142*P$@)$?/2*7$)",)$M01&0,57$/5M'#5#2)#*$CG$)"#$.#8/(,2$&1E#025#2)$)1$M01)#()$ 5/&0,2)79$0/&")7$,2*$0#&4',)#$5/&0,)/12$?015$)"#$%10)"#02$!0/,2&'#$1?$L#2)0,'$=5#0/(,$ -
Mexico's 2018 Election
University of Texas Rio Grande Valley ScholarWorks @ UTRGV History Faculty Publications and Presentations College of Liberal Arts 2018 Mexico's 2018 election Irving W. Levinson The University of Texas Rio Grande Valley, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/hist_fac Part of the Election Law Commons, and the History Commons Recommended Citation Levinson, Irving W., "Mexico's 2018 election" (2018). History Faculty Publications and Presentations. 40. https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/hist_fac/40 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts at ScholarWorks @ UTRGV. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UTRGV. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. MEXICO’S 2018 ELECTIONS OPENING NOTES On July 1, 2018, Mexico will hold elections for the presidency, for all seats in the federal Chamber of Deputies, and for one third of the seats in the federal Senate. Currently, nine political parties hold seats in one or both of the two houses of the federal legislature. Their names and the initials used in the following comments are: INITIALS PARTY NAME IN SPANISH PARTY NAME IN ENGLISH MORENA Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional Movement of National Regeneration MV Movimiento Ciudadano Citizen Movement NA Nueva Alianza New Alliance PAN Partido Acción Nacional National Action Party PES Partido Encuentro Social Social Encounter Party PRD Partido de la Revolución Democrática Party of the Democratic Revolution PRI Partido de la Revolución Institucional Party of the Institutional Revolution PVEM Partido Ecología Verde de Mexico Green Ecology Party of Mexico PT Partido Trabajo Party of Work THE CURRENT SITUATION Given the large number of political parties in Mexico, these nine parties formed alliances and in each case united behind a single presidential candidate. -
Continuity Or Rupture? Mexico's Energy Reform in Light of Electoral Expectations
CONTINUITY OR RUPTURE? MEXICO’S ENERGY REFORM IN LIGHT OF ELECTORAL EXPECTATIONS Miriam Grunstein, Ph.D. Nonresident Scholar, Mexico Center June 2018 © 2018 by the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Miriam Grunstein, Ph.D. “Continuity or Rupture? Mexico’s Energy Reform in Light of Electoral Expectations” Mexico’s Energy Reform in Light of Electoral Expectations Mexico’s future hinges on the outcome of the upcoming July 2018 presidential election. With just a few feet remaining from the finish line of the presidential race, the oldest horse, both in terms of age and political track record, is still a few steps ahead of the youngest, which follows in second place. A few days after the first presidential debate, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, the “left-wing” candidate representing the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA, according to its acronym in Spanish), was still in the lead over Ricardo Anaya, the “right-wing,” National Action Party (PAN, according to its acronym in Spanish) candidate. The candidate from the governing Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, according to its acronym in Spanish)—José Antonio Meade—plods along at a slow pace, seeming to have not heard the gunshot that started the electoral race. -
Sub-National Second Chambers and Regional Representation: International Experiences Submission to Kelkar Committee on Maharashtra
Sub-national Second Chambers and regional representation: International Experiences Submission to Kelkar Committee on Maharashtra By Rupak Chattopadhyay October 2011 The principle of the upper house of the legislature being a house of legislative review is well established in federal and non-federal countries like. Historically from the 17th century onwards, upper houses were constituted to represent the legislative interests of conservative and corporative elements (House of Lords in the UK or Senate in Bavaria or Bundesrat in Imperial Germany) against those of the ‘people’ as represented by elected lower houses (e.g. House of Commons). The United States became the first to use the upper house as the federating chamber for the country. This second model of bicameralism is that associated with the influential ‘federal’ example of the US Constitution, in which the second chamber was conceived as a ‘house of the states’. It has been said in this regard that federal systems of government are highly conducive to bicameralism in which a senate serves as a federal house whose members are selected