Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

Bidrag til kortlægning af mekanismerne bag de seneste 150 års samfundsmæssige forandringer og gradvist øgede demokratisering i Grønland

[Udgives kun elektronisk]

Klaus Georg Hansen

Nuuk 2017

Klaus Georg Hansen

Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager Bidrag til kortlægning af mekanismerne bag de seneste 150 års samfundsmæssige forandringer og gradvist øgede demokratisering i Grønland

INUSSUK – Arktisk forskningsjournal 1 – 2017 – Bilag 6

Udgives kun elektronisk på hjemmesiden for Departementet for Uddannelse, Kultur Forskning og Kirke. 1. udgave, 1. oplag Nuuk, 2017

Copyright © Klaus Georg Hansen samt Departementet for Uddannelse, Kultur, Forskning og Kirke, Grønlands Selvstyre

Uddrag, herunder figurer, tabeller og citater, er tilladt med tydelig kildeangivelse. Skrifter, der omtaler, anmelder, citerer eller henviser til denne publikation, bedes venligst tilsendt.

Skriftserien INUSSUK udgives af Departementet for Uddannelse, Kultur, Forskning og Kirke, Grønlands Selvstyre.

Formålet med denne skriftserie er at formidle resultater fra forskning i Arktis, såvel til den grønlandske befolkning som til forskningsmiljøer i Grønland og det øvrige Norden. Skriftserien ønsker at bidrage til en styrkelse af det arktiske samarbejde, især inden for humanistisk, samfundsvidenskabelig og sundhedsvidenskabelig forskning.

Redaktionen modtager gerne forslag til publikationer.

Redaktion Forskningskoordinator Najâraq Paniula Departementet for Uddannelse, Kultur, Forskning og Kirke Grønlands Selvstyre Postboks 1029, 3900 Nuuk, Grønland Telefon: +299 34 50 00 E-mail: [email protected]

Publikationer i INUSSUK serien kan rekvireres ved henvendelse til Forlaget Atuagkat ApS Postboks 216 3900 Nuuk, Grønland Email: [email protected] Hjemmeside: www.atuagkat.gl

Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

Indledning

Både selve PhD afhandlingen og værket her bygger på syv artikler, som jeg har skrevet. De syv artikler er publiceret i forskellige sammenhænge. Jeg har indhentet tilladelse til at gøre artiklerne tilgængelige her.

De syv artikler er kun blevet gjort elektronisk tilgængelige i form af dette her Bilag 6 til "Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager. Bidrag til kortlægning af mekanismerne bag de seneste 150 års samfundsmæssige forandringer og gradvist øgede demokratisering i Grønland".

Bilag 6 kan hentes på hjemmesiden for Departementet for Uddannelse, Kultur Forskning og Kirke.

De syv artikler, som det drejer sig om, er følgende:

Artikel 1 – Hansen (1996) ...... 3 "Kayak dizziness. Historical Reflections about a Greenlandic Predicament", i FOLK; Journal of the Danish Ethnographic Society, vol 37, 1996. pp 51-74.

Artikel 2 – Hansen (2003) ...... 29 "IT-sektoren i et magtperspektiv" i Gorm Winther (redaktør), Demokrati og magt i Grønland, Magtudredningen. Århus 2003. Aarhus Universitetsforlag. pp 162-194.

Artikel 3 – Hansen (2007) ...... 63 "Man ser dem aldrig med hug eller haarde ord at straffe deres børn – en analyse af forskelle mellem vestlig og eskimoisk opfattelse af den personlige integritets krænkelighed", i Tidsskriftet Grønland, nr 4, 2007. pp 162-177.

Artikel 4 – Hansen, Sørensen and Jeppson (2009) ...... 81 "Decision processes, communication and democracy; The aluminium smelter project in Greenland", i Janne Hukkinen, Klaus Georg Hansen et al., Knowledge-based tools for sustainable governance of energy and climate adaptation in the Nordic periphery. Nordic Research Programme 2005-2008, Nordregio Report, 7, 2009. Stockholm 2009. pp 57-84.

Artikel 5 – Hansen and Rasmussen (2013) ...... 113 "New Economic Activities and Urbanisation: Individual reasons for moving and for staying – Case Greenland", i Klaus Georg Hansen, Rasmus Ole Rasmussen and Ryan Weber (editors), Proceedings from the First International Conference on Urbanisation in the Arctic. Conference 28-30 August 2012. Ilimmarfik, Nuuk, Greenland. Nordregio Working Paper, 7, 2013. Stockholm 2013. pp 157-182.

1 Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

Artikel 6 – Hansen (2013a) ...... 141 "The aluminium smelter project in Greenland – New aspects of an industrialisation process?", i Klaus Georg Hansen, Søren Bitsch and Lyudmila Zalkind (editors), Urbanization and the role of housing in the present development process in the Arctic. Nordregio Report, 3, 2013. Stockholm 2013. pp 85-101.

Artikel 7 – Hansen (2014a) ...... 161 "Greenlandic perspectives on offshore oil and gas activities – An illustration of changes in the legitimacy related to the democratic decision processes", i Journal of Rural and Community Development, 9:1, 2014. pp 134-154.

2 Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

Artikel 1

Kayak dizziness. Historical Reflections about a Greenlandic Predicament

Hansen (1996). I FOLK; Journal of the Danish Ethnographic Society. Vol 37, 1996. pp 51-74.

3 Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

4 Kayak Dizziness Historical Reflections about a Greenlandic Predicament

Klaus Georg Hansen

The Greenlandic word for kayak dizziness is "nangiarneq." In the middle of the 19th century kayak dizziness was invented as a disease by the Danish co­ lonial authorities. Western medicine has, over the past 150 years, described this disease in varying terms. Though the Western narration have influenced the modern native Greenlandic accounts of the disease, a popular Greenlan­ dic description still exists. The two descriptions, the Western and the Green­ landic are incompatible. It is necessary to understand this if the native Greenlander:~ sufferingfrom this disease today are to be treated successfully.

Some years ago I was conducting fieldwork in a village in Western Greenland. I noticed that one of the men, that I had been in contact with some years earli­ er, was now so afraid of sailing that he had completely stopped as an active fisherman and hunter. I was told by the others that the he suffered from nan­ giarneq (kayak dizziness in English). I was very surprised by this. I had read about kayak dizziness, but as many other people I thought that it had disap­ peared, now that they no longer used the kayak for hunting. Since I came back from my fieldwork, I have gathered material about this disease, which is invalidating to Greenlanders, as doctors in Greenland pres­ ently have no cure. In this article I will outline, how the disease has been described by both Eu­ ropeans and Greenlanders.! There are both Western medical descriptions and Greenlandic popular accounts of the disease. Firstly, I will go through the changes, which have happened within Western medical characterizations, then I will sketch a popular Greenlandic understanding of the disease. Lastly, I will 52 FOLK 37· 1995

Figur I. Tupilak sknemmer kajakmand til d¢de. Tegning af Gerteraq, Gert Lyberth (1867-1929). (© Gr¢nlands Nationalmuseum & Arkiv).

look at the influence that Western medical explanation has had on the develop­ ment of the Greenlandic popular description of kayak dizziness.

Kayak Dizziness Described as Intoxication There have been three different phases in the history of Western medical de­ scription of kayak dizziness. Its genesis can be found some 130 years ago. This first period has to be seen in respect to the Danish colonial administration which in 1838 initiated a health care program for Greenlanders.2 In 1864 the first collective medical portrayal of diseases in Greenland was published. The work titled "Notes about Greenlandic Illnesses" written by Dr. Carl Lange after his investigative travel in 1863. This was the first time kayak dizziness was represented as a medical problem. Lange wrote:

We should dedicate some space to the nervous diseases. It seems as though, as is normally the case with savage people, including the Greenlander, that they have a minor role, but neverthe­ less this seems to be increasing. Therefore, headache, buzzing in the ears, palpitation and trembling hands just as "dizziness in kayak" is becoming more frequent. (Lange 1864: 53)

In the same period American doctor Georg M. Beard, became known for his argument that nervous diseases was a symptom of modernity (Pontoppidan 1886: 33lff; Bertelsen 1905: 325). The Greenlanders' path towards civiliza­ tion therefore lead to an increased number of nervous diseases. Of the reason for the nervous "dizziness in kayak" Lange wrote: KLAUS GEORG HANSEN Kayak Dizziness 53

It does not seem unreasonable, that coffee has some of blame. When a population for extend­ ed periods consume on average 4-5 lots [2-300 gram] coffee per person daily, it does not seem unexplainable that palpitation, dizziness, and similar symptoms are found frequently among them. (Lange 1864: 54 (my addition».

The understanding that the nervous systems disease kayak dizziness was an intoxication caused by civilization, has been put forward by several doctors, who wrote about the disease at the turn of century (Hagen 1866: 55; Hastrup 1886: 783-4).3 In 1882, Dr. Lambert Christian von Haven wrote that

... the strong Dutch tobacco could be the reason why so many cases of the dizziness, which robs many Greenlanders of the ability to get into a kayak occurs. (Haven 1882: 190).

Along with the idea about intoxication of coffee some doctors were claiming as late as 1900 that kayak dizziness was caused by intoxication through tobac­ co (Meldorf 1900). Though doctors did not entirely agree on the actual cause of the nervous disorder, there was no disagreement that it was caused by intox­ ication. The first medical definition of kayak dizziness molded the disease into a disease of civilization - an intoxication from the benefits of civilization. For doctors at the end of the previous century, something noble about the savage Greenlander persisted. Thus, von Haven stated that rachitis only oc­ curred in families with Danish blood (Haven 1882: 187). In 1900, Dr. Holger Kixr claimed that in his opinion it was "possible that mental diseases ... do not occur among pure Eskimo populations" (Kixr 1900: 463). As late as in 1909, Dr. Thomas Neergaard Krabbe found it likely that the Greenlanders were relatively immune to sexually transmitted diseases (Krabbe 1909: 81). His assumption was not left uncontradicted, because a new way of looking at Greenlanders had emerged in the medical field at the change of the century. This also meant the appearance of a new definition of kayak dizziness.

Kayak Dizziness Described as a Pathological Fear In the beginning of the 20th century the Western medical characterization of kayak dizziness changed character. The man who led the way for this second period in the Western medical explanations of kayak dizziness, was Dr. Alfred Leopold Bertelsen. Bertelsen was to dominate Greenlandic medicine beyond his death in 1950. Not least since he through 1928-1948 he was the medical adviser for Greenland's administration.4 Bertelsen's principle contribution is a four vol­ ume dissertation of more than 800 pages from the late 1930s. The dissertation is entitled "Greenlandic Medical Statistics and Nosography" and subtitle "In­ vestigations and experiences from 30 years of practicing medicine in Green­ land." Bertelsen first arrived in Greenland in 1902 as a doctor for the Danish Lit­ erary Greenland expedition. He had been invited to participate by the leader of 54 FOLK 37· 1995 the expedition Mylius-Erichsen. Bertelsen himself writes, that he had received a request from Professor Pontoppidan, to purposely study kayak dizziness (Bertelsen 1905: 113). The year before Pontoppidan had suggested that the Danes had a special obligation to study the kayak dizziness, "because it was a national disease" (Pontoppidan 1901: 59). In this connection he emphasized that "the disease (is) only connected to the kayak" (ibid.: 63). This is an as­ sumption which has been in acceptance until the late 20th century. Bertelsen brought home a large number of medical cases. Sixty of these cas­ es were published in the "Bibliothek for Leger" (Library for Doctors) in 1905.5 These 60 cases have been the foundation of nearly all subsequent treat­ ment of kayak dizziness. In 1970 an english version of Bertelsen's cases was published (Gus sow 1970: 237-62). Before I go deeper into the new aspects of Bertelsen's view of kayak dizzi­ ness I will give an example of the disease by quoting from one of the medical cases of 1905; one that Bertelsen obviously preferred, as he used it again in 1940:

M.L.. age 37, Sukkertoppen. Arian-Eskimo descendant6 The patient use to be an excellent sealer and kayak sailor. Eight years ago, a day in July at noon, he was out jigfishing for cod. He was no further out than the ground ret1ected in the shallow water next to his kayak; it was hot and the sky was clear, the sun shone right into his eyes .... He had caught several fish, when he felt the jig go under. When he pulled it in, he saw that a sea slug had bitten, this sea slug scared him so that he let it go immediately and he started to tremble all over. It was as if some­ thing hot ran down his spine and along the legs, and he began to sweat heavily. At the same time he had a strong headache and saw spots dancing in his vision ....The surroundings ap­ peared to be double; the bow of the kayak seemed to be double and to be further away than usual, he had a feeling that the entire kayak was now longer. It also felt as though it tilted to one side, which made him lean towards the other. Now he sat for a little time like this and hardly moved, and then he slowly began to paddle towards land, still feeling that something unknown was coming from behind and trying to upset the craft7 ... He shouted at another hunt­ er, who was a little distance from him and as soon as he reached him, his condition improved, and shortly after he was back to normal. (After this follows descriptions of other attacks). (Bertelsen 1940: lSI).

In his rewriting Bertelsen emphasized that fear was mentioned in all 60 cases; that "more than 50% had their first attack in quiet weather, with clear reflect­ ing waves" (ibid.: 316); that more than 40% had the feeling that the kayak had turned (smaller) and taller; that in 75% of the cases it was a family disease (ibid.: 323); that most of them felt that the kayak had become heavier or that the paddle was lighter or that something from the ocean would come and harm them, something that no one dared or could look at. Unlike Bertelsen, I will be particularly concerned with the latter aspect of kayak heaviness and paddle lightness, which Bertelsen doomed "in them­ selves unreasonable" (ibid.: 182). In his opinion, they confirmed the psycho­ logical character of the ailment. KLAUS GEORG HANSEN Kayak Dizziness 55

In 1905, Bertelsen was heavily inspired by Pontoppidan's account of "Neu­ rasteinen" (1893) and his "Psychiatric Lectures and Studies" (1893). Howev­ er, Bertelsen also made his own contribution. This is particularly seen in 3 dif­ ferent areas. First, he established a new name for the disease; second he gave it a new characterization: and third, he based his findings on a new under­ standing human nature. Let me elaborate on these three points. Bertelsen wrote that all the 60 patients whose story he had published had turned to him with complaints, "for which the Greenlandic word is nangiar­ poq" (Bertelsen 1905: 315). By selectively reviewing the word's etymology Bertelsen identified that the real meaning of the word is fear. 8 On this assump­ tion he concluded: "The translation 'to be dizzy' seems to be caused by a later era." (ibid.). To strengthen this point of view Bertelsen quotes Samuel Kleinschmidt's dictionary of 1871.

I) is afraid on dangerous places (on ice, at sea, on steep rocks etc.). 2) is dizzy when in the kayak, feels that the kayak tips or begins to sink (and then really sinks, trying to prevent the feeling). Is a disease. (ibid.: 314).9

Strangely enough it is not Bertelsen's own suggestion for a new name for the disease which influences in the second phase. It is very obvious that he is re­ luctant to talk about kayak dizziness, because in all the cases he put the word into quotation marks. The new name however, was only made official a few months after the publication of the 60 medical cases and until a doctor named Anders Johansen in a short article commented on Bertelsen's dissertation. The article by Johansen bore the title "Kayak-angst and similar conditions" (1905). This was the first time the word kayak-angst had been printed. One could wonder whether Bertelsen was sorry that he had not come up with the word, when it was so close to his own idea? It is not that Bertelsen had not suggest­ ed a new name. He had suggested the term "laitmatojohia" (ibid.: 321), JO but this name was hardly ever used. Later Bertelsen preferred the word kayak­ angst even in an English publication from 1929 (Bertelsen 1929). Kayak-angst has since then been the name under which the disease has been known interna­ tionally. However, I maintain my preference for using the phrase kayak dizzi­ ness. It was not only the name of the disease that Bertelsen had a part in changing in 1905. He also made it quite clear that kayak-angst - as it was now called­ had nothing to do with intoxication. After he had reviewed all the cases he de­ fined kayak-angst as "a pathological fear" (Bertelsen 1905: 321). Just as Pon­ toppidan, he was convinced that people suffering from kayak-angst were neu­ rotic i.e. hysterical (Bertelsen 1905: 322; Pontoppidan 1893). It was also from Pontoppidan that Bertelsen adopted the idea that the disease is hereditary. Pontoppidan had talk about "hereditarily predisposed individuals" (Pontoppi­ dan 1893: 47), but this was identified as "degenerated relations" (Bertelsen 56 FOLK 37·1995

1905: 322) and "nervously degenerated families" by Bertelsen. (ibid.: 329) Pontoppidan shows no socio- or race-evolutionary undertones in his de­ scription of who were capable of having compulsive ideas. For Pontoppidan, heretity was centred on the individual, but Bertelsen transformed this into an evolutionary orientatin concerning people, which ("overall the effects are more subtle, on a lower step of education" Bertelsen 1905: 326). This point of view was made even clearer by Bertelsen 35 years later: "The frequency of kayak-angst among the Greenlandic men seems to show a certain primitive­ ness in the Eskimo mind." (ibid.: 323).11 In 1905, Bertelsen worked with the term "psychological contagiousness" (ibid.: 323), where by it was understood that a person suffering from kayak­ angst could psychologically be contagious to other people. To Bertelsen this was a way of explaining why the disease was more frequent in some families than in others. 12 In the above I have alluded to a new way of looking at the Eskimos, as Ber­ telsen put it. Nineteen century researchers seemed to be the last to let go of the remains of the Enlightenments' noble savage. In the Greenlandic context, among other things showed by biologists - especially botanists - right until the end of the 19th century were interested in Greenlandic ethno-taxonomy (i.e. Lange 1880). In medical science, it was noted by that fullblood Green­ landers were considered more resistant than Europeans to particular diseases. But with Bertelsen, the race evolutionary view of mankind broke through in medical science focusing on Greenland. This was a way of looking at mankind that had existed for decades. 13 At least one of the sources that Bertelsen used to support his new way of looking at mankind resulted in his actual tampering with quotes. In support of his argumentation that kayak-angst existed before Europeans arrived in the country, Bertelsen quoted a description from 1795:

Even among real Greenlanders there are many male persons, who are never capable of rowing and hunting in kayak, there are even people who do not dare to sail a kayak because of the fear that rises in them when they want to sail a kayak. (Bertelsen 1905: 331; 1940: 186).

Bertelsen used this quote both in 1905 and in 1940. Set in relation to the orig­ inal the text which is quoted correctly, but Bertelsen left out part of the origi­ nal version which emphasized another point. When the words were written in 1795, it was part of an argument against mixed marriages, i.e. mixed between Europeans and Greenlanders. The writer called Rudolph Lassen, asserted that from the Enlightenment view, that all populations by definition were consid­ ered to have the same abilities. The mixing of blood could therefore, accord­ ing to Lassen, not improve anything for the Greenlanders. The point of Lassens' example of kayak-angst was that this fear "may occur more frequent­ ly in mixed bloodlines" (Lassen 1795: 286). As this last text was of no use to KLAUS GEORG HANSEN Kayak Dizziness 57

Bertelsen, it was quite natural for him to leave it out. 14 From the Enlightenment point of view blood blending between equal races like Europeans and Greenlanders, is understood as a degeneration of the noble Greenlandic people. On the other hand, Bertelsen understood from an evolu­ tionary point of view that the bloodblending elavated the primitive Eskimos race. After Bertelsen's article of 1905 the disease had been put "in the right place in the system: 'The disease is not a form of dizziness but a phobia'" (Johansen 1905: 549). The description of the second phase was such that kayak-angst was a pathological fear, "a definite fear-psychosis" (Beck 1946: 169), which according to Bertelsen is the result of the primitive Eskimo's brain. After Bertelsen, the suffering has only been investigated systematically twice. This was done by doctors Emma Vestergaard in 1939 (1939) and Ehrstrom in 1948-49 (1951). Both confirm Bertelsen's approach. Only once in this period did someone tried to describe kayak dizziness differently. This was the German expedition leader Rudulf Trebitsch, who after a trip to Greenland in 1906 (1910) and after having read Bertelsen and Freud, suggested that kay­ ak dizziness was caused by "coitus interruptus" (Trebitsch 1907: 1906). But this German suggestion of solving the enigma of kayak dizziness did not re­ ceive further attention. One of the latest scientific treatments of kayak dizzi­ ness, where the disease is percepted as an expression of an abnormal condition is in an article in the "culture and personality" orientation by Seymour Parker from 1962 (1962).

Kayak Dizziness Described as Normal Fear 1961 marked the beginning of a third phase in the explanations of kayak dizzi­ ness. This new view of kayak dizziness's Western historical conceptualization is dominated by psychiatrists and psychologists. At the American Anthropo­ logical Associations meeting in November 1961 Zachary Gussow gave a lec­ ture entitleed "A preliminary report on kayak-angst among the Eskimos in West Greenland: A study in sensory deprivation" 15 (1963). Gussow proposed the idea of "kayak-angst syndrome" (ibid.: 19ff). He based his studies on "an analysis of 13 cases out of the 60 kayak-angst individuals medically examined and interviewed by Bertelsen in 1905 (see Bertelsen 1905)" (ibid.: 19). Gus­ sow distinguished between on the one hand, normal fear condition which any­ one may experience, and on the other hand, an abnormal violence, with which the Eskimos reacted to this normal state of fear. Gussow concluded that the cultural factors emphasized the natural fear reaction. The third phase's medical perspective of kayak dizziness, where fear itself is looked upon as normal, is significantly different from Bertelsen's definition of pathological fear. Opposition Bertelsen's description of kayak dizziness had appeared already in 1905. In the above mentioned article by the Dr. Anders 10-

.-- 58 FOLK 37· 1995

hansen the writer argumented that kayak dizziness was not a neuropathic fear, but a physiological fear, i.e. normal. But this was in 1905 and the comments made by Johansen were never commented upon. They did not appear again until 55 years later in 1961 in USA. Gussow was a medical student, 16 but he made his point in front of a gathering of anthropol­ ogists. The description of kayak dizziness had until then been the domain of clinical medicine However it was not only anthropologists who took up the is­ l7 sue from Gussow. Also psychologists and an engineer - John D. Heath - has since worked with kayak dizziness. Anthropologist Kenneth Taylor also worked with the idea that kayak dizzi­ ness was a normal fear reaction. But not simply a normal fear reaction. In his model, Taylor also included genetical and cultural factors (Taylor 1963: 89) however without elaborating on what he meant by "cultural factors". In 1970, Gussow published another article on kayak dizziness, and though the cultural perspective was toned down, he still considered kayak dizziness as the result of "stress response" to an "immediate and realistically dangerous situation" (Gussow 1970: 229-30).1 8 With "Chamber's Dictionary of Psychiatry", published in 1967, the disease was mentioned for the first time in an international psychiatric dictionary. In the dictionary the word is "kayak fright" (Brussel 1967: 131).19 In recent decades kayak dizziness has emerged as a "culture-bound syndrome" (i.e. Amering 1989, 1990). In many of these texts kayak dizziness appears as a classic example of psychological disorder specific to the Greenlanders, but by some of the researchers is considered to be an extinct disease, stemming from the notion that kayaks are no longer used in Greenland. One of the core ideas within the third phase is its notion of sensory depriva­ tion. Sensory deprivation is an obvious explanatory model for what could hap­ pen to a Greenlandic hunter, when he is out alone in sunshine and quiet weath­ er far from the coast. The vision seems to blur, and the hunter looses his bal­ ance. The sensory deprivation model however, only explains a certain number of cases, and consequently can only partly explain the disease and not why the fear remains with the hunter for the rest of his life. This is where the cultural factor enters - the factor that Gussow mentioned in 1963. Even though Green­ landic hunters today do not use the kayak as a means of transportation, kayak dizziness is an invalidating disease and has not disappeared: the reasoning be­ hind the disease lives and is reproduced until this day. Within the realm of Western knowledge there has been few attempts to ex­ plain the cultural factors which Gussow touched upon in 1963. One of these attempts was made by the historian Daniel MercUf. In his doctorate disserta­ tion of 1985, Mercur draws parallels to the symbolic death of the Greenlandic shamans in connection with the acquisition of healer spirits. Among other things he says:

.------KLAUS GEORG HANSEN Kayak Dizziness S9

Whether I am correct in suggesting, that kayak-angst functions as an ecologically conditioned predisposition to initiatory death among the Inuit, there can be no doubt that initiatory death is a closely similar phenomenon (Merkur 1985: 190).

Kayak dizziness was therefore a kind of pre-phase in the acquisition of help­ ing spirits. An interesting aspect of Mercur's model is that he includes the re­ ligious universe in explaning why Greenlanders react so violently. However, I do not believe Mercur carried his point through. Therefore, in the next section I will take up the thread from Gussow, and offer my view on which cultural factors influence the natural fear reaction in the Greenlandic hunters.

Kayak Dizziness Described as a Social Conflict In popular Greenlandic renderings connections are repeatedly made between kayak dizziness and tupilaks.20 This linkage however has never been discussed in the Western scientific literature on the subject. I think, that it is in exactly this linkage that popular Greenlandic understanding about kayak dizziness should be found. Several accounts of the nature of the tupilak associates the tupilak directly with the kayak. As an example Samuel Kleinschmidt translat­ ed the word tupilak in his dictionary as follows:

A monster, which people thought, that somebody could put together of certain bones and oth­ er things, brought to life by a spell and sent to overturn and kill a particular kayaker, after which it ate the intestines of the victim. (Kleinschmidt 1871: 382).

'- -:-.---~, , ,;1 Yl ...... :,

Figur 2. Heksen sender en tupilak afsted efter sin tJende. Tegnign af KariUe Andreassen (1890- 1934). (© Grpnlands Nationalmuseum & Arkiv) .

• 60 FOLK 37·1995

By its nature the tupilak, is dangerous to look at (Pedersen 1963: 74). This attri­ bute explains why Bertelsen's patients of did not - or could not - look over the side or into the water. The tupilak attacks his victim in certain places (ibid.: 89), which explains why the person suffering from kayak dizziness are afraid of sail­ ing in particular locations. There are even more conditions in the cases studied by Bertelsen, which can be explained by the popular Greenlandic tupilak discourse. One of the stories I have found is from fictional literature. The story was written by the Greenlandic priest Otto Sandgreen. His approach presented in the book "An Eye for an Eye, and a Tooth for a Tooth" (1967) is similar to that of Christian Rosing presented in "Tunuamiut" (Rosing 1906). In the preface of both books a wish to be true to the non-Christian way of thinking is expressed. Both Sandgreen and Rosing have as the guideline in their descriptions a mo­ tive, which can be summarized as: 'The more correct the description, the easi­ er to fight it." In the foreword by Sandgreen it says:

The fundamental idea has been to communicate as well as possible and broaden the know­ ledge about our forefathers' customs ... the accounts which are told about are really believed to have happened to those involved - they are not at all considered as invented stories (Sand­ green 1967: 27).

These are words that we should remember when trying to understand the so­ cial dimension of kayak dizziness. In the chapter "The capable kayak rower gets kayak dizziness" we are left with a story, which contains all the elements seen in the narratives collected by Bertelsen (1905), but with a few additions to Sandgreen's version, which could only be made by a loyal commentator. In Sandgreen we get a picture of the social dimension, and an explanation as to why the hunter is frightened. The account stretches over 10 pages; I will quote only some passages.

Kuukujooq ... could not be safe from his housemates; since he was more skilled than they, he knew that he was pursued. As he moved over the surface - as quickly as he could, regardless of the times he needed to balance with a backstroke - the paddle suddenly felt heavier as if he struck something dense. And now he felt that his craft began to shrink, and he was struck with kayak dizziness .... Later - when he was prompted to resume paddling - it was as if it too had become pliant. And for a short moment he saw something, which left his shadow ... - not something unfamiliar­ but a trout in the water alongside the kayak, where he was about to put the paddle blade. More­ over, this was an enormous trout; yes, he had never seen one this size during any of his many previous fishing trips. The very moment he saw it, he tried to frighten it away with his paddle. Typically a trout will disappear at the slightest disturbance, but this one only scarcely moved. At once he realized that the situation was no longer humorous, as someone was secretly plot­ ting to kill him with witchcraft, to which he had no means of defending himself.

There you are! In the end Kuukujooq was hurt anyway. But fortunately not for long. He fought intensely to overcome his fear and dizziness and he won. So from here on, he was not dis­ turbed by the trout. (Sandgreen 1967: 364-70). KLAUS GEORG HANSEN Kayak Dizziness 61

Within the realm of Western medical knowledge, I have come across only one account that relates kayak dizziness with tupi1aks. This story comes from East Greenland and was collected in the 1950s by Sara and Per Helms, who have both worked as doctors in Greenland. The account goes:

A skilled hunter saw from his kayak a big salmon, which appeared along side him. He tried to harpooned it, but it escaped, to appear a moment later on the other side of the kayak. He tried to harpoon it again, but with the same result as before. After this the salmon disappeared and nothing else happened, until the hunter came home, he was already thinking quite a lot about the incident. He and the other hunters had never seen a salmon behave this way, and the sal­ mon had been looking at him in a very strange way, he was more and more convinced that it was a Tupilak, which had escaped, but from this day on he could not enter hi s kayak, every time he tries to do so he is struck with a headache and violent nausea which disappears as soon as he sets foot on land again (Helms and Helms n.d.).21

The account continues: "It is not the normal kind of kayak dizziness, which is also known up here." (ibid.). This remark reflects a deep insight into the di­ versity of symptoms. Western educated doctors have never been able to come up with an actual cure for a tupilak or kayak dizziness suffering patient, because they have been unable to bridge the two incongruent traditions of knowledge; one embedded in Western medicine and the other within popular Greenlandic understanding. The cure within the Greenlandic context could occur on several levels. A first attempt towards a cure may lay with the hunter himself. Knud Rasmussen has this record:

A spell song to catch Tupilak. If a kayak man suffers from feelings of fear, when he is sailing his kayak, he should walk around hi s house an early morning starting from the left towards right and say the following (under continuous outbursts): lja - ija What is this thing leaving me? An animal for bad luck Ija - ija cannot find me because I crept in here ij a - ija because I crept into this fog like flower in the white (cotton grass) Now it doesn't know where I am, it will return to it's starting point, it's mother ij a - ija it has touched its mother. (Rasmussen 1921: 61-62)

Amulets could also be used. It is a wide-spread belief that especially amulets made from ravens worked well against tupilaks (i.e. ibid.: 48ff). It is therefore interesting that raven amulets in particular are connected with kayak dizzi­ ness. Several proverbs have been preserved, one of them says: 62 FOLK 37· 1995

A hunter who has started to suffer from kayak dizziness, should immediately get hold of a live raven youngster, pull down his pants and sit on it until it dies. If he does so he will no longer suffer from dizziness (Lynge 1981: 125)

Another proverb links the fear directly to tupilaks:

If a hunter suffers from nervous sensations of fear, when he is at sea, he should put a piece of mirror or a piece of mica in his kayak. The troll or monster, trying to scare him will then see his own reflection and escape. (Rasmussen 1979: 67)

In severe cases, a person suffering from kayak dizziness should get profes­ sional help from an angakkoq (a shaman). An angakkoq could catch and de­ stroy the attacking tupilak in a seance. Accounts of inflicted hunters who were cured can be read in the books by Knud Rasmussen. After the favorable ending through a long dramatic angakkoq seance, the story finishes as fol­ lows:

The people in the house were heard to laugh happily in relief when the shaman told them that now they [the shaman's helping spirits] had it [the tupilak] up on the look-out mountain and were eating it, hacking away at it; and so large were the falcons [the helping spirits] that they looked like two bears eating; they ate it all up, and then flapped away northwards. The lamps inside the house were lighted, and all were very astonished to see that the wooden weapon the shaman had was all bloody ...... After that the hunter was never afraid again; the fear had left him, and he did good hunting for his fellow-settlers; and now it appeared that it was one of his own neighbors who had made a tupilak against him out of envy (Rasmussen 1938: 168 (My additions».

In the past not everybody suffering from kayak dizziness was cured. Robert Petersen has pointed out that in Greenlandic myths and stories of the past there are several accounts of hunters who only went hunting in quiet whether. Peter­ sen looked at these stories as possible examples of hunters who have had mild attacks of kayak dizziness and who have learned to live with their fear (per­ sonal communication).22

The Influence ()fWestern Medical Descriptions on the Popular Understanding The first professional Western medical characterization of kayak dizziness from the 1860s seems to derive from popular Greenlandic description.23 Since then medical explanation has developed within an increasingly hermetically closed field. The same cannot be said about the development of popular Greenlandic explanations. One of its sources of diversity is precisely Western medical explanations. In the colonial context 150 years ago when the Danish occupation of Green­ land changed from "parasitic" colonialist to "intensive" colonialism,24 the governing authority invented categories whereby locals could be divided into groups subjective to colonial rule. One such category was kayak dizziness. To KLAUS GEORG HANSEN Kayak Dizziness 63 the ruling authority, people suffering from kayak dizziness were a sub-catego­ ry identified as "the class of idlers" (Rink 1855: 226). Unlike the categorization of things, categorization of people has conse­ quences for not only the one who has the power to define but also to the one who is being categorized. This two-sided effect has been theoretically de­ scribed by the Canadian philosopher Ian Hacking. His point is, that descrip­ tions of people is a potential for action (Hacking 1986). In the case of kayak dizziness, the colonial powers' way of depiction was supposed to outcompete an already existing popular reasoning. The complex­ ity of power relations and competition between different descriptions have been described theoretical and perceptive way by medical anthropologists. One of the fundamental points is the distinguishing between illness and dis­ ease (i.e. Kleinmann 1988; Seeberg 1992); the distinction between on one hand, the single person, family or social group's experience with the disease and on the other hand, a different and widely accepted explanatory account of the disease. An argument is that the less these descriptions of the disease coin­ cides with local social knowledge, the more difficult it is to make a proper di­ agnosis. This could leave the external Western descriptions in a worse position than the Greenlandic descriptions, but here the power relations have had an ef­ fect. The colonial power has been in control of the knowledge producing insti­ tutions such as schools, churches, and mass media and through these has been able to impose external Western descriptions into the society. The result is that Greenlanders today are familiar with Western accounts of the disease, but from here to making them an integrated embodied part of practiced local knowledge is a long way. Western explanations are known, but are still secon­ dary to local popular accounts and practices. Western medical descriptions therefore continues to have a low percentage of cure. Today, we have three roughly divided descriptions of kayak dizziness, a Western medical, a Western psychological, and a Greenlandic. As we saw ear­ lier there are differences between the two Western descriptions, but they start from the same point. The Western psychological description is not known in Greenland and therefore has no influence on the Greenlandic description of the disease. In the following, I will therefore refer only to the Western medical description and it's influence on the Greenlandic popular description of the disease. There are two important points where the Greenlandic and the medical Western description disagrees. One is the status of the disease - is it an illness? The other is the limitation of the disease - how many people are involved? The punchline of Western medical account would be: "Yes, the disease is an illness, but only one individual is involved" whereto the Greenlandic response would be: "No, the disease is not an illness and there are others involved". In the following, I will elaborate on the contents of these differences. 64 FOLK 37·1995

Although Greenlandic descriptions lack clear demarcated phases found in Western descriptions, we can nevertheless identify peliods before and after Western influence. Obviously, we need to keep in mind the differences between the kinds of written documentation found for the popular Greenlandic description and for Western medical description. Early non-medical descriptions can primarily be found in dictionaries. In the three pre-Kleinscmidt dictionaries in Eskimo, the word nangiarpoq ap­ pears. The word is also explained in two Greenlandic dictionaries from respec­ tively ] 750 and 1804, and a dictionary of the Labrador Eskimos in 1864 (Ege­ de 1750; Fabricius 1804; Erdmann 1864). In all these dictionaries nangiarpoq is translated as "being scared". For instance being scared at sea. There are no mentioning of it being a disease or about dizziness. Apart from the dictionaries there are four descriptions of the disease as such from before 1860. One of these is Bertelsen's publication from 1795, which we have already discussed. In this description fear is emphasized. There is an even earlier account (possibly) in Crantz' "Historie von Gronland" from 177025 and anotherfrom 1806 by Giescke (1878: 31). These descriptions from 1770 and 1806 are both in German. Giescke mentioned hunters who were kept on land because of dizziness. In yet another brief description from 1842, colo­ nial official Jens Mathiesen made the following remark:

The construction of the kayak is ... so reeling ... that just a feeling of quieziness or dizziness, feelings that the Greenlanders suffer from quite often, brings [the hunter] in danger of death. (Mathiesen 1842: 11-12 (My addition».

Here Mathiesen refers to the normality, not the pathological in his explanation. Like the other three early European non-linguistic and non-medical descrip­ tions, he does not describe the disease through Greenlandic terms. It seem as though the Greenlanders did not actually use a name for the disease and that the name was invented by Western medicine in 1864. This view is supported by de­ scriptions which appeared in "Atuagagdliutit" in 1926-27. In these versions a hunter is attacked by a creature while sailing his kayak. Nowhere in these de­ scriptions is the word nangiarneq used (i.e. Rosing 1926-27: 114). Kleinschmidt's dictionary of 1866 is the first entry to construct a compound meaning of the word. He writes that nangiarneq combines an ancient Greenlan­ die definition and a contemporary European definition of the word - and it is af­ ter the European definition that is added "Is an illness" (Kleinschmidt 1871: 232). This implies that the earlier Greenlandic definition did not consider kayak dizziness an illness. As is the case with many Greenlandic words, certain gram­ matical conjugations have been given a specific lexical meaning, as is the case with nangiarneq, which today has become kayak dizziness. The verbal form of nangiarpoq continues to have the somewhat broader meaning "to be scared". The changes that the medical description brought about in the 18th century KLAUS GEORG HANS EN Kayak Dizziness 65 can also be seen in the dictionaries. Until 1864, the translation of nangiarpoq was single namely "to be scared", but in Kleinschmidt's translation from 1866 as earlier quoted, the word has two meanings. Since Kleinschmidt, all Green­ landic dictionaries have translated nangiarpoq as both fear and dizziness in a kayak (Ryberg 1891; Schultz-Lorentzen 1926; Bugge 1960; Bertelsen and others 1977; Bertelsen and others 1990). The Western medical description spread quickly in the Greenlandic popula­ tion (Bertelsen 1905: Ill). It was only through the influence of Western med­ ical descriptions that kayak dizziness became an illness and aquired a spe­ cific Greenlandic name. In 1866, a book was published in Greenlandic with a title which in English would translate into "Reading Material for a Home With Patients." In this book we find a section describing kayak dizziness ("qainame nangiartarneq" in Greenlandic):

To be afraid of sailing a kayak. Most people who are afraid of sailing a kayak have started out by drinking to much strong coffee. Therefore those experiencing the onset of fear should stop drinking coffee. 26 The head should be rubbed with distilled water27 ••. or in salt water.; the hair should not be to strong.'" People who are not afraid of sailing a kayak should drink thin coffee so as to assure not becoming afraid of sailing a kayak." (Hagen 1866: 55).