to represent the states or provinces, with each constituent state provided equal representation. The Australian Senate was conceived along similar lines, with the Constitution guaranteeing each state, again regardless of its population, an equal number of senators. At present, the Australian Senate consists of 76 senators, 12 from each of the six states and two from each of the mainland territories.60 The best contemporary example of a second chamber which does, in fact, operate as an effective ‘house of the states’ is the German Bundesrat, members of which are appointed by state governments from amongst their members, with each state having between three and six representatives, depending on population. -
Establishing a Lebanese Senate: Bicameralism and the Third Republic
CDDRL Number 125 August 2012 WORKING PAPERS Establishing a Lebanese Senate: Bicameralism and the Third Republic Elias I. Muhanna Brown University Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Additional working papers appear on CDDRL’s website: http://cddrl.stanford.edu. Working Paper of the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy at CDDRL. About the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy: The Program on Arab Reform and Democracy examines the different social and political dynamics within Arab countries and the evolution of their political systems, focusing on the prospects, conditions, and possible pathways for political reform in the region. This multidisciplinary program brings together both scholars and practitioners - from the policy making, civil society, NGO (non-government organization), media, and political communities - as well as other actors of diverse backgrounds from the Arab world, to consider how democratization and more responsive and accountable governance might be achieved, as a general challenge for the region and within specific Arab countries. The program aims to be a hub for intellectual capital about issues related to good governance and political reform in the Arab world and allowing diverse opinions and voices to be heard. It benefits from the rich input of the academic community at Stanford, from faculty to researchers to graduate students, as well as its partners in the Arab world and Europe. Visit our website: arabreform.stanford.edu Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94305 Phone: 650-724-7197 Fax: 650-724-2996 http://cddrl.stanford.edu/ About the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) CDDRL was founded by a generous grant from the Bill and Flora Hewlett Foundation in October in 2002 as part of the Stanford Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. -
The Race for the Mexican Presidency Begins
MAIL From: (b) (6) To: f(b) (6) BC: Sally Spener Subject: fns_nmsu-l] FNS: The Race for the Mexican Presidency Begins Date: 15-Nov-2016 21:13 Attachments: Mime.822 (excluded from export) Creation Date: 15-Nov-2016 21:12 Store Date: 15-Nov-2016 23:12 Status: Box Type: received Folder: Sally Spener Home > Mailbox Message Id: 582B7A5C.USIBWC.ELP.200.2000078.1.B016E.1 November 15, 2016 Special Report The Race for the Mexican Presidency Begins Amid the turmoil emanating from the U.S. election, Mexico is entering its own presidential transition period. Though political reforms have shortened the length of the formal campaigns (which don’t commence until early 2018 ), and placed some restrictions on media access by the political parties, for all intents and purposes the 2018 race is already in the go mode. More than a year and a half before Mexicans go to the polls, a dozen possible successors to Enrique Pena Nieto are the focus of voter surveys, public and private meetings and increased media attention. At least two of the potential presidential contestants could be women, though the candidacy of one of them has yet to be decided. Plenty of time remains for dark horses to prance onto the scene, and changed conditions by 2018 could greatly shift the parameters, personalities and politics of the campaign, but as of late 2016 the favorites are already shining in the spotlight. For the conservative National Action Party (PAN), which hopes to regain Los Pinos (the Mexican White House) after losing it four years ago to the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI) following 12 years of PAN rule, the current hopefuls include Margarita Zavala, the wife of former President Felipe Calderon; party chief Ricardo Anaya; Rafael Moreno Valle, the controversial governor of Puebla state; and Ernesto Ruffo, who’s regarded as a historic figure for his Baja California victory that made him the first PAN governor elected in the country back in 1989.