Two other popular medical books have been published (Hastrup 1885 ; Ha­ strup 1905). The availability of such popular medical texts illustrates the im­ pact of colonialism in spreading of a Western knowledge. One of the medical books in Greenlandic described here was published in 1866, 1885 and in 1905, but already in 1856 (Narparsimasonut 1856) another popular book was print­ ed in Greenlandic (see Oldenow 1957: 13-15). Each of these were distributed throughout Greenland and the only available literature of this type written in Greenlandic. Oftentimes, these early non-religious Greenlandic books were used until they were well worn. 29 At the turn of the century, several doctors noted what they regarded as an in­ crease in the disease's frequency (Meldorf 1900; Krabbe 1909). The increase in the number of cases, should be understood, I believe, as a consequence of the Greenlandic population acquiring a new name for a series of common symptoms. It could also be because popular symbols of protection - such as amulets - did not have the same position in the Christian cosmology. Emma Vestergaard wrote in 1939, that one of the cases that she was presented for as kayak dizziness, was a common epileptic attack (Vestergaard 1939: 3). In pop­ ular description of the disease such a clear demarcation does not occur, which could support the assumption that it was not until the advent of Western me­ dicine, that the disease was considered an illness. In spite of a massive influence on the Greenlandic population with a Euro­ pean explanation model, in Greenlandic popular explanations kayak dizziness has never been considered an illness in the Western way. 66 FOLK 37· 1995

A Western medical description of normal fear states, that fear should be identified with a specific cause.30 This is actually the characteristic of Green­ landic descriptions: fear is tied to a specific cause. However, the fear described in connection with kayak dizziness in the Western medical descriptions is ex­ pressed as an unexplainable fear, only because the Western medicine - unlike in the local knowledge - does not accept tupilaks as "real" (physical) concrete reasons for the fear, even though this explanation is widely recognized in Greenland. This is where the two knowledge universes cannot be compared. A Greenlandic sense of the difference between Western and Greenlandic de­ scriptions of the disease was properly expressed in the earliest first hand de­ scription of kayak dizziness. In 1905 the hunter Adam Nielsen in a letter to Knud Rasmussen, had the following short remark about the disease: "A man can be the cleverest supporter, but if he is attacked by kayak dizziness, which no doctors can cure, you sink down in poverty." (Nielsen 1905: 23) In 1936 the subject was taken up in the Greenlandic newspaper Atuagagd­ liutit by a hunter, Nathanael Petersen, who suffered from kayak dizziness. The reason why Petersen wrote about his disease was that he did not think that the Danish authorities gave it sufficient notice. Nathanael among other things wrote:

When T got this disease [kayak dizziness] Tfelt very ill. I sought help from several doctors, but the medicine the doctors gave me had no affect. It is as though this disease is very difficult to cure. There are several factors which can make kayak dizziness emerge. Until now I have not seen or heard of anybody who have been cured from kayak dizziness. (Petersen 1936: 1-2).31

In 1981, Hans Lynge expressed the same opinion. "Kayak dizziness has been investigated by several researchers, but I am not sure that anyone should have found the reason." (Lynge 1981a: 33).32 As these Grenlandic descriptions of kayak dizziness implies, there still ex­ ists a popular description in which the disease is not considered an illness. This popular Greenlandic explanation model exists along side a Western med­ ical description, where the disease is considered an illness. The two explana­ tion models however are not equal. In spite of the fact that popular description has a common validity, it has to be neglected if you seek treatment, as no treat­ ment exists today based on Greenlandic explanation models. In the popular explanation model kayak dizziness is a necessary and normal reaction to something frightening. It is not the person suffering from it who is ill, but somebody else. Kayak dizziness is an expression of social tension, which could have been created by the person suffering from kayak dizziness, without wanting to do so he has created an environment for envy or jealousy. Kayak dizziness was a natural part of the strategies for solving conflicts which were intact and worked in the Greenlandic society. These strategies for solving conflicts have been described earlier (Hansen 1991). In popular Greenlandic KLAUS GEORG HANSEN Kayak Dizziness 67 cosmology, it is the envious person who is ill. The "Illness" is called ilisiinneq - which shortly can be translated with witching by creating a tupilak. 33 This, within the traditional Greenlandic explanation model, is the decisive factor in for kayak dizziness is an attack from a tupilak sent by a witch or by someone envious or jealous that has created this creature of mishap. All Greenlanders who have inflicted these emotions knows the risk of being object of revenge. It is never he who is insulted or envious who is struck with kayak dizziness, but rather the opponent. This is also the reoccurring theme in the narratives Bertelsen collected. For example:

It is known that the patient in 1887 was attacked by an opponent suitor who tried to murder him with an harpoon from behind. However he was not hit, but for a long time he feared his life [and later suffered from kayak dizziness] (my additions). (Bertelsen 1905: 127).

Bertelsen does not comment on the social dimensions of kayak dizziness. Only when other members of a household suffer from kayak dizziness, does he note that there is talk of a family disease. Bertelsen explains this by stating that these families are degenerate. I disagree with Bertelsen on this point. I see the phenomena of other mem­ bers of the same family suffering from kayak dizziness as an expression of so­ cial tensions in family clans. Western medicine limits the disease to the individual, with it's origins in the biological composition of the individual, and presently in Greenland treatment is based on this premise. Many Greenlanders who view the illness as generat­ ed by social tensions stand in opposition to such perspective. In a popular Greenlandic understanding it is not the person suffering from kayak dizziness who is ill but a disdained or jealous tupilak creating opponent in the conflict.

Conclusion The early Western medical models of explanation which dominated from the middle of the 1800 century until the middle of the 1900 century described kay­ ak dizziness as an abnormal condition - either as intoxication or as a patholog­ ical fear. From this perspective, one is unable to come to grips with the context in which the disease make sense. The disease was to these external observers by definition illogical and therefore one could not look for the inner logic. Gussow's reflections about the disease in the beginning of the 1960s creat­ ed an opening for a new understanding of kayak dizziness. His description of the disease changed the view of it from being an abnormal and partly heredital disease with a background in the racial primitivity to its becoming a normal fear reaction embedded within a cultural context. What I have done here has been an attempt to describe the inner sense of the Greenlandic cultural understanding of kayak dizziness. I think that Gussow is correct when he states that the determining factor in most cases is sensory de- 68 FOLK 37· 1995 privation. This has now become the prevalent Western medical understanding. The phenomenon which we in the West give a cultural related scientific expla­ nation, in Greenland has a cultural related tupilak explanation. In Greenland today the popular explanatory popular model does not include a treatment. Whether a popular model can survive or not is an open question. More than 15 years after Greenland was granted home rule there is no official support to these local understandings.

NOTES

1. This article is a revised edition of an article published in Danish i 1995 (Hansen 1995). After its publication I have received a number of reactions and through these become aware of addi­ tional concerning kayak dizziness. These sources have been incorporated in this article. 2. With revolutionary conclusion made by Graah following his expedition in the mid-1830s, it was generally acceptable that Scandinavians in Greenland had become defunct. This created a vacuum in the idea for Danish occupance of Greenland. The new view was that the Greenlan­ dic Eskimos required help; this being one of the reasons for the establishment of a health care system. 3. In 1883 Hastrup had been quoted his yearly medical description to the Danish authorities that he understood "dizziness in a kayak ... as a type of epilepsy" (Hastrup 1883: 212 (also see Ber­ telsen 1940: 187 note 4». The linking between epilepsy and kayak dizziness is not mentioned by Hastrup in 1886, and this way of explaining the disease has never been used by medical doctors since. 4. A short biography of Bertelsen is found in Fabritius & HoumiZ\ller (1957: 140). More recently an interesting article about Bertelsen has been published (Permin and Christensen 1995). 5. In 1940 Bertelsen himself says, that he returned home with 130 medical cases from Northern Greenland (Bertelsen 1940: 185). Unfortunately, it has not been possible to trace the remain­ ing cases. Henrik Permin believes that it is very likely that the original records, including the missing cases are to be found in The Bertelsen Archive at the Arctic Institute, Copenhagen (personal communication). 6. This was what Bertelsen, in 1905 had called "mixed descendance" (Bertelsen 1905: 119). In that version, the patient's genealogical table with notations about who suffered from kayak dizziness was also noted (1905: 120). 7. The 1940 text reads "were going to," whereas in the 1905 version reads "should". 8. A condition which Hastrup had mentioned already in 1886, but this had no consequence in his understanding of the disease (Hastrup 1886: 83). Hastrup was the first person to dedicate any attention to the disease. Among other things he noted that "it is one of the diseases which the Greenlanders fear the most" (Hastrup 1886: 84). 9. The entry in the Kleinschmidt encyclopedia reads: "I) Is afraid in dangerous places (on ice, at sea, on steep rocks (zc.); 2) Is dizzy in kayak: thinks that the kayak tilts or begins to sink (and then really sinks, trying to prevent the feeling. Is a disease)." (Kleinschmidt 1871: 232). As can be seen in Kleinschmidt's last sentence ("is a disease") Bertelsen's quote has removed the parenthesis. Thus it appears as though it has to do with the entire word and both meanings. To Kleinschmidt dizziness was the disease, but by removing the parenthesis Bertelsen made it ap­ pear as though both fear and dizziness were a disease, and it is this difference Bertelsen sought. 10. The word "laitmatofobi" is derived from the greek "laitma" which means "ocean" or "ocean depth". It can therefore be translated with: "Fear for the ocean or oCean depth". II. By primitivity, Bertelsen among other things understood impulsiveness (Bertelsen 1940: 176). In this Bertelsen distanced himself completely from his teacher Pontoppidan, who distin­ guished clearly between compulsive actions as kayak dizziness and impulsiveness (Pontoppi­ dan 1893: 58). KLAUS GEORG HANSEN Kayak Dizziness 69

12. Using the term psychological contagiousness, is not the only proof that the perception of psy­ chological diseases has changed from Bertelsen's time until today. Bertelsen for example, looked at homosexuality as a psychological disease (1940: 190ft). 13. In the 1870s, Henrik Rink was the first to describe the Greenlanders from a strictly evolution­ ary point of view (i.e. Rink 1877). 14. Bertelsen had not completely let go of his "pre-evolutionary" schooling. Among other things he has written a very interesting article about "Popular Medicine in Greenland" (Bertelsen 1914). 15. Sensory deprivation is a phenomenon noted during and after the Second World War, between war prisoners, among others. Sensory deprivation is a denomination for the complications which can arise when one is deprived of one of the senses. 16. In 1961, Gussow was employed at Department of Psychiatry and Neurology at the Louisiana State University School of Medicine in New Orleans (Gussow 1963: 18). 17. Departing from Gussow, John D. Heath having a detailed knowledge of the construction of the kayak worked with ''The stage of dizziness of kayak fright" (Heath 1991). 18. Gussow documents two references to kayak dizziness, which unfortunately have not been pos­ sible to include. These are Rodahl (1953: 107) and H0ygaard (1941: 72-73). 19. Kayak fright is listed in the dictionary linked to pibloktoq, i.e. Arctic hysteria. Pibloktoq is seen in several psychiatric dictionarys (i.e. Campbell 1981). The word pibloklOq is taken from Alas­ ka-eskimos, a (related) word could be perlerorpoq, which means "goes crazy" (about people) and has rabies (about dogs). Regrettably it is too broad a subject to deal with in this article. 20. What tourists today are presented with as being tupilaks, are often a horrendous figure carved in tooth or bone. Earlier a tupilak was a creature of bad luck and looks similar to a dog, seal or similar animal. In the past a tupilak was created by a human with the sale purpose of killing a certain person after order from the one who had created the tupilak. 21 . I have a similar account of kayak dizziness from Ulrik Lennert Sisimut. 22. After the publication of an earlier version of this article, I was interviewed about kayak dizzi­ ness on Radio Greenland. This brought forward several narratives from listeners. Among them, I was told a story about a named person who had overcome an attack of kayak dizziness by demolishing a tupilak. Unfortunately the family did not wish to publish their story. 23. A lay public (both Danish and English) have had access to descriptions of kayak dizziness. Rather then go into the details of these descriptions, I will list some of the references: Nansen (1890: 621, 666) (see also Bertelsen (1940: 184)); Nansen (1891: 87-88); Mylius-Erichsen (1904-05: 17); Nielsen (1907: 8-42); Storch (1915: 5, 139); Birket-Smith (1924: 423); Freu­ chen (1935: 242, 281-82); Kent (1935: 29); Freuchen (1936: 211); Kent (1936: 40) Beck (1946: 169); Freuchen & Salomon sen (1958: 277-78); Freuchen & Salomonsen (1961: 252- 53); Fisker (1964); Fisker (1968); Lynge (1981 a: 33-34); Sandgreen (1987: 359-70); Thuesen (1988: 32-35). Strangely enough, I have not found any descriptions of the disease in neither Henrik nor Signe Rink (for example, Rink 1896). 24. Jan Kanstrup defines "parasite" colonialism as: "relations between a people and a colonial power built on marginal goods exchanged in a subsistence economy, where the colonial pow­ er as a principal is kept from direct influence into state affairs, and where the missionary is kept apart and exclusively concerned with the saving of souls." (Kanstrup 1990: 233). In the case of Greenland, Kanstrup puts "the later half of the 18th century as the time of the transi­ tion from 'parasite' colonialism." I agree with Kanstrup's time frame, yet I do not agree with him on the circumstances around the transition (see Hansen 1992: 57-61). 25. It is Bertelsen who has made me note this source. By going through the Greenland literature I have located the following in Crantz' (Hi storie von Gronland) 1770): "A Greenlander was five years ago (i.e. 1763) attacked with dizziness and after this dared not go out alone" (Bertelsen [905: 31). T have tried to verify this very imprecise reference without success. The work Ber­ telsen refers to is a 3 volume compilation printed in Gothic text. 26. Concerning coffee, this description is today an integrated part of a popular Greenlandic under­ standing of the disease. I have been presented with this explanation when ( have asked elderly Grcenlanders about possible causes of the disease. 27. An ancient sedative. 28. Here it seems as though a Greenlandic remedy has snuck into the western medical repertoire of treatment. 70 FOLK 37· 1995

29. There are several examples of how Greenlandic literature of the previous century has been copied (see ex. Oldenow 1957: 15-16). 30. In a Danish leaflet entitled "Fear and Panic Attacks, A Guide to Patients and their Families" (Rasmussen and Jprgensen 1990) they distinguish between normal and pathological (or unex­ plainable) fear. "It is typical for the normal experience of fear, that we know the reason why we are afraid ... inexplicable and irrational fear lacks the tangible, comprehensible expediency of normal fear, and you thus cannot answer the question: 'What are you afraid of?'" (ibid.: 3). The unfathomable fear is a "neurosis" (ibid.: 3). 31. What is interesting is that Alfred Bertelsen responded to the article by Nathanael Petersen (Bertelsen 1938). However there was nothing new in his reply. 32. For some reason, Hans Lynge did not find it appropriate to include the 15 lines on kayak diz­ ziness in the Greenlandic version of his memoirs. (See Lynge 1981 b: 9-41). 33. A parallel perception of the disease has been described by Jeanne Favret-Saada, within a French farming community (Favret-Saada 1980).

LITERATURE Amering, M. & H. Katschnig 1989 Panic attacks and culture-bound syndroms. In Psychiatria Fennica. Suppl. Pp. 91-95. 1990a Panic attacks and panic disorder in cross-cultural perspective. Tn J. Ballenger (ed.) Clini- cal aspects of panic disorder. Pp. 67-80. New York. 1990b Panic attacks and panic disorder in cross-cultural perspective. Tn Psychiatric Annuals. vol. 20 (9): 511-16. Bagger, Mogens 1992 Det grpnlandske sundhedsva:sen - nogle historiske og samfundsmedicinske betragtning- er. In Manedsskrift for Praktisk La:gegeming. Pp. 681-87. Beck, Axel 1946 Nakorsak -Ia:ge paa Indlandsisen. Copenhagen: ForIaget Anker A/S. Bak,Ove 1982 Eskimoisk virkelighed. Billeder til belysning af de grpnlandske eskimoers religion. Co­ penhagen: Gyldendal. Bertelsen, Alfred 1905 Neuro-patologiske meddelser fra Grpnland. In Bibliothek for La:ger, 8. rk. bd. 6: 109-35, 280-335. Copenhagen [For an English version of the 60 illness stories see Gussow 1970]. 1915 Folkemedicin i Grpnland i nyere og a:ldre tid. Det Grpnlandske Selskabs arsskrift 1914: 22-57. Copenhagen. 1929 Sanitation and health conditions in Greenland. In Greenland, bd. 3: 363-86. Copenhagen. 1938 Qainakut nangiartunut. In Atuagagdliutit, nr. 21: 171-72. 1940 Grpnlandsk medicinsk statistik og nosografi. Meddelser om Grpnland, bd. 117 (3). Co­ penhagen. Berthelsen, Chr. et af. 1977 Ordbogi - Grpnlandsk dansk ordbog. Copenhagen. 1990 Oqaatsit - Grpnlandsk dansk ordbog. Nuuk. Kaj Birket-Smith 1924 Ethnography of the Egedesminde District. In Meddelelse om Grpnland, bd. 66: 423. Co- penhagen. Brussels, James A. 1967 Chambers Dictionary of Psychiatry. London. Bugge, Aage et af. 1960 Dansk-grpnlandsk ordbog. Fotografisk genoptryk. Nuuk. Campbell, R.J. 1981 Psychiatric Dictionary. New York. KLAUS GEORG HANSEN Kayak Dizziness 71

Cranz, D. 1770 Historie von Griinland. 3 bd. 2. ausgabe. Barby & Leipzig. Egede, Paulus 1750 Dictionarium Gr\'inlandico-Danico-Latinum. Copenhagen. Ehrstrom, M.Ch. 1951 Medical Investigations in North Greenland 1948-1949. In Acta Medica Scandinavica, vol. 140 (4-6): 240-64, 317-26, 412-22. Erdmann, Friedrich 1864 Eskimoisches worterbuch gesammelt von den missionaren in Labrador. Budissin. Fabricius, Otto 1804 Den gr\'inlandske ordbog forbedret og for\'iget. Copenhagen. Fabritius, Albert og Sven Houm¢ller (eds) 1957 Den Danske L

1905 Vejledning til rigtig anvendelse af de Ia:gemidler, der findes ved Kolonierne i Gr0nland. Copenhagen. Ha ven. Chr. von 1882 Nosografiske bema:rkninger om Gr0nland. In Ugeskrift for La:ger, 4. rk., bd. 6: 185-91. Heath, John D. 1991 Kajakangst: The Greenland hunter's nightmare of disorientation. In E.Y. Arima et al. (eds) Contributions to Kayak Studies. Canadian Ethnology Service. Mercury Series Paper 122. Pp. 92-105. Hull. (An earlier version has been published in : Sea Kayaker, 1986). Helms, Sara og Per Helms nd Pri vate optegnelser. H¢ygaard, A. 1941 Studies on the Nutrition and Physiopathology of Eskimos. In Skrifter Utgitt av Det Nors­ ke Videnskaps-Akademi i Oslo, Mat-Naturv. klasse, nr. 9: 72-73. Johansen, Anders 1905 Kajakangst og lignende tilstande. In Bibliothek for La:ger, 8. rk ., bd. 6: 549-61. Copen­ hagen. Kanstrup, Jan 1990 Det vendte spejlbillede. Kommunale institutioner som middel til samfundsreformer i Gr0nland. In Jan Kanstrup og Steen Ousager (eds) Kommunalopgavel0sning 1842-1970. Pp. 233-49. Odense. Kent, Rockwell 1935 Salamina. New York . 1936 Salamina. Copenhagen. Kitn; H. 1900 Meddelser om sygdomsforhold i Gr0nland. In Ugeskrift for La:ger. Pp. 409-19, 433-46, 457-67. Kjer, 1. & Chr. Rasmussen 1893 Dansk-gr0nlandsk ordbog. Copenhagen. Kleinman, Arthur 1988 The Illness Narratives. Suffering, Healing & the Human Condition. New York. Kleinschmidt, Samuel 187 1 Den Gr0nlandske ordbog. Copenhagen. Krabbe, Th.N. 1909 Oversigt over det gr0nl andske Ia:geva:sens historie samt nogle mindre forslag vedr0rende Ia:geva:snet. In Del gr0nl andske selskabs arsskrift. Pp. 43-96. Copenhagen. Lange, C. 1864 Bcma:rkninger om Gr0nlands sygdomsforhold. In Bibliothek for La:ger, 5. rk. , bd. 8: 15- 64. Copenhagen. Lange, Joh. 1880 Conspectus Florae Gr0enlandicae. Meddelelser om Gr0nland, bd. 3. Copenhagen. Lassen, R.F 1795 Tanker om blandede a:gteskaber i Gr0nland. In Minerva. Pp. 271-88. Lynge, Finn 198 1 Fugl og sa:l - og menneskesja:l. Copenhagen. Lynge, Hans 198 1a Gr0nlands indre liv. Nuuk. 198 1b Meraunermit erqaimassat. Nuuk. Mathiesen, Jens 1846 Den gr0nlandske handel sat i forbindelse med Gr0nlands co loni sation. Copenhagen. Meldorf Gustav 1900 Om kajaksvimmelheden i Gr0nland og dens forhold til brugen af nydelsesmidler. /n Bib­ liothek for La:ger, 8. rk., bd. I: 524-39. Copenhagen. KLAUS GEORG HANSEN Kayak Dizziness 73

Merkur, Daniel 1985 Becoming Half Hidden: Shamanism and Initiation Among the Inuit. Stockholm. Mylius-Erichsen, L. 1904/05 (1937/38) Gr0nland og gr0nhendere i yore dage. In Gr0nland Danmarks fremtid, nr. II (November 1937): 15-17 + nr. I (Januar 1938): 17-20. Nansen, Frid(j()f 1891 Pi! ski over Gr0nland. Kristiania. 1856 Naparsimasonut: Naparsimasonut ikiortiksat [Titel translated to: Hja:lp til de syge]. Nuuk. Nielsen, Adam 1907 Breve fra gr0nla:ndere. In Knud Rasmussen (ed.). Atlanten. Oldendow, Knud 1957 Bogtrykkerkunsten i Gr0nland og ma:ndene bag den. En boghistorisk oversigt. Copen­ hagen. Parker, Seymour 1962 Eskimo psychopathology in the context of Eskimo personality and culture. In American Anthropologist, vol. 64 (III): 76-96. 1977 Eskimo psychopathology in the context of Eskimo personality and culture. [Reprinted with abridgments from Parker 19621. In David Landy (ed.) Culture, Disease, and Heal­ ing; Studies in medical anthropology. Pp. 349-58. London. Permin, Henrik og Rene Birger Christensen 1995 La:gen og fotografen der var bedre til at fotografere: Alfred Bertelsen. In Bibliotek for La:ger. Petersen, Nathanael 1936 Nangiartarneq. [Translated to: Det at lide af kajaksvimmelhed]. In Atuagagdliutit, nr. 2: 9-10. Petersen, Robert 1964 The Greenland Tupilak. In Folk nr. 6 (2): 73-101. Copenhagen. Pontoppidan, Knud 1886 Neurastenien. Bidrag til skildringen af vor tids nerv0sitet. In Bibliothek for La:ger, 6. rk., bd. 16: 315-45. Copenhagen. 1893 Psykiatriske forela:sninger og studier. 2. rk. Copenhagen. 190 I Om den gr0nlandske kajaksvimmelhed. In Bibliothek for La:ger, 8. rk., bd. 2: 59-65. Co- penhagen. Rasmussen, Knud 1921-25 Myter og sagn fra Gr0nland. Bd. 1-3. Copenhagen. 1938 Knud Rasmussen's Posthumous Notes on the Life and Doings of the east Greenlanders in Olden Times. In H. Ostermann (ed.) Meddelelser om Gr0nland, bd.l09, nr. I. Copenhag­ en. 1979 500 leveregler gamle ord og varsler fra Vestgr0nland. In Regitze Margrethe S0by (ed.) Det Gr0nlanske Selskabs Skrifter nr 23. Skjern. Rasmussen, Stig og Bent l¢rgensen 1990 Angst med panikanfald. En vejledning for patienter og pi!r0rende. Scriptor Publisher ApS. Rink, Henrik 1856 Samling af Beta:nkninger og Forslag vedKommende Den Kongelige Gr0nlandske Han­ del. Copenhagen. 1877 Danish Greenland its people and products. London: Henry S. King & Co. London: C. Hurst & Company. Rink, Signe 1896 Kajakma:nd. Odense. Rodahl, K. 1953 North: The Nature and Drama of the Polar World. New York. 74 FOLK 37·1995

Rosing, Christian 1906 Tunuamiut. Gr0nlands sidste hedninger. Det Gr0nlandske Selskabs Skrifter nr. 15. Copenhagen. Rosing, 1. 1926-27 (1966) Kangamiorrniut asimiuisal0 ingerdlausianik. In Atuagagdliutit, nr. 1,2,4,6, 8, 10. Ryberg, Carl 1891 Dansk-gr0nlandsk tolk. Copenhagen. Sandgreen, Otto 1967 (1987) 0je for 0je og tand for tand. Bagsva:rd. Schultz-Lorentzen, C. W 1926 Gr0nlandsk dansk ordbog. Fotografisk optryk. Nuuk. Seeberg, lens 1992 Sankatfolk. A.ndebesa:ttelse og sygdom i Balaji-templet Rajastan. Magisterkonferensspeciale. Upubliceret. A.rhus. Storch, Mathias 1915 En gr0nla:nders dr0m. Copenhagen. Taylor, Kenneth l. and William S. Laughlin 1963 Sub-arctic kayak commitment and 'kayak fear'. In E.Y. Arima et al. (eds) Contributions to Kayak Studies. Canadian Ethnology Service. Mercury Series Paper 122. Pp. 79-91. Hull. (Originally presented as a paper at the annual meeting of the American Anthropo­ logical Associations in San Francisco 1963). Thuesen, S¢ren 1988 Fremad, opad. Kampen for en moderne gr0nlandsk identitet. Copenhagen. Trebitsch, Rudolf 1907 Die Krankenheiten der Eskimos in WestGrbnland. In Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift, m: 45: 1404-08. 1910 Bei den Eskimos in WestGrbnland. Ergebnisse einer Sommerreise im Jahre 1906. Berlin. Vestergaard, Emma 1939 Rapportering fra en unders0gelsesrejse. Rigsarkivet. Gr0nlands Styrelses Arkiv. Journal nr. 488-4. Register nr. 416. Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

Artikel 2

IT-sektoren i et magtperspektiv

Hansen (2003). I Gorm Winther (redaktør), Demokrati og magt i Grønland, Magtudredningen. Århus 2003. Aarhus Universitetsforlag. pp 162-194.

29 kapitel 9 1 IT- SEKTOREN I ET MAGTPERSPEKTIV klaus georg hansen

Af de mange myter og sagn, som inuit gennem århundreder har fortalt i de lange vinteraftener,er en god håndfuld endnu levende som mundtlige for- tællinger. En af disse er Anngannguujunnguaq. Det er en historie om en dreng,der blev røvet af tunorsuit,et sagnfolk,som på dansk kaldes indlands- boerne, men drengen blev fundet og hentet hjem igen. Historien findes blandt andet hos Rink (1866-1871: 156-158) og er i 1994 blevet udgivet som børnebog (Petersen, 1994). Den traditionelle version af det gamle sagn fortæller om et forældrepar, som boede alene et afsides sted med deres eneste søn,Anngannguujunn- guaq.Om dagen var faderen på fangst,og moderen passede drengen,samti- dig med at hun tog sig af de daglige gøremål.Mens drengen en dag var ude for at lege,blev han bortført af indlandsboere.Faderen ville have sønnen til- bage,så „han opsøgte sin Fætter,som var angakok.Denne udpegede Barnets Opholdssted“ (Rink, 1866-1871: 157) hos indlandsboerne.Faderen og anga- kokken fandt stedet og tog barnet med sig hjem igen. De endnu levende sagn bliver fra tid til anden udsat for en nyfortolkning. Således blev sagnet om Anngannguujunnguaq opført som teaterstykke i 2001 i en moderniseret udgave.I den nye version,som blev opført i forsam- lingshuset i Sisimiut,udspilles handlingen i nutiden.Familien bor NewYork Vej 5, og drengen bliver bortført af indlandsboerne. Det manglende opsyn med drengen skyldes,at moderen er travlt optaget af at chatte på internettet. Angakokker er der ingen af nu til dags,så i stedet ringer de oprevne forældre til Ilimmarsa,2 Sisimiuts internetcafé,og får fat på en „internetnarkoman“ – et godt nyt grønlandsk ord opfundet til lejligheden.Denne har ikke hjælpe- ånder og trancer som sine medier,men tænder derimod for familiens com- puter og finder på kort tid ved at søge på internettet information om, at drengen befinder sig på adressen MexicoVej 16.Til at skaffe drengen hjem hyres straks FBI,hvis agenter anholder røverne,og faderen kan få sin søn med hjem.3

162 INFORMATIONSTEKNOLOGI I DAGENS GRØNLAND Jo,både computer og internet har gjort sit indtog i Grønland – fysisk som mentalt.Computerfreaks er vor tids angakokker,og deres medium er inter- nettet.Men det bør bemærkes,at havde det ikke været for internettet,så havde moderen måske slet ikke været så fraværende,og så var Anngannguu- junnguaq nok slet ikke blevet røvet. Det er med andre ord alment aner- kendt,at informationsteknologi kan rumme både potentialer og problemer. Men der spores generelt så godt som ingen aversion imod dette nye. Skue- spillets kobling mellem nyt og gammelt virker hverken fremmed eller skræmmende på publikum. Her er noget fra nutidens grønlandske daglig- dag,som man kan forholde sig til i kulturens gamle iklædning.Computer og internet er blot nogle af de seneste i en lang række af kommunikationsmid- ler,som er blevet introduceret i Grønland inden for de seneste 300 år. Fra begyndelsen af den dansk-norske kolonisering af Grønland i 1721 arbejdede missionærerne med Hans Egede i spidsen målrettet på at etablere et grønlandsk skriftsprog. Resultatet fra et tidligere forskningsprojekt om udbredelsen af grønlandsksproget litteratur og læsefærdighed blandt grøn- lændere i perioden 1790-1850 peger mod,at analfabetisme har været udryd- det i Grønland i begyndelsen af 1800-tallet, hvilket er samtidig med eller måske tidligere, end det skete blandt almuen i Danmark. I begyndelsen af 1800-tallet var det en almindelig opfattelse blandt missionærer i Grønland, at stort set alle voksne kunne læse (Hansen, 1997). Grønland fik sin første grønlandsksprogede avis i 1861, Atuagagdliutit,der de første mange år udkom en gang om måneden.Som den første avis i ver- den bragte Atuagagdliutit farvebilleder.Op gennem sidste halvdel af 1800-tal- let udvikledes ude i verden den kabelbårne telekommunikation.Her kunne Grønland på grund af landets geografi ikke rigtigt være med,selv om der dog et enkelt sted,nemlig i kolonien Jakobshavn – det nuværende Ilulissat – blev etableret lokal kabelbåren telekommunikation allerede i 1901.Oplysninger- ne stammer fra sprogforskeren William Thalbitzer,der i sin dagbog for den 18.juli 1901 skriver,at „telefonstænger … [til det] første større telefonanlæg i Grønland“ var blevet rejst denne dag.Thalbitzer slutter af med at skrive, at „en ny æra begynder her!“ (Danker,2000:11).4 Hurtigt efter,at den radiobår- ne telekommunikation var udviklet og forbedret ude i verden,kom Grøn- land med igen,da Grønland i 1925 fik sine fire første radiotelegrafstationer. Allerede fra 1940 kunne befolkningen på en del af vestkysten – altså stør- stedelen af befolkningen i Grønland – høre radio fra Nuuk (ibid.: 91).Grøn- land måtte dog vente på en udvikling af bedre trådløs telekommunikation,

163 før det næste store skridt kunne tages.Da satellitkommunikation og radio- kædeteknologi i 1960’erne og 1970’erne blev forbedret,blev der satset stort på at binde hele Grønland sammen.Oveni kom så den digitale teknologi,og i 1996 blev Grønland det andet land i verden med et 100 pct. digitalt tele- fonsystem (ibid.: 260). Siden midten af 1970’erne har der været en konstant øget brug af elektro- niske kommunikationsmidler.Det gælder alt fra radio og tv,over telefon og mobiltelefon til computer og netværk.Video blev meget hurtigt udbredt,og den dag i dag er der relativt flere husstande i Grønland end i Danmark,som har video – 91 pct.i Grønland mod 84 pct.i Danmark (Grønlands Statistik, 2000/5: 4). De seneste 25 års kraftigt øgede brug af telekommunikation og informa- tionsteknologi kan illustreres med et par grafer,jf.figur 9.1 og 9.2.Tallene er hentet fra TELE Greenland A/S’egne interne kvartalsvise statistikrapporter (TELE, 1995-2000). Først er her vist en kurve for telefonabonnenttæthe- den5 i Grønland.For hele perioden over 23 år har der været en gennemsnit- lig årlig tilvækst på 12 pct.Grønland krydsede i 1999 den magiske grænse på 45 pct. telefonabonnenttæthed. Ifølge den internationale telekommunika- tionsorganisation ITU var der i 1998 kun omtrent 20 lande i verden,som var nået over denne tærskel (Mejlvang, 1998). Siden TELE Greenland A/S i 1996 åbnede for, at man i Grønland kunne abonnere på en opkobling til internettet, er antallet af internetabonnenter

FIGUR 9.1. Telefonabonnenttæthed i pct. opgjort pr. 1. januar

50

40

30

20

10

0 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001

Kilde: TELE (1995-2000).

164 FIGUR 9.2. Antal internet modemabonnenter i Grønland

7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 1.1.99 1.4.99 1.7.99 1.1.00 1.4.00 1.7.00 1.1.01 1.1.96 1.4.96 1.7.96 1.1.97 1.4.97 1.7.97 1.1.98 1.4.98 1.7.98 1.10.00 1.10.99 1.10.98 1.10.96 1.10.97

Kilde: TELE (1995-2000).

konstant steget. Det er en af de centrale indikationer på den øgede brug af informationsteknologi i Grønland. Med en gennemsnitlig husstandsstørrelse på 2,8 personer (Grønlands Sta- tistik, 1997/4) giver det en stigning i modemtæthed i forhold til antallet af husstande over bare fem år fra ingen i januar 1996 til omkring 30 pct.i januar 2001.Til sammenligning var det tilsvarende tal for Danmark i 1999 31 pct. (Grønlands Statistik, 2000/5: 4). Den grønlandske stigning lader ikke til at flade ud lige med det samme.I en artikel i TELE Greenland A/S’eget blad OnLine sættes tallet for 1999 til omkring 23 pct.(Gyldenkærne, 2001: 10). For at få et samlet billede af,hvor mange der i alt har adgang til internet,skal så lægges det (måske) anseelige antal personer, som på skole, internetcafe, bibliotek eller arbejdsplads har adgang til internet,men som ikke har adgang via modem hjemmefra.Det er derfor ikke urealistisk at vurdere,at i alt fald 50 pct.af befolkningen har så godt som daglig adgang til internet enten via privat modemopkobling eller gennem fast opkobling på skole,internetcafe, bibliotek eller arbejdsplads. En undersøgelse fra 2000 blandt elever i 7.til 11.klasse på de to folkeskoler i Sisimiut viste,at kun under 10 pct.af denne gruppe teenagere ikke bruger computer hjemme eller på internetcafe i fritiden (Hansen, 2001).Undersø- gelsen havde en svarprocent på 80.Dette giver altså et meget klart billede af en yngre generation,hvor næsten alle „frivilligt“ bruger computer.

165 De her anførte centrale milepæle i Grønlands kommunikationshistorie skal blot illustrere den kraftige udvikling,som Grønland gennem de seneste små 300 år har været gennem inden for kommunikation. Disse forandringer i kommunikationsmønsteret har fået store samfunds- mæssige konsekvenser. For 300 år siden kom ingen information til inuit i Grønland fra den øvrige verden,men allerede fra starten af den dansk-nor- ske kolonisering blev nye kommunikationskanaler taget i anvendelse;og de blev også benyttet af lokalbefolkningen.De dengang nye kommunikations- kanaler var langsomme. Der kunne gå år mellem første og anden del af en dialog.Det var grønlænderne vant til,men nu havde kommunikationen fået tilført to væsentlige dimensioner; adgangen til information fra den øvrige verden og muligheden for at benytte sit eget sprog på skrift. Da Atuagagdliutit fra 1861 begyndte at udkomme, blev nyhedsstrømmen med stof både indefra og udefra sat i system. Nyhedsformidlingen blev udbygget med de såkaldte telegramradioaviser fra 1930’erne. De blev først udsendt i æteren og derpå sat op uden for telegrafstationen. Grønlands Radio (senere KNR) blev etableret i 1958 (Rosing & Stenbæk, 1998).Side- løbende har fastnettelefon og mobiltelefon gjort kommunikation meget lettere for mange. Turister, som besøger Grønland, har ikke de store vanskeligheder med at forlige sig med,at fangerne nu har skiftet kajakken ud med en jolle og en 50 HK’s påhængsmotor.Men det kan stadigvæk overraske mange,når de ser en fanger,der lige er kommet i land med en nyfanget sæl,hive sin mobiltelefon op af brystlommen for at ringe efter en taxa til at køre sælen op på brættet, fangernes salgsbod. Blandt unge foregår den personlige telekommunikation nu i udpræget grad i form af SMS-beskeder. Et forbrug på mellem 500 og 1.000 SMS- beskeder på en måned er ikke ualmindeligt (Kleemann, 2001: 12). Denne tilsyneladende generelt udbredte brug af elektroniske kommuni- kationsmidler og informationsteknologi har gennem de seneste små ti år haft en vis offentlig og politisk bevågenhed.6 Landsstyret havde i årene 1995-1997 en IT-arbejdsgruppe, som i sin afsluttende rapport anbefalede oprettelsen af et IT-råd (Landsstyrets IT-arbejdsgruppe, 1996).Grønlands IT-råd så dagens lys i januar 1998.Dette har dog endnu ikke ført til,at Grøn- land er begyndt at satse på IT-branchen i landets erhvervsstrategi (Hansen, 2000a). Det kan undre, når Grønlands nabo mod øst, Island, har vist, at en satsning på en IT-branche kan give store ekspertindtægter.Her ville Grøn- land kunne være med,hvis man turde satse.

166 I 2002 er de første tiltag blevet gjort til at etablere et hårdt tiltrængt hjem- mestyreorgan, der med lidt god vilje kan sammenlignes med den danske Telestyrelse.Det skal blive spændende at se,om dette organ får lov til at få nogen reel indflydelse på de kommende års udvikling i IT-sektoren. Den ene person,som i første omgang udgør det nye organ,er ansat i Hjemmesty- ret,men alle omkostninger dækkes afTELE Greenland A/S.

POTENTIALER OG PROBLEMER Grønland er som videnssamfund således i fuld gang med at indrette samfun- det med en til stadighed øget anvendelse af informationsteknologi. Det er nogle af aktørerne i denne igangværende proces,som jeg her vil underkaste en nærmere analyse.Specielt er jeg interesseret i den bredere befolknings muligheder.Målet er at tegne et billede af,hvilke magtrelationer der er i IT- sektoren for derigennem at få en idé om,hvilke demokratiserende elemen- ter der generelt tegner sig på samfundsplan. Mine analytiske omdrejningspunkter vil være dels begrebet medborger- skab,hvor jeg vil tage udgangspunkt i Jørgen Goul Andersens (2002) diskus- sion af dette begreb,dels de samfundsmæssige ændringer ved overgangen til et videnssamfund, som den tysk-canadiske samfundsforsker Nico Stehr (1994; 2001) har nogle interessante betragtninger omkring. Jeg har tre konklusioner:For det første at de tekniske muligheder for en udstrakt brug af IT i dag er til stede i det grønlandske samfund.For det andet at folkelige initiativer til nytænkning i dag i lige så høj grad kommer fra andre sociale konstellationer end fra de traditionelle institutionaliserede organisationer.For det tredje at der meget bredt i den grønlandske befolk- ning er en stor åbenhed over for det nye, som IT repræsenterer. Denne åbenhed er, hvad nyfortolkningen af den gamle myte blandt andet kan vise os.Åbenheden er forankret i en grønlandsk-eskimoisk socialisering,som fortsat er dominerende. Disse tre positive forhold – eksisterende IT-infrastruktur, nye aktive so- ciale konstellationer samt åbenhed funderet i socialiseringen – er det poten- tiale,som Grønland vil kunne bygge videre på i en opbygning af et bredere funderet demokrati.Men der er også et parallelt sæt af problemer.Den eksi- sterende infrastrukturs potentiale udnyttes ikke optimalt blandt andet på grund af et lukket IT-monopol. De nye sociale konstellationers handlings- mæssige effektivitet hæmmes af en manglende informationstilgængelighed samt et markant uddannelsesefterslæb. Og endelig er den i socialiseringen

167 grundlagte brede folkelige åbenhed over for nyt tynget af en næsten total mangel på positive beskrivelser af den dominerende grønlandske socialise- rings ressourcer.

MEDBORGERSKAB Da mit fokus således er på befolkningen bredt, har jeg valgt begrebet med- borgerskab som udgangspunkt for min analyse af IT-sektoren.Andersen (2002) skitserer tre dimensioner i medborgerskabet:Rettigheder,deltagelse og identiteter i forhold til borgernes engagement. Ønsket med et medborgerskabsapproach er at give et mål for demokrati- ets tilstand. Det kan gøres ved at vurdere befolkningens deltagelses- og påvirkningsmuligheder samt ved at vurdere,om nogle grupper er udelukke- de – i tilfældet Grønland kunne parametrene eksempelvis være geografi og sprog.Andersen slår fast,at det afgørende ikke er,om folk rent faktisk delta- ger, men om hvorvidt de føler sig afskåret fra at deltage, hvis de vil (ibid.: 170-171). Jeg vil inden for hver af de tre dimensioner af medborgerskabet se på potentialer og problemer. Derigennem vil jeg vurdere IT-sektoren i et magtperspektiv.Ud fra denne vurdering vil jeg give mit bud på en mulig udbygning af demokratiet.

RETTIGHEDER – DIGITALISERET TELEINFRASTRUKTUR OG MONOPOL Rettigheder handler på ét plan naturligvis om jura.Hvem har hvilke rettig- heder? På dette formelle plan er Grønland tilstrækkelig demokratisk til, at der ikke er de store problemer. Men rettigheder er mere end ren jura. Ret- tigheder omfatter også de formelle og uformelle institutionaliserede hand- lemuligheder.Det vil for eksempel sige,hvilke normer der er for den enkel- te borgers engagement, om det er en god idé at være medlem af et bestemt parti for at få indflydelse og magt osv. Alle i Grønland har adgang til et digitaliseret telekommunikationsnet- værk.Overalt er der adgang til telefonnettet og dermed også til eksempelvis internet.Det er godt.Æren for dette ligger hos TELE Greenland A/S,som gennem en mangeårig opbygning har sikret,at Grønland rent forbindelses- mæssigt er med helt i front på verdensplan. Der er dog ikke enighed om, hvorvidt der er tilstrækkelig kapacitet på forbindelserne, men den tekniske

168 mulighed for at blive koblet på er til stede for over 95 pct.af den grønlandske befolkning,og alle har principielt ret til at benytte disse muligheder. Dette er klart det store potentiale,når vi taler om medborgerskabsrettig- heder,og interessen for at udnytte det er stor i befolkningen.Det viser både den allerede omtalte undersøgelse blandt teenagere i Sisimiut (Hansen, 2001) og en tilsvarende undersøgelse i den nordgrønlandske bygd Innaarsuit (Hansen, 1999a).Innaarsuit havde som et forsøg fået etableret en internetca- fé med gratis adgang til internettet.En god del af befolkningen havde straks stor glæde af denne nye mulighed;ikke mindst fangere,der købte sneller, 7 og husmødre,som blandt andet købte nye gardiner (ibid.). Hvis der skal sættes en finger på dette pæne billede, så skal det være, at takstpriserne for at benytte kommunikationsnettet reelt ikke giver alle muligheder for at være med.Det er desuden gået langsomt med at få etable- ret steder,hvor der er gratis adgang til internettet.Det er primært folke- bibliotekerne,der tilbyder denne service.Der er et meget stort behov for disse gratis adgangsmuligheder.Det ses klart i en undersøgelse,som er fore- taget af Grønlands Statistik. I denne undersøgelse konkluderes det blandt andet: „Som den største barriere for anskaffelse af egen pc nævner respon- denterne,at de ikke har råd til at anskaffe sig en sådan“ (Grønlands Statistik, 2002/2: 2). Historien om Grønlands første internetcafé giver et ganske godt billede af den træghed, der har været og fortsat er i det offentliges etablering af fri adgang til internettet.Det drejer sig om den ovenfor omtalte internetcafé i bygden Innaarsuit,der blev etableret af Pilersuisoq A/S i 1997.Pilersuisoq er den del af det tidligere Den Kongelige Grønlandske Handel (KGH),som nu har servicekontrakt med Hjemmestyret om at servicere alle bygder og en del mindre byer. I sine første over 200 år havde først KGH og siden Pilersuisoq ingen næv- neværdig konkurrence på sin handel i bygderne, men med den gryende internet-handel fra midten af 1990’erne så Pilersuisoq en klar potentiel trus- sel fra internettet mod sin handel i bygderne. Pilersuisoq valgte på den baggrund en offensiv strategi.Målet var at fast- holde bygdehandlen hos Pilersuisoq. Midlet var dels at etablere en grøn- landsk web-butik, dels at sikre sig viden om bygdeborgernes interesse for internettet og web-handel.Pilersuisoqs web-butik åbnede i 1999,men alle- rede inden da havde Pilersuisoq som anført åbnet en internetcafé med fri adgang for alle.Efter et års drift blev der udarbejdet en rapport om,hvorle- des internetcafeen var blevet brugt (se Hansen, 1999a).

169 Pilersuisoq havde ikke været nødt til at gennemføre sit eget internetcafé-pro- jekt,hvis det offentlige havde fulgt med tiden og havde sørget for at give borger- ne fri adgang til nettet.Nu blev Pilersuisoq nødt til at inddrage dette i sine stra- tegiske overvejelser for at fastholde bygdernes handel på grønlandske hænder. Grønlands første internetcafé med fri adgang var således i bund og grund et rent kommercielt projekt (Hansen, 2000b), der gennem en styrkelse af medborgerskabet i bygderne skulle sikre en kommerciel virksomheds lang- sigtede overlevelse. Selv om der er nogle økonomisk betingede skævheder i den reelle adgang til internet,har vi som anført juridisk set lige rettigheder og principielt lige muligheder. Det centrale rettighedsproblem, der tegner sig i IT-sektoren, skyldes således ikke økonomi,men en monopoliseret og videnslukket for- valtning af det store potentiale, som digitaliseringen og det altomsluttende netværk repræsenterer. For at kunne fornemme omfanget for demokratiet af de negative konse- kvenser af dette monopol og den videnslukkethed,der præger IT-sektoren, skal vi først have et overfladisk billede af magtfordelingen i Grønland på for- skellige typer af magt,jf.figur 9.3. Jeg vil her koncentrere mig om den teknologiske magt.Et kig på de cen- trale teknologiske områder i samfundet – transport, fiskeri, bygge- og anlægssektoren samt informationsteknologi (IT) – viser,at den politiske magt her som i alle andre lande går gennem lovgivning, planlægning og økonomi. For de tre førstnævnte sektorer er den politiske indflydelse i Grønland eksplicit,målrettet og tydelig.Derimod er den politiske indflydel- se på den sidstnævnte sektor implicit og utydelig.

FIGUR 9.3. Typer af magt

TYPE AF MAGT PRIMÆRE MAGTHAVERE

Militær Danmark/USA

Forskningsmæssig Danmark/Grønland

Politisk Politikere/Danmark

Økonomisk Politikere/Erhvervsfolk/Danmark

Juridisk Politikere/Embedsmænd

Teknologisk Erhvervsfolk/Politikere

Diskursiv Politikere/Forskere/Presse

170 Som den altdominerende institutionelle enhed i IT-sektoren fik TELE Greenland A/S (herefter TELE) i 2000 det danske konsulentfirma Andersen Management International A/S (herefter AMI) til at udarbejde en rapport, Konsekvensanalyse af 3 scenarier for liberalisering af den grønlandske telesektor.I indledningen anføres det blandt andet,at „[d]enne rapport er TELE Green- lands bidrag i debatten … om en liberalisering af telesektoren i Grønland og en privatisering afTELE Greenland“ (Andersen, 2000:i). Rapporten konkluderer blandt andet,at „den kapacitet,kompetence og information,somTELE Greenland råder over,langt overstiger Hjemmesty- rets.…TELE Greenland [har] hidtil på en række områder i praksis reguleret sig selv“ (ibid.: 129). TELE’s egen brug af rapporten viser med al tydelighed,hvilken selvregu- lerende praksis TELE udøver.Rapporten er dateret den 6.november 2000. Fra Hjemmestyret fik jeg i slutningen af december 2000 oplyst,at TELE, umiddelbart efter at AMI’s rapport var blevet tilgængelig i november, var blevet pålagt straks at lægge rapporten i sin fulde ordlyd påTELE’s hjemme- side. I december 2000/januar 2001 fremsendte TELE rapporten sammen med TELE’s egne anbefalinger (som ikke er offentligt tilgængelige) til behandling og godkendelse i Landsstyret. Godkendelsen kom i løbet af januar 2001. Først efter Landsstyrets behandling af sagen frigav TELE’s direktion rapporten på internettet.Dette fremgår af et „informationsbrev“, som er dateret den 23.januar 2001.Først på dette tidspunkt og først efter,at TELE havde sikret sig Landsstyrets tilslutning åbnede direktionen for den debat om rapporten,som TELE nu bruger som eksempel på sin åbenhed (Christoffersen, 2002). Det faktum,at TELE – uden at blive pålagt nogen form for sanktioner – helt efter eget for godt befindende – og på trods af et fra Hjemmestyret fremsat krav om omgående offentliggørelse – i praksis selv kan bestemme, hvornår og hvilke oplysninger man vil lade tilfalde offentligheden, er et meget tydeligt eksempel på,hvordanTELE er selvregulerende og magtfuld- kommen,også når det gælder den samfundsmæssige debat omTELE. Det er naturligvis langt mere alvorligt, når det også sker inden for næsten alle andre områder af TELE’s virke.TELE lægger i praksis selv sin egen og dermed landets IT-udviklingsstrategi,TELE fastsætter i praksis selv takster- ne for virksomhedens produkter,TELE fastsætter i praksis selv sit produkt- udbud osv.Når jeg skriver „i praksis“,så skyldes det,at TELE gennem en lang årrække gang på gang i den offentlige debat har fremført,atTELE intet selv bestemmer, da det i henhold til lovgivningen er Landsstyret, der tager

171 beslutningerne.Her må man blot holde sig for øje,at – med AMI’s ord – „den kapacitet,kompetence og information,som TELE Greenland råder over,langt overstiger Hjemmestyrets“ (Andersen, 2000: 129). I praksis har Hjemmestyret ikke en jordisk chance for at stille noget som helst troværdigt alternativ op over forTELE’s „indstillinger“. Ydermere har vi her i landet den praksis, at mange institutioner i vid udstrækning selv formulerer lovgivningen inden for institutionens eget område.Således er TELE også dybt involveret,når der lovgives på IT-områ- det. Denne lovgivningsmæssige selvregulering er samfundsmæssigt set meget uhensigtsmæssig.Et eksempel kunne være,at det i lovgivningen er anført,at det erTELE,der skal afgøre ansøgninger til Hjemmestyret om dis- pensation fra TELE’s monopoliserede koncessionsområde.Et andet eksem- pel er Ilisimatusarfiks indflydelse på universitetslovgivningen.8 Vi har at gøre med en af videnssamfundets helt centrale sektorer,som har én altdominerende aktør, nemlig TELE Greenland A/S, der næsten kan opføre sig som en stat i staten. I det grønlandske videnssamfund ligger den teknologiske begrænsning ikke primært i den informationsteknologiske hardware, men derimod i TELE’s monopoliserede forvaltning af denne informationsteknologiske hardware. TELE styres fortsat efter industrisamfundets idé om produktiv viden. Inden for denne logik skal produktiv viden og magt holdes koncentreret hos „de få“. Men det grønlandske samfund har nu – blandt andet på bag- grund af TELE’s succes med at binde Grønland sammen elektronisk – udviklet sig til et videnssamfund,hvor der stilles helt andre krav til forvalt- ning i IT-sektoren. Disse nye krav gælder såvel generelt som inden for de enkelte vidensbaserede organisationer.For at samfundet og organisationer- ne skal kunne fungere optimalt,skal information som udgangspunkt være tilgængelig for alle – på dette punkt halter Grønland både i den offentlige debat og inden for mange organisationer (bl.a.TELE) voldsomt bagefter. Det er fortsat nogle få tunge magtinstitutioner,som har meget stor indfly- delse på de politiske beslutninger. Nico Stehr har i sine værker et bud på, hvordan et videnssamfund kommer ud over disse magtmonopoliserede for- hindringer for at udvikle et mere velfungerende demokrati.Stehr (1994: 243) påpeger,at opløsningen af magtinstitutioner,såfremt det sker,sandsyn- ligvis i højere grad vil være et resultat af institutionens egen succes end af nogen anden enkeltfaktor. Dette er i høj grad, hvad der må siges at være på vej til at ske for telekommunikationsgiganten i Grønland.TELE har skabt et teknologisk set unikt grundlag for at udøve videnssamfundets elektroniske

172 deltagelse,men TELE kæmper nu for ikke at skulle give slip på den magt, som kontrollen over systemet repræsenterer.Dette er nu blevet en voldsom samfundsmæssig belastning, fordi det demokratiserende potentiale, som TELE har skabt det teknologiske grundlag for, ikke kan realiseres, før TELE’s totale magt på området opløses og en del af magten reelt lægges i et offentligt organ,som kun skal have til formål at sikre de nationale interesser på området. Stehrs overbevisende pointe er,at godt nok samler,opbygger og monopo- liserer stater og institutionaliserede organisationer information og viden, men – og det har samfundsteoretikere indtil nu overset – disse stater og organisationer er også producenter af information, viden og handlemulig- heder (Stehr, 1994: 228).Dette kommer de mindre organisationer og enkelt- personer til gode.Den totale magtkoncentration,som centrale institutioner har besiddet i industrisamfundet,har gjort det muligt for disse institutioner at skabe systemer,der i deres væsen bliver den største trussel for de selv sam- me institutioners magt i videnssamfundet.Dertil kommer så i vort konkrete tilfælde,at den interne ledelsesform i TELE heller ikke er fulgt med tiden, hvilket kan vise sig at bliveTELE’s endelige akilleshæl. På telekommunikationsområdet er Tele Greenland A/S ikke det eneste eksempel på institutionaliserede organisationer, der blandt andet i kraft af deres erhvervsmæssige succes er kommet under voldsomt pres. Det nuvæ- rende KIMIK A/S,som tidligere hed KANUKOKA Informatik er et andet eksempel på,hvordan et videnscentreret IT-system har skabt grundlaget for sin egen opløsning. KANUKOKA Informatik (herefter KI) var KANUKOKA’s (De Grøn- landske Kommuners Sammenslutnings) egen IT-organisation. Under KANUKOKA opbyggede KI et særdeles stramt topstyret, men også vel- fungerende IT-system for landets kommuner.I 2000 mistede KI en stor del af sit forretningsgrundlag. KI blev delvist fældet af sin egen succes, som var funderet i industrisamfundet. Konkret ligger der naturligvis meget mere i denne sag,hvilket kan læses på KIMIK A/S’hjemmeside (KIMIK, 2002). Set i et samlet perspektiv tegner der sig en klar parallel til problemstillin- gen omkring TELE.KI’s historie er,at organisationen har siddet urørligt på et monopol.KI startede som KANUKOKA’s interne edb-afdeling.Her var det muligt i et helt lukket miljø at opbygge en meget kraftig central styring af alle IT-dispositioner i de grønlandske kommuner.I en periode gik det rigtig godt.Udadtil var det en flot succeshistorie.Men i sin fuldkomne magt over udviklingen sad KI for længe brugernes ønsker og krav overhørig. KI

173 var eksempelvis bemærkelsesværdig længe om at gå væk fra et DOS-baseret styresystem og over til et windows-baseret styresystem. Den utilfredshed,som opstod i kommunerne,resulterede i,at KI’s ellers urørlige monopol blev brudt ved,at brugerne (kommunerne) opsagde sam- arbejdet og etablerede et nyt selskab.Dette nye selskab,KIT A/S,opererer med et helt andet koncept for såvel servicering som for intern organisation. KIT A/S flyttede ind i KI’s tidligere lokaler og ændrede det fra enkelt- mandskontorer til et åbent kontormiljø.„Det skal være synligt,at vi agerer på en helt anden måde“, udtrykte KIT A/S’ nytiltrådte direktør, Allan Chemnitz det.Dette er naturligvis blot et overfladisk udtryk for den forskel, der ligger i KI’s industrisamfunds virksomhedsfilosofi og KIT A/S’s videns- samfunds virksomhedsfilosofi. TELE følger samme linje,som KI gjorde,med en industrisamfundsbaseret virksomhedsfilosofi,et videnskoncentreret driftskoncept og en voldsom mangel på fleksibilitet og lydhørhed over for brugeres ønsker og behov. Men forskellen mellem TELE og KI er,at hvor KI i højere grad var under- lagt markedskræfterne,hvilket i sidste ende fældede KI,så er TELE fortsat ekstra beskyttet af sit absolutte monopol.Det kan derfor en tid endnu regne med at kunne undgå de – i et markedsperspektiv – naturlige,men for virk- somheden negative konsekvenser. TELE har i kraft af sit stærke beskyttende kolonitidsfunderede monopol, kunnet opbygge den basale teleinfrastruktur,der,som allerede nævnt,i 1992 blandt andet gjorde Grønland til blot det andet land i verden med en 100 pct. digitaliseret teleinfrastruktur – Grønland var kun to måneder efter Island. TELE har formået at gøre sig selv så magtfuldkommen,at det endnu nok vil kræve en omfattende debat, før vi ser samfundsmæssigt konstruktive ændringer – med mindre der sker noget internt,hvor TELE selv vil noget andet end at holde fast i sin magt. Først når TELE begynder at sætte sig grundlæggende nye mål,vil Grøn- land på telekommunikationsområdet kunne opleve en ny livgivende magt- spredning.Jeg ser en stor fare i,at magtspredningen kommer så sent,at den konstante vækst,som vi har været vidne til på telekommunikationsområdet de seneste 30 år, vil være begyndt at ebbe ud. Det ser vi allerede i udlandet, og hvis denne afmatning når Grønland, før magtspredningen er blevet ordentligt gennemført,vil det i sig selv være en negativ faktor for IT-sekto- ren.Uden vækst i sektoren vil der ikke være det nødvendige incitament for nye aktører til at foretage de nye investeringer,som bliver nødvendige i takt med,atTELE’s magtkoncentration opløses.

174 Der er alt at tabe. En for sent iværksat monopol- og magtopløsning i IT- sektoren vil kunne resultere i en kronisk fastlåsning i et monopol,fordi øko- nomien så ikke vil give andre mulighed for at etablere sig. Det er det, vi nu ser på flytrafikområdet. Liberaliseringen kom samtidig med en afmatning i sektoren,og i 2002 er Grønland tilsyneladende på vej tilbage til mere mono- pollignende forhold på store dele af flytrafikområdet. Det samme må ikke ske i IT-sektoren. Man kan med rette spørge:Hvorfor har TELE fået lov til at regere så selv- stændigt i så lang tid? Der er eksempler på andre aktører i IT-sektoren,som ikke fik lov til at opretholde et stramt monopol. I 1980’erne og 1990’erne blev Hjemmestyrets centrale edb-organisation, Q-data, tvunget til en omorganisering og KIMIK A/S er allerede blevet nævnt.En analyse af disse eksempler besvarer dog ikke fuldt ud, hvorfor det indtil nu har forholdt sig anderledes medTELE.En del af svaret påTELE’s særlige position skal søges i en kombination af følgende forhold:

• Historie;den koloniale arv • Teknologi;videnskoncentration og succes-historier • Lovgivning;stort set alle lovgivningstiltag er udsprunget fraTELE selv • Økonomi;vækst i 30 år har givet et guldæg med konstant overskud • Ledelse;en dansk teknostrukturel elite. historie TELE’s organisationshistorie rækker helt tilbage til den gang, da de første telegrafer blev etableret i 1920’erne. Under GTO blev der i 1950’erne opbygget en stærk topstyret organisation,som kom til at fortsætte i det sene- re TELE Greenland A/S.Organisationen er arvet fra tiden før Hjemmesty- ret.Til en vis grad har TELE bibeholdt noget af den autonomi,som disse stærke tekniske organisationer havde opnået,inden Hjemmestyret kom til – altså en tung kolonial arv. teknologi TELE undgik under 1980’ernes og 1990’ernes store omlægninger at blive underlagt en styrelse,som det ellers skete med en anden del af det tidligere GTO,nemlig bygge- og anlægsområdet.Derved kunne TELE opbygge en virksomhed med en centraliseret og lukket videnskoncentration,som ingen

175 udenforstående har fået adgang til.TELE har de forgangne årtier desuden haft flere reelle teknologiske succeshistorier;lad mig her blot anføre opbyg- ning af radiokæden og senere digitaliseringen af infrastrukturen.

økonomi Gennem de seneste godt 30 år har der været konstant vækst i omsætningen på telekommunikationsområdet,hvilket indikeres på blandt andet de to tidli- gere viste grafer – figur 9.1 og figur 9.2.Inden for de seneste 30 år er telefoni- taksterne godt nok faldet,men slet ikke i samme takt som forbruget i denne periode er steget.Samlet set har det altså givet en konstant øget omsætning. Det har givet en i grønlandsk sammenhæng helt enestående mulighed for, at et hjemmestyreejet aktieselskab gang på gang har kunnet præsentere overskud på regnskaberne.Der er ingen tvivl om,atTELE har ruget og fort- sat ruger på et guldæg,som næsten ikke kan undgå at give gode resultater. Det har helt naturligt ført til politisk tilfredshed med virksomheden. Men det har også ført til økonomisk afhængighed. Hjemmestyret har gennem hen ved ti år kunnet operere med et årligt overskud fra TELE på op til 40 mio.kroner,penge der går direkte i landskassen. Teletaksterne har med andre ord gennem de seneste mange år fungeret som en skjult beskatning af befolkningen. Da prissætningen har kunnet planlægges inden for det beskyttende monopol, er overskuddet i mindre grad udtryk for en fornuftig drift,men derimod et udtryk for en skjult mer- beskatning af befolkningen. Da denne merbeskatning er blevet opkrævet uden,at politikerne har fået skylden for det,har det naturligvis været med til at øge politikernes tilfredshed med monopolet og det selskab,som har vare- taget monopolet. Der har – nok af samme grund – da heller aldrig på noget tidspunkt været politisk optræk til at få en kritisk vurdering af TELE’s økonomiske disposi- tioner på telekommunikationsområdet, selv om flere forhold nok burde have været undersøgt nærmere. Her skal blot nævnes fejlinvesteringen for godt ti år siden i mobiltelefonsystemet NMT (det nordiske analoge mobil- telefonsystem), som i dag næsten er udfaset. I TELE’s skråsikre stil blev NMT præsenteret som det eneste rigtige system for Grønland – GSM (det internationalt brugte digitale mobiltelefonsystem) ville der aldrig blive grundlag for at indføre.Der gik dog kun nogle få år,førTELE alligevel også måtte begynde at indføre GSM.Selv så store fejlinvesteringer har den kon- stante økonomiske vækst kunnet dække over hos TELE.Igen ses det,at den

176 øgede omsætning i højere grad er udtryk for manglende konkurrence og dermed et kunstigt højt prisniveau på telefonitaksterne,end det er udtryk for en reel værditilvækst i sektoren. lovgivning Som anført har TELE i udstrakt grad selv lovreguleret sit ansvarsområde. Hvis noget har rørt sig inden for TELE’s interesseområde,har TELE oftest været hurtig ude med et oplæg på området.Transport af telekommunikation til og fra Grønland er blot et eksempel. Kun i få tilfælde er det ikke lykkedes for TELE at sikre sig indflydelse. Hjemmestyrets IT-arbejdsgruppe, der i årene 1995-1997 sad med TELE’s direktionssekretær som formand,var meget præget af,hvad TELE’s ledelse ønskede,der skulle diskuteres.Arbejdsgruppens omfattende arbejde fik stort set ingen reelle konsekvenser.Det senere Grønlands IT-råd udgav i 2000 en rapport (Grønlands IT-råd, 2000). I det afsluttende arbejdet nedlagde TELE’s medlem af IT-Rådet de facto sit medlemskab. Det skete efter et møde,hvor det blev klart,at TELE’s interesser ikke uimodsagt ville komme til at indgå i IT-Rådets anbefalingerne.Efterfølgende blev IT-Rådets man- dat kraftigt indskrænket. ledelse TELE’s ledelse domineres af det,som professor Gorm Winther i sit bidrag i denne bog kalder „den danske teknostrukturelle elite“.Definitionen passer i usædvanlig grad på TELE’s ledelse. Personer, der tilhører denne elite, er blandt andet karakteriseret ved,at de „søger at konsolidere [deres] magt ved at kontrollere og påvirke andre lag af den post-koloniale elite.“ (ibid.). TELE’s vilje til at holde fast i den fra kolonitiden arvede magt er af ledel- sen strategisk blevet udøvet over for politisk indblanding.TELE har blandt andet tildelt privilegier til politikere i form af gratis produkter og ydelser, hvilket TELE har været helt åben omkring.TELE har desuden sikret sig politisk godkendelse af kontroversielle tiltag, før en offentliggørelse og en samfundsmæssig debat dermed kunne frembringe andre synspunkter end TELE’s egne.Senest er det set med den absurde indførelse af volumentakse- ring.Desuden har der været en udbredt brug af videnspression efter devisen: „Vi iTELE ved dette,fordi vi alene har adgang til data“.Kun meget sjældent er de faktiske data i form af intern statistik med videre blevet fremlagt som

177 argumentation. Eksempelvis er TELE’s argumentation for indførelse af volumentaksering stort set blottet for henvisninger til faktuelle og konsta- terbare kendsgerninger. Disse forhold har samlet set skabt nogle væsentlige problemer i forholdet mellem på den ene side samfundets nationale interesser og kravene til med- borgerskabets rettigheder og på den anden side TELE’s forvaltning af sit IT- monopol. TELE har strategisk i den offentlige debat stort set altid postuleret et 100 pct.sammenfald mellem TELE’s strategier og Hjemmestyrets/samfundets nationale og befolkningens medborgerskabsinteresser.Dette er en pseudo- lighed,som oftest har fredet TELE fra enhver reel indholdsmæssig kritik. Kritik mod TELE har derved kunnet fremstilles som kritik af Hjemmesty- ret,samfundet eller befolkningen.Men sandheden er,at TELE naturligvis har sine egne økonomiske interesser at varetage, og disse interesser er i sagens natur langt fra altid sammenfaldende med Grønlands nationale inter- esser på IT-området,for slet ikke at tale om en bredere befolkningsinteresse. Dette punkt hænger nøje sammen med et af de centrale stridspunkter i den diskussion,der har været ført om og med TELE,nemlig om hvorvidt der er tilstrækkelig kapacitet på den grønlandske infrastruktur til at dække befolkningens behov for telekommunikation. Til trods for,at det ikke er en del af TELE’s formål,har TELE som nævnt gennem en årrække genereret et markant årligt overskud på sit regnskab. TELE’s formål er at servicere offentligheden på telekommunikationsområ- det.TELE’s holdning til indholdet af denne samfundsservice har i mange år været paternalistisk,idet TELE selv har defineret hvilken service,der har været behov for.TELE har så at sige sat sig selv til at styre området.Det er i denne sammenhæng kapacitetsbehovsdiskussionen kommer ind. Præmis- serne for,hvilke behov vi nationalt vil opstille,er aldrig blevet defineret.Her kunne en sammenligning med Nordnorge og med Nunavut være ganske passende.Der er et påtrængende behov for at få sat tal på,hvor stor kapacitet, der skal regnes med per indbygger.Først når en rapport eksempelvis skitse- rer tre modeller for kapacitet per indbygger,kan diskussionen om,hvorvidt der er tilstrækkelig kapacitet i Grønland begynde at blive konstruktiv. Og først når det erkendes,at TELE’s økonomiske interesser ikke er sammenfal- dende med Grønlands nationale interesser, vil en væsentlig barriere for en udbygning af det demokratiserende potentiale,der allerede findes i IT-sek- torens infrastruktur,kunne nedbrydes.Samfundet kan først herefter begyn- de at udnytte dette potentiale i fælles national interesse.

178 Jeg har tidligere i flere sammenhænge argumenteret for, hvordan jeg mener,man kan overvinde den barriere,som TELE’s monopol repræsente- rer i forhold til at udnytte det demokratiserende potentiale, der er i IT-sek- torens infrastruktur. For det første skal Grønlands telekommunikationsinfrastruktur skilles ud i en helt selvstændig enhed (eksempelvis en telestyrelse), der skal være hjemmestyreejet – ligesom Lufthavnsvæsenet. Kapaciteten på denne tele- kommunikationsinfrastruktur skal derpå kunne udbydes til alle, som ønsker at udbyde telekommunikationsydelser. Dernæst skal udbudet af telekommunikationsydelser splittes op på flere selskaber.Dels skal der være et selskab, som inden for en servicekontrakt har ansvaret for ét geografisk område. Dels skal der være flere selskaber, der på friere konkurrencevilkår kan udfolde sig inden for et andet geografisk område – ligesom KNI Piler- suisoq opererer med sin servicekontrakt i ét geografisk område og KNI Pisiffik samt mange andre butikker opererer på et friere marked i et andet geografisk område. 9

DELTAGELSE – NYE AKTIVE SOCIALE KONSTELLATIONER OG UDDANNELSESEFTERSLÆB Deltagelse er den centrale dimension i medborgerskabet. Det potentiale, som ligger i medborgerskabets deltagelsesdimension,er,at videnssamfundet med sine elektroniske kommunikationskanaler allerede giver de nødvendi- ge rammer for, at nye sociale konstellationer såsom interessegrupper og enkeltpersoner kan deltage og søge indflydelse på trods af eksempelvis lan- dets geografiske barrierer. Før jeg diskuterer dette potentiale nærmere, vil jeg trække en linje fra begrebet data gennem information,erkendelse,viden,deltagelse,indflydelse og magt til demokrati. Francis Bacon observerede i 1620, at „viden er magt“, selv om det vist er en lettere omskrivning af de oprindelige ord,der var skrevet på latin:„scien- tia et potentia“.Bacons ideer gik ikke på samfundsforhold,men derimod udelukkende på den dengang voksende videnskabelige indsigt i naturens mekanismer.Bacon havde betragtningen fra Det Gamle Testamente,hvor der i Ordsprogenes Bog står:„Vismand er større end kæmpe,kyndig mand mer end kraftkarl“ (Ordsp.24.5).Men lad nu blot disse historiske kendsger- ninger vige for en bredere og mere pragmatisk brug af Bacons vise ord (Bacon, 1620;Bengt-Pedersen, 1998: 488;Stehr, 2001: 35).

179 Det laveste niveau af viden er data.Data har ingen indre mening.Data må nødvendigvis sorteres, grupperes, analyseres og fortolkes. Når data er behandlet på denne måde,bliver det til information.Information har både indhold og formål. Men information har ingen mening. Når information kombineres med kontekst og erfaring,bliver det til viden. Viden er altså kombinationen af information,kontekst og erfaring.Kon- tekst er et individs ramme for sit syn på livet.Dette inkluderer faktorer som sociale værdier,religion,kultur,arv og køn.Erfaring er tidligere erhvervet viden. Når viden udveksles fra en person til en anden, bliver denne viden indlejret sammen med modtagerens kontekst og erfaring,og den nye viden fortolkes derfor i overensstemmelse hermed. Vi er nu gået fra data over information til viden,der alle kan beskrives til- pas entydigt.Det næste skridt er erkendelse.Erkendelse er derimod mere uhåndgribelig. Jeg skal ikke her indlade mig på dybere filosofiske betragt- ninger over begrebet erkendelse. Blot vil jeg anføre, at jeg bruger det i betydningen „det at operationalisere sin viden og gøre den til genstand for målrettet handling“. De følgende niveauer går ud over viden i sig selv. Her spiller den samfundsmæssige kontekst en større rolle. Der er ingen nødvendig sammenhæng fra viden og videre til deltagelse, indflydelse, magt og demo- krati – således som det ellers kan ses fra data til erkendelse.Her spiller – som sagt – mange eksterne faktorer ind. Det vil her være på sin plads med nogle få overvejelser om emnet demo- krati.Inden for både forskellige former for viden (meningsfyldt,produktiv og handlings) og forskellige former for deltagelse (modtagende,indsamlen- de og bidragende) ligger en forestilling om,at mere viden og mere deltagelse kan give bredere indflydelse og magt og dermed øget demokratisering.Ide- en er,at jo bredere adgang til en hvilken som helst af disse former for viden og deltagelse,der gennem tiden har været,jo bredere er indflydelse og magt blevet spredt i samfundet,og jo bedre er det samfundsmæssige grundlag for demokratiet blevet. Grønland er i dag at betragte som et videnssamfund, hvor viden og tele- kommunikation indgår som vigtige elementer i samfundsstrukturen.Derfor er en analyse af magtforholdene i IT-sektoren helt central for en vurdering af landets demokratiske temperatur. For mig er det nødvendigt at se nærmere på begrebet viden,når jeg vil diskutere magtforhold i IT-sektoren i Grønland. Her vil jeg tage udgangs- punkt i samfundets overgang fra industrisamfund til videnssamfund.Som

180 min gennemgående teoretiske inspirationskilde, hvad medborgerskabets deltagelse angår,holder jeg mig til Nico Stehrs to værker; Knowledge Societies fra 1994 samt The Fragility of Modern Societies;Knowledge and Risk in the Infor- mation Age fra 2001. Stehr konstaterer, at hidtidige teorier har elaboreret meget på definitioner af viden,men det afgørende fænomen – „viden i sig selv“ – er ikke blevet ofret mange tanker. Mange teorier har indtil nu behandlet „viden i sig selv“ som en sort boks (1994: 92).For overhovedet at kunne opnå en tilstrækkelig forståelse af den rolle, som viden spiller i videnssamfundets magtfordeling, er det nødvendigt, at denne sorte boks gøres til genstand for nærmere granskning. Nico Stehr definerer viden som „en evne til social handling“ (1994: 95). Stehr kommer derpå ind på kombinationen viden,forskning og magt.Viden er ikke ligeligt fordelt, hvorfor der vil være magtbastioner og ulighed. Han ser specielt videnskabelig viden og teknologisk viden som repræsentanter for evnen til social handling.Det bringer Stehr til først at kigge nærmere på videnskab og dermed forskning.I nyere historisk perspektiv kan forskning deles i tre faser (ibid.: 99-101):

• I oplysningstiden var forskning en meningsfyldt kraft • I industrisamfundet blev forskning en produktiv kraft • I videnssamfundet bliver forskning en udførende kraft.

Dette formulerer Stehr videre til tre former for viden:

• Meningsfyldt viden (- viden gives) • Produktiv viden (- viden haves) • Handlings-viden (- viden tages).

Her er det vigtigt at holde fast i Stehrs pointe i sin kritik af tidligere sam- fundsteorier:„I takt med at videnskab bliver en direkte produktiv kraft i vort århundrede,mister den ingen af sine tidligere muligheder,men tilføjer en afgørende ny kraft“ (1994: 20). Det samme gælder – mener jeg – for de forskellige vidensformer. Beskrivelsen af disse tre former for viden kan udvikles lidt.Oplysningsti- dens meningsfyldte viden blev af samfundets elite tænkt givet til folket,hvil- ket netop ligger i termen „oplysning“.Her var viden „samfunds-viden“. Industrisamfundets produktive viden var noget de få ledere,der sad på pro- duktionen,havde.Denne viden var „teknologi-viden“.I videnssamfundet

181 er viden i langt højere grad noget, borgere selv indhenter i form af „hand- lingsstyrkende viden“. Denne i videnssamfundet højere grad af individuel indhentet viden gælder alle niveauer af viden. De potentielle muligheder for individuel og social handling udvides bety- deligt i et videnssamfund.Ifølge Nico Stehr vil udvidelsen primært ske på det samfundsstrukturelle mellemniveau;det vil sige hos enkeltindivider,små grupper, sociale bevægelser, interessegrupper, mindre selskaber og netop ikke nødvendigvis på det såkaldte institutionelle niveau,som kan være stats- institutioner, det politiske system, monopoler, økonomien, uddannelsessy- stemet og måske tilmed selve nationalstaten (Stehr, 1994: 105). Lad os vende tilbage til videnssamfundets aktivt deltagende borger.Denne borgers deltagelse kan opdeles på følgende måde:

• Modtagende deltagelse • Indsamlende deltagelse • Bidragende deltagelse.

Her ses en af de centrale forskelle mellem industrisamfundet og videnssam- fundet. Hvor borgeren i industrisamfundet i højere grad deltog som med- lem af en organiseret gruppe (fagforening,politisk parti,osv.),deltager bor- gerne i videnssamfundet i højere grad ud fra mere uformelle grupperinger. Deltagelsen har mere karakter af individuel aktiv deltagelse. Denne mere eller mindre individualiserede sociale og samfundsmæssige deltagelse er helt central for forståelsen af det pres,som de gældende magt- positioner i eksempelvis IT-sektoren nu oplever. Her vil det være formåls- tjenligt at inddrage „deltager-trekanten“ – et analyseredskab, som jeg har under udvikling for at kunne analysere den almindelige deltager i IT-sekto- ren i videnssamfundet,jf.figur 9. 410 (Hansen, 1998). For nærværende analyse er det tilstrækkeligt at se nærmere på, hvilke mulige begrænsninger for deltagelsen der måtte være på de tre i modellen anførte samfundsmæssige områder:

• Teknologi – som er bestemmende for,hvor synlig man kan være elektro- nisk • Uddannelse – som er essentiel for,hvor selektiv man formår at være • Kultur – som er afgørende for,hvordan man er aktiv.

182 FIGUR 9.4. Deltager-trekanten

Bidrage

(Teknologi) (Kultur)

Synlig Aktiv

Viden på alle niveauer

Modtage Indsamle Selektiv (Uddannelse)

Det første punkt, teknologi, er dækket i medborgerskabets første dimen- sion, rettigheder. I min gennemgang ovenfor fremgår det, at der både er potentialer og problemer på området.Det andet punkt,uddannelse,indgår i medborgerskabets anden dimension, deltagelse. Det tredje punkt, kultur, dækkes af medborgerskabets tredje dimension, identiteter. Kulturen vender jeg tilbage til i næste afsnit. Der er en dobbelthed i brugen af begrebet deltagelse.I medborgerskabet indgår deltagelse som én af de tre dimensioner, men da medborgerskabs- approachen handler om deltagelse,må det nødvendigvis udgøre den centra- le dimension af medborgerskabet.Deltagelsens centrale placering fremgår af „deltager-trekanten“,hvor de to øvrige medborgerskabsdimensioner – tek- nologi og identiteter – indgår som delelementer. Som anført i gennemgangen af „deltager-trekanten“ indgår uddannelse og selektion i medborgerskabets deltagelsesdimension. Her støder vi på to væsentlige problemer og forhindringer. For det første udgør det markante uddannelsesefterslæb en generel sam- fundsmæssig begrænsning.Ringere uddannelse giver ringere færdigheder i at selektere. Det altoverskyggende problem er de alt for få uddannede og den dårligt fungerende folkeskole. I Grønland er der etableret mange vidensarbejdspladser,men Grønland kan ikke besætte disse stillinger med egne vidensuddannede.Det kan vel bedst sammenlignes med det,som skete i 1950’erne og 1960’erne,hvor det var industrisamfundets håndværkere,der var brug for, men som ikke var blevet uddannet lokalt i tide. Nu er det så vidensmedarbejdere,der må importeres,fordi samfundet ikke har formået

183 selv at få uddannet, hvad der nu er behov for. Måske rammer dette specielt videnssamfund med en kolonial eller tilsvarende forhistorie. Det værste er næsten,at den grønlandske folkeskole endnu i dag slet ikke er gearet til at give sine elever den mest basale skoling i at søge,vurdere og selek- tere information på internettet og dermed forberede de kommende genera- tioner på at fungere i videnssamfundet.Her bør der straks gøres en indsats. Der er væsentlige tiltag i gang til forbedring af den grønlandske folke- skole. Det meget ambitiøse projekt kaldes „den gode skole“. Hvis inten- tionerne i planerne bliver realiseret, vil det helt sikkert kunne få en gavnlig indflydelse på kommende generationers muligheder for at agere som aktive medborgere. Men det er nok et åbent spørgsmål, om de gode intentioner lader sig realisere – ikke mindst fordi politikerne slet ikke allokerer de nød- vendige midler til projektet og til at sikre passende fysiske rammer for pro- jektet.Her tænker jeg primært på,at de grønlandske folkeskoler generelt er i en meget dårlig forfatning. Der er også en anden meget væsentlig grund til at være skeptisk i forhold til, hvorvidt intentionerne i „den gode skole“ kan realiseres, og det er den generelt negative holdning,som findes blandt folkeskolelærerne,når det gælder en oplæring i brug af computeren som et samfundsredskab. Denne modstand kan eksempelvis illustreres med det skjulte dobbeltspil, som lærerrepræsentanter i Landsstyrets IT-arbejdsgruppe spillede for at sikre sig, at Landstinget ville anbefale langt mindre ambitiøse hensigter med IT i fol- keskolen end det, som IT-arbejdsgruppen i 1996 anbefalede.Lærerrepræ- sentanterne udarbejdede ganske enkelt i det skjulte en redegørelse for KIIP (det daværende Direktoratet for Kultur,Uddannelse og Kirke) sideløbende med IT-arbejdsgruppens arbejde (KIIP, 1997).Denne redegørelse tilsluttede Landstinget sig,og dermed mistede den grønlandske skole en enestående mulighed for at få en IT-målsætning,der kunne have bragt en del af under- visningen på omgangshøjde med de krav, som samfundet i dag stiller til dem,der går ud af folkeskolen. Senest er lærernes modvilje set i Danmark i forbindelse med, at den dan- ske undervisningsminister i juni 2002 fremsatte en idé,om at alle skolebørn ned til tredje klasse skulle udstyres med en computer. Dette var lærerne straks ude i medierne for at afværge.Grundlaget for denne generelle mod- vilje lader primært til at være en mere eller mindre uargumenteret negativ holdning til computere i undervisningen. Det andet problem i medborgerskabets deltagerdimension er, at det offentlige system – her primært Hjemmestyret – fortsat er alt for tilbagehol-

184 dende omkring tilgængeliggørelse af information. Det betyder, at de trods alt allerede mange aktive deltagende medborgere slet ikke har adgang til i det offentlige rum at se, vurdere, selektere og reagere på den information, som burde være tilgængelig,men som ikke er det.Det vil kræve en anderle- des holdning i centralforvaltningen at ændre fundamentalt på disse forhold.

IDENTITETER – SOCIALISERET ÅBENHED OG MANGLENDE POSITIV BESKRIVELSE AF SOCIALISERING I studiet af befolkningens brug af moderne teknologi er det slående, hvor åbne næsten alle er for at bruge de forskellige teknologiske muligheder.Her opleves ingen tastaturforskrækkelse.Denne åbenhed over for eksempelvis ny teknologi er et generelt træk ved en grønlandsk socialisering og er et af de stærkeste potentialer ved medborgerskabets tredje dimension, identite- terne. Den fundamentale samfundsmæssige åbenhed bunder i en rodfæstet fata- listisk livsindstilling.Denne fatalisme er konstateret af mange iagttagere,som har beskæftiget sig med grønlandsk socialisering.Eksempelvis ses det i beg- ge de to klassiske beskrivelser af et grønlandsk folkesind ved tærsklen til „det nye Grønland“,Aage Bugges fra 1949 og Schultz-Lorentzens fra 1951.De bruger i deres beskrivelser af grønlandsk livsanskuelse begge følgende sæt- ning som udtryk for en grønlandsk livsholdning:„det der skal ske,det sker“ (Bugge, 1949: 18;Schultz-Lorentzen, 1951: 55). Den fatalistiske og åbne forholden sig til sine omgivelser er en del af en traditionel eskimoisk verdensanskuelse.Tidligere – i den før-koloniale tid – var det en nødvendighed for overlevelse i den ofte uforudsigelige og barske arktiske natur.Med fatalismen og åbenheden følger en parathed til at hånd- tere anarki og at prøve noget nyt (Hansen, 1999b).Den grønlandske sociali- sering skoler individerne i at kunne agere i en kaotisk og fragmenteret vir- kelighed,og dette er netop egenskaber,som er i højsæde i videnssamfundet. Fatalismen og åbenheden,som i sig selv er et centralt potentiale,rummer en vis sårbarhed i kombination med det eskimoisk-grønlandske menneskesyn. Det gældende menneskesyn bygger i udpræget grad på fundamental egalitet mellem mennesker.Det kommer blandt andet til udtryk i et knæsat dogme om den ukrænkelige personlige integritet.Dette dogme medfører,at dyder som tilbageholdenhed,beskedenhed og fåmælthed anses for gode dyder,og det er netop her,den grønlandske måde at opføre sig på bliver sårbar.

185 Den moderne magtudøvelse, som i dag praktiseres af eksempelvis en dansk teknostrukturel elite og af politikere,respekterer ikke dogmet om den ukrænkelige personlige integritet.Men denne krænkelse af socialt gælden- de normer bliver ikke eksplicit problematiseret, netop fordi vi i Grønland ikke har nogen gennem socialiseringen indkodede aktive og udadvendte forsvarsmekanismer mod dette.Den folkelige reaktion på denne „forkerte“ magtudøvelse har op gennem kolonitiden været udviklingen af en indad- vendt „selvundertrykkelse“ og „overdreven autoritetstroskab“ og disse pas- sive forsvarsmekanismer er fortsat meget udbredte. Finn Lynge har udtrykt det således:

Disse i sig selv så smukke karaktertræk [tilbageholdenhed, beskedenhed og fåmælthed] kommer til at styrke det misbrug, som det er deres funk- tion at forhindre, så det koloniale uvæsen så langt fra at blive afskaffet med selvstyret tværtimod nemt kommer til at bide sig fast i forskellige forklædninger (se Finn Lynges kapitel i denne bog).

I såvel interaktion som konfrontation mellem de to kulturer – den europæ- isk/danske og den eskimoisk/grønlandske – er den grønlandske den svage part, fordi den danske overtræder konventionen om den ukrænkelige per- sonlige integritet. Europæisk/dansk kultur opererer med et dogme om den legalt krænkeli- ge personlige integritet.De to dogmer er uforenelige,og den danske er i sin natur den mest aggressive.Dette ses blandt andet i de to kulturers meget for- skellige måder at håndtere konfliktløsninger på. I korthed ses det ved en dansk direkte konfliktløsningsstrategi og en grønlandsk indirekte konflikt- løsningsstrategi (for en nærmere beskrivelse se Hansen, 1991; 1992).På dette niveau vil en dansk konfliktløsning i sin natur være langt mere aggressiv end en grønlandsk konfliktløsning. Det ulykkelige ved dette ulige interaktionsforhold er ikke i sig selv den konstaterbare forskellighed,men derimod det faktum,at den grønlandske socialiserings logik endnu ikke er blevet beskrevet konstruktivt med udgangspunkt i sin egen indre logik. Derved står de grønlandske socialise- ringsprincipper svagt over for en velbeskrevet europæisk socialiserings- logik. Måske kan en væsentlig forhindring for en konstruktiv aktivering af med- borgerskabets tredje dimension overkommes med en eksplicitering af de grønlandske socialiseringsprincipper,hvorved der vil kunne hentes inspira- tion til en øget mental ligestilling mellem grønlandsk og dansk kultur.Det

186 vil måske føre til en øget magtspredning i samt en øget demokratisering af det grønlandske samfund.

ET GRØNLANDSK VIDENSSAMFUND Grønland er i dag et videnssamfund,som besidder en række potentialer,der kan være med til at øge graden af demokrati.Men der er nogle forhold,der virker hæmmende for udfoldelsen af dette potentiale. Da TELE sidder tungt på kontrollen af videnssamfundets elektroniske kommunikationsnet, har TELE været underkastet en særlig analyse.TELE sidder på den teknologiske viden, og Stehr påpeger, at det i videnssamfun- det netop er adgang til teknologisk viden, som giver mulighed for hand- ling. Dette er med til at forklare, hvorfor TELE, som ikke har specielt meget formel magt, har så stor reel magt inden for IT-sektoren i dagens Grønland. Helt parallelt sidder Hjemmestyrets centraladministration tungt på den samfundsmæssige viden, hvilket sikrer Hjemmestyret en vidensmagt. Begge disse lag af videnskoncentration – TELE’s primært inden for en bestemt sektor og Hjemmestyrets samfundsmæssigt mere bredt – har deres udspring i den koloniale arv,hvor viden og magt var koncentreret hos de få. Dette system har bygget på,at adgangen til information kunne kontrolle- res og styres.Det nye er,at der – af TELE og Hjemmestyret – er blevet skabt et medium,hvor kontrollen med information ikke længere lader sig opret- holde.Vi er i disse år vidner til en brydning mellem et tidligere informa- tions- og magtkoncentreret samfund og et kommende informations- og magtspredt samfund.De gamle videns- og magtkonstellationer holder end- nu fast i deres positioner,godt hjulpet af den koloniale arv,som er kendeteg- net ved,at viden og magt lå på meget få hænder. Vi vil i de kommende år blive vidner til et voksende engagement fra et stadigt mere aktivt medborgerskab i befolkningen. Hvis intentionerne i „den gode skole“ bliver ført ud i livet,vil dette være med til at styrke netop denne proces,som i sit væsen bevæger sig i retning af øget demokratisering i samfundet. De brydninger, som jeg har skitseret for specielt IT-sektoren, kan illu- streres på følgende måde:Vi har med tre grupper af aktører at gøre, som hver har deres interesser at forfølge. Indenfor andre sektorer vil der være andre organisationsinteresser, men princippet gælder generelt, jf. figur 9.5.

187 FIGUR 9.5. Interesse-trekant

Organisationsinteresse TELE

Medborgerskabsinteresse Nationalinteresse Befolkningen Hjemmestyret

I gennemgangen af potentialer og problemer inden for hver af de tre dimen- sioner af medborgerskabet (rettigheder,deltagelse og identiteter) blev kon- krete emner diskuteret.Det fremgår i overskriftform i figur 9.6. Vi kan nu tilføje endnu en kolonne,hvor den primære aktør for de lokali- serede problemer kan anføres.For medborgerskabets rettigheder i IT-sekto- ren er problemet TELE’s lukkede monopol.Den primære aktør i en aktive- ring af det demokratiserende potentiale, som er skabt af TELE,er derfor TELE Greenland A/S selv. Hvad angår medborgerskabets deltagelse,har potentialet vist sig i form af nye aktivt deltagende grupperinger – eksempelvis fritidsfangere.Men alle disse nye,ikke-institutionaliserede grupper af aktive deltagere i medborger- skabet hæmmes i deres handlemuligheder af en markant mangel på aktuel og relevant information, som uden problemer kunne have været lagt på internettet af myndighederne,men som blot ikke er der.Hjemmestyrets undladelse af at gøre information tilgængelig er et af de centrale problemer for borgernes aktive deltagelse.Den primære aktør i en ændring af disse for- hold er Hjemmestyret.

FIGUR 9.6. Aktørernes fordeling i udbygningen af medborgerskabet

MEDBORGERSKAB POTENTIALER PROBLEMER PRIMÆR AKTØR

Rettigheder Digitalisering Lukket monopol TELE Videnskoncentration

Deltagelse Nye sociale grupper Manglende uddan- Hjemmestyre nelse

For lidt information

Identiteter Åbenhed og fatalisme Uekspliciteret Befolkning socialisering

188 Dertil kommer så den manglende uddannelse og mindst lige så væsentligt, den bagstræberiske modvilje hos lærerne mod i skolerne at give eleverne indsigt i,hvorledes det i dag i princippet er muligt på egen hånd på internet- tet at indhente relevant og aktuel information. Dette vil de nuværende årgange i folkeskolen komme til at lide under fra den første dag,efter at de er gået ud af skolen.Eleverne er gidsler i et magtspil,hvor lærerne holder fast i industrisamfundets centraliserede dosering af information,hvor lærerne havde magten over denne information.I videnssamfundet er lærerens rolle en helt anden,men det er den grønlandske folkeskole endnu ikke gearet til. Måske vil projektet med „den gode skole“ kunne tage hul på denne proble- matik,hvis den overhovedet får lov at komme i gang.Men det er på høje tid. Grønland har ikke råd til at tabe flere generationer på fabriksgulvet. Medborgerskabets tredje dimension, identiteter, har i Grønland et væsentligt potentiale i den fatalistiske åbenhed, hvormed ny teknologi mødes. Denne åbenhed og fatalisme går hånd i hånd med et hensynsfuldt menneskesyn. Åbenheden, fatalismen og det hensynsfulde menneskesyn er efterlevelsesværdige, men i en globaliseret verden, hvor den grønlandske kultur er i interaktion med andre kulturer, gør specielt to forhold, at den grønlandske interaktionsform bliver sårbarhed. For det første møder åbenheden, fatalismen og det hensynsfulde grøn- landske menneskesyn i det globale verdenssamfund andre og knapt så hen- synsfulde menneskesyn, og i det møde må det grønlandske menneskesyn blive den svage part – alene fordi det ofte er mere hensynsfuldt og åbent over for andre synspunkter.Det er naturligvis ikke i sig selv et minus at være hen- synsfuld,men – og dette er det andet og det væsentligste forhold – der er i befolkningen kun en meget vag bevidsthed om denne grønlandske hen- synsfuldhed. Denne bevidsthed må nødvendigvis styrkes. Det vil kræve en mental vækkelse i befolkningen,som er den primære aktør i denne sam- menhæng.Ved at være sig mere bevidst omkring sit eget udgangspunkt – det vil sige at være sig bevidst om normer for ens egen interaktionsform – vil der kunne opbygges et langt bedre forsvar over for andre og mere pågående og direkte interaktionsformer,der måske bygger på et helt andet menneske- syn. Gennem denne bevidstgørelse kunne der formuleres nye mål for den aktivt deltagende samfundsborger med en samfundsengageret identitet. Et mål kunne eksempelvis være,at det ikke længere skal være acceptabelt kun at få sine fatalistiske tilbøjeligheder tilfredsstillet ved at skrabe Pisiffiks skra- belodder og gå til banko flere gange om ugen.Den karakteristiske fatalismes

189 åbenhed og beredvillighed skal gennem eksplicitering i positive og kon- struktive beskrivelser kanaliseres over i et samfundsproduktivt spor,som det tidligere har været kendetegnende for den grønlandske befolkning. Naturligvis har myndighederne også her et stort ansvar for at sikre grund- laget for,at dette kan realiseres,men den mentale omlægning skal selv vokse frem i befolkningen. Set i dette perspektiv kunne man få den tanke,at politikerne og den øvri- ge post-koloniale elite måske slet ikke oprigtigt ønsker at skabe et mere demokratisk funderet medborgerskab,da det jo vil kunne sprede magten og dermed vil kunne true dem på den magt,som i dag er koncentreret hos den post-koloniale elite. Men på den anden side er det sikkert,at hvis vi klarer at sikre en væsentlig omlægning i IT-sektoren,i skolesystemet og i selvforståelsen,vil tre meget store forhindringer for et bredere funderet demokrati være blevet ryddet af vejen,og Grønland vil kunne komme til at opleve en langt bedre fungeren- de demokrati end det,vi har i dag.

noter

1 Jeg skylder en stor tak til deltagerne i DEMA-seminaret i Ilulissat i april 2002 for de meget konstruktive kommentarer, som jeg fik. Specielt er jeg Rasmus Ole Ras- mussen, Peter Munk Christiansen og Gorm Winther tak skyldig for god hjælp. 2 Ilimmarsa er det grønlandske ord for den rejse, angakokken foretager gennem luf- ten med sine hjælpeånder, når han er i trance og søger viden om noget bestemt. 3 Stykket blev opført af den lokale amatørteatergruppe Pakkutat i Sisimiut Forsam- lingshus den 11. november 2001 for ca. 200 begejstrede publikummer i alle aldre. Aktørerne er alle teenagere. Forfatteren og instruktøren til nytolkningen af det gamle sagn er Valerius Nielsen. 4 Her citeret efter Danker, som har sine oplysninger fra Lars Dyrløv Madsen. Dan- ker krediterer dog ikke Lars Dyrløv Madsen for denne i telehistorisk sammenhæng meget væsentlige oplysning. 5 Telefonabonnementstæthed defineres således: Antal abonnenter af fastnet telefoner x 100/befolkningstallet. Mobiltelefonabonnentantallet er altså ikke medregnet. Netop det, at mobiltelefonabonnenterne ikke indgår i beregningen af et lands

190 telefonabonnenttæthed, er nok den væsentligste forklaring på, at kurven i 2000 flader ud. Til illustration af dette kan det anføres, at antallet af mobiltelefonabon- nenter i første kvartal 1998 var 7.509, og at det i fjerde kvartal 2000 var 15.977.Til sammenligning var antallet af fastnet telefonabonnementer i fjerde kvartal 2000 26.180 (TELE, 1995-2000). 6 Den offentlige debat om informationsteknologi i Grønland blev blandt andet initieret ved to debatoplæg; dels Lad nordlyset spille bold med informationen (Hansen, 1994), dels Grønland som informationssamfund (Hansen, 1995). 7 Et stort fiskelinehjul til fiskeri med pirk efter torsk, hellefisk, rødfisk mv. Hjulet fastgøres til jollens ræling. På hjulet er der svinghåndtag til at rulle snøren ind med. 8 Ilisimatusarfik er Grønlands Universitet, som befinder sig i Nuuk. Universitetet er opdelt i fire institutter: 1: Teologi, 2: Grønlandsk, 3: Kultur og samfundshistorie samt 4: Det samfundsvidenskabelige institut for administration. Universitetet kan således i høj grad siges at være domineret af institutter baseret på det Jes Adolph- sen andetsteds i denne antologi har kaldt identitetsskabende fag (institutterne 1, 2 og 3), mens det fjerde institut rummer fag, der har med modernitet og erhvervs- udvikling at gøre. Disse samfundsvidenskabelige fag udgør et mindretal ved uni- versitetet, og er i kollegiale sammenhænge på udemokratisk vis underordnet de identitetsskabende fag. Denne skævhed i universitetsloven må tilskrives en mang- lende kvalificeret ekstern kontrol med udformningen af lovteksten, da den blev til. Et andet eksempel på manglende kvalificeret modspil fra hjemmestyreadministra- tionen, hvilket har givet uforholdsmæssig stor (og uheldig) egenindflydelse, er, at en gruppe af de akademisk ansatte personer ved Ilisimatusarfik med § 6 i „Aftale om stillingsstruktur for det videnskabelige personale ved Ilisimatusarfik, Nuuk“ i 1988 automatisk blev udnævnt til lektorer uden nogen forudgående kvalifikations- bedømmelse (Aftale, 1988), hvilket er helt uhørt i universitetsverdenen globalt. 9 KNI dagligvarebutikkerne var oprindeligt en division af Kongelige Grønlandske Handel (KGH), som blev udskilt i forbindelse med, at KGH blev overtaget af Hjemmestyret i 1980’erne. KNI er opdelt i bygdebutikskæden Pilersuisoq og bybutikskæden Pisiffik. I 2001 er der dog yderligere sket det, at Pisiffik blev pri- vatiseret på grundlag af en opdeling af Pisiffik kæden, hvor man solgte aktier i de mest profitable butikker til en dansk koncern og 17 ledende medarbejdere.

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192 landsposten, 51-59.(Grønland som informationssamfund. 2.udgave.Sammenskriv- ning af de danske tekster i avisartiklerne.Nuuk:[NATryk].) Hansen, Klaus Georg (1997). Grønlands tidlige bibliotekshistorie; bøger i Grønland før 1850.Forskningsbibliotekarspeciale. 2.udgave.Nuuk:[NA Tryk]. Hansen,Klaus Georg (1998).„Cultural Conditions for Greenland as an Information Society“, pp. 281-288 i Gérard Durhaime, Rasmus Ole Rasmussen & Robert Comtois (eds.). Sustainable Development in the North; Local Initiatives and Mega- projects.Québec:GÉTIC,Université Laval. Hansen,Klaus Georg (1999a). Mens vi venter.Statusrapport over det første år med verdens nordligste internet-café i Innaarsuit.Arbejdspapir nr. 141, NORS-Skrifter nr. 39. Roskilde:NORS,Roskilde Universitetscenter. Hansen, Klaus Georg (1999b).„Cool time management:Politik,IT og tradition i Grønland“. Jordens Folk.Etnografisk Revy, 34, 4: 19-26. Hansen,Klaus Georg (2000a).„IT i den grønlandske erhvervsstrategi“,pp. 187-202 i Mogens Holm & Rasmus Ole Rasmussen (red.). Udviklingsforskning,udviklingspo- litik og udviklingsentreprise; 3 faktorer i det grønlandsk samfunds forandring og udvikling. Inussuk, Arktisk Forskningsjournal (2000:1). Nuuk: Direktoratet for Kultur, Uddannelse og Forskning. Hansen,Klaus Georg (2000b). The Gap Between Potentials and Realities;Analysing the Use of Computer and Internet in Greenland. Paper præsenteret på 12th Inuit Studies Conference i Aberdeen,Skotland.Upubliceret. Hansen, Klaus Georg (2001). The Use of Computers and Internet AmongTeenagers in Sisimiut. Paper præsenteret på 4th International Congress of Arctic Social Sci- ences,Quebec,Canada.Upubliceret. KIIP (1997). Redegørelse vedr.EDB i folkeskolen (Handlingsplan). 21.april,FM 1997/38, KIIP J.nr. 51.47.02.Nuuk:Direktoratet for Kultur,Uddannelse og Kirke. KIMIK (2002).www.kimik.gl.Nuuk:KIMIK. Kleemann,Louise M.(2001). „Vild med SMS“. OnLine. Et Magasin Om Kommuni- kation i Dagligdagen, 2, 3: 11-12. Landsstyrets IT-arbejdsgruppe (1996). Grønland og informationssamfundet.Elementer i en informationsteknologisk strategi.Nuuk:Direktoratet for Erhverv,Trafik og Forsy- ning. Mejlvang, Mette (1998).„Den globale landsby er en myte“. Morgenavisen Jyllands- Posten.Viden om. 9.marts. Petersen,Hans Christian (1994) (genfortalt). Anngannguujuk.Nuuk:Atuakkiorfik. Rink, Hinrich Johannes (1866-1871). Eskimoiske eventyr og sagn oversatte efter de ind- fødte fortælleres opskrifter og meddelelser.Bind 1-2.Genoptrykt 1982.København: Rosenkilde og Bagger. Rosing,Peter Fr.& Marianne Stenbæk (1998). Radiormiut.Kalaallit Nunaata Radioa, Grønlands Radio,Radio Greenland 1958-1998.Nuuk:KNR/Atuakkiorfik.

193 Schultz-Lorentzen, Christian Wilhelm (1951). Det grønlandske folk og folkesind. København:Statsministeriet. Stehr,Nico (1994). Knowledge Societies.London:SAGE Publications. Stehr,Nico (2001). The Fragility of Modern Societies.Knowledge and Risk in the Informa- tion Age.London:SAGE Publications. TELE (1995-2000). Statistikrapport [Kvartalsvise rapporter fra 1.kvartal 1995 til 4. kvartal 2000].Nuuk:TELE Greenland.

194 Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

Artikel 3

Man ser dem aldrig med hug eller haarde ord at straffe deres børn – en analyse af forskelle mellem vestlig og eskimoisk opfattelse af den personlige integritets krænkelighed

Hansen (2007). I Tidsskriftet Grønland, No 4, 2007. pp 162-177.

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1622 Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007

KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007 1633 KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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Figur 1. Pædagogikkens indhold. (Egen model).

1644 Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007

KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007 1655 KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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1666 Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007

KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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Figur 3. Kategorisering af de elementer, som indgår i den persons integritet i forbindelse med en kommunikationsproces. (Egen model).

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Figur 4. Skitsering af forskelle mellem to dominerende pædagogiske teoristrømninger i Danmark – og i Grønland – siden begyndelsen af 1980’erne. (Egen model).

Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007 1677 KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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1688 Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007

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17010 Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007

KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007 17111 KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

Der er 70 år mellem disse to billeder. Perspektivet er nok flyttet fra lærer til elev, men undervisningen bygger i begge undervisningssituationer på et europæisk menneskesyn. Foto: ©Arktisk Institut. Foto: Klaus Georg Hansen.

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17212 Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007

KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007 17313 KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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17414 Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007

KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007 17515 KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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17616 Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007

KLAUS GEORG HANSEN, ”MAN SER DEM ALDRIG MED HUG ELLER HÅRDE ORD AT STRAFFE DERES BØRN”

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Tidsskriftet Grønland 4/2007 17717 Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

80 Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

Artikel 4

Decision processes, communication and democracy; The aluminium smelter project in Greenland

Hansen, Sørensen and Jeppson (2009). I Janne Hukkinen, Klaus Georg Hansen et al., Knowledge-based tools for sustainable governance of energy and climate adaptation in the Nordic periphery. Nordic Research Programme 2005-2008, Nordregio Report, 2009:7. Stockholm 2009. pp 57-84.

81 Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

82 Decision processes, communication and democracy: The aluminium smelter project in Greenland

Klaus Georg Hansen, Freia Lund Sørensen and Steen R. Jeppson

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 55 Preface

This report is forms part of the research project Knowledge-based tools for the sustainable governance of energy and climate adaptation in the Nordic periphery (K-Based).

From its initiation, the Greenlandic contribution to the Nordic project has been implemented as a team-based project including Klaus Georg Hansen, Freia Lund Sørensen and Steen R. Jeppson, in which each of the team members have had specific tasks to complete. Klaus has managed the project and has had overall responsibility for the Greenlandic segment of the Nordic project. Amongst other things, this has included responsibility for organising the project, securing project progress and maintaining contact with the other Nordic partners in the overall project. In addition, Klaus held a seminar in Sisimiut during the spring of 2008 in which all the Nordic project partners participated. Freia’s role in the project team has been to provide assistance with regard to the project’s design and organisation, preparing data concerning the aluminium project process and contributing practical and methodological instructions for Steen. Steen’s task has been, in cooperation with Klaus and Freia, to identify basic project material; primarily newspaper articles. Steen was also responsible for evaluating the contents of all the articles included in the project.

The second and third phases of the project have taken longer than it was expected. A significant factor in this regard is the fact that the organisational structure within which the project was carried out, i.e. the Greenland Home Rule Government’s central administration, is not geared to taking on projects of this nature. It was only because there was access to the granted project funds that it was possible to dedicate a significant proportion of Steen’s working hours to the project. The project funds granted have been insufficient to ensure that Klaus or Freia could dedicate themselves to the project and this has had a significant impact on project progress – or lack of progress – particularly in the project’s final phase.

The Greenland Team wish to thank Rasmus Ole Rasmussen for the outstanding cooperation we have had during the K-based project. In continuation of this cooperation an extended edition of the report will be published in a joint publication: “Rasmus Ole Rasmussen og Klaus Georg Hansen (red): Demokratisering af planlægningsprocesser som en udfordring i Vestnorden. Case vedvarende energi og storskala industriprojekter. NORS Forsknings¬rapporter, Roskilde Universitet”. The publication will be available during the fall of 2009.

56 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 1. Introduction

Compared to the other Nordic countries, Greenland’s democracy is a young one. This results in a number of specific challenges in the relation between the administrative and political decision making processes on the one hand, and public debate on the other. This is not a specifically Greenlandic issue. The potential for opposition between public decision making processes and public debate exists in all counties. What is a particularly Greenlandic issue, however, is the fact that strong traditions relating to information exchange in this area have yet to be established.

In the Greenlandic parliamentary elections held on 2 June 2009, this opposition was a central element in the election campaign. Public dissatisfaction with the lack of clarity in administrative and political decision making processes would seem to have been a significant factor influencing the result of an election in which, for the first time in the Greenland Home Rule Government’s 30 year history, Greenland’s social democratic party, Siumut, was not the largest party and could therefore not appoint the Greenlandic Prime Minister. For the first time in Greenland’s history, the upcoming parliamentary term will see Siumut sitting on the opposition benches.

The party which won the election was elected on a promise to reassess many of the current administrative and political decision making processes. In other words, it would appear that there exists a widely held desire to overhaul some of the more ingrained decision making processes which have been built up during the 30 year history of the Greenlandic Home Rule Government. The timing of this change has an almost symbolic feel to it, as from the 21 June 2009 the framework under which the Greenlandic Home Rule Government operates will be replaced by a revised agreement with Denmark. 1.1 The Project

In this context the most pressing need that this project addresses is to reflect in a more systematic fashion on some of the administrative and political decision making processes which have been practised up till now. In this relation, this Nordic project relating to knowledge-based decision making tools is both highly topical and a relevant scientific analysis framework in connection with the planned revision of the administrative and political decision making processes.

The Greenlandic contribution to this Nordic project consists of a survey of public communication in connection with the establishment of an aluminium furnace in Greenland. This survey takes the form of an analysis of the communicative initiatives and discussions which have arisen in the public sphere since the project began in 2006, including decisions made by public bodies and the rationale on which these decisions were based in relation to the proposed construction of an aluminium furnace in Greenland.

The aim of this analysis is partly to identify the relation, in terms of the times at which they occur, between decision taking and public debate, and partly to identify the stated opinions of the various parties as expressed in the public sphere.

The theoretical basis for this analysis includes theories relating to communication, citizenship and discourses. The project’s framework was not sufficient, however, for us to present the theoretical background on which our analysis is based.

Because of the project’s relatively modest scope, the primary focus of our methodology has been an analysis of the two national Greenlandic newspapers. Relevant articles have been identified and analysed on the basis of a template (see Appendix 1).

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 57 Considered in relation to our method, the results we have achieved indicate that limiting the scope of our analysis to newspapers is a limitation, as public communication has also taken place via other media – primarily radio and television. Notwithstanding this it remains the case that 226 datasets were identified and analysed. This relatively high figure is in itself an indication that genuine public debate has occurred. It is possible, using the analysis framework which we have employed, to generate interesting cross tabulations. Our method has also, however, proved limited in some respects, for example in relation to the generation of a thorough stakeholder analysis.

Our analysis indicates that during the period in question (almost three years) levels of public debate relating to the aluminium furnace have gradually risen. A large number of stakeholders have been represented in this debate. In general, however, it would seem that public discussion has been displaced, as it were, as has occurred after administrative and internal political decision making processes have taken place. Considered in relation to the process’ democratic character this is, of course, unfortunate.

Analysis also shows that a wide range of opinions have been expressed. There are thus marked differences between the opinions expressed by the various stakeholder groupings. In general terms it is clear that there are groups whose expressed attitude is mostly positive, and groups whose expressed attitude is mostly negative.

The project’s aim has been, given the analysis performed and results thereby generated, and based on the concept of knowledge-based decision making tools, to present a model for a potential re-structuring of the information flow in relation to significant political decision making processes; thereby furthering the democratic process.

This aim has been partially achieved. It is unfortunately the case, however, that it has not been possible to carry out a discourse analysis as we had originally intended. This is primarily due to the fact that the data collection process proved more time consuming than anticipated; meaning that the available resources have not been sufficient to cover the planned discourse analysis.

The model employed for a knowledge-based decision tool has focused primarily, therefore, on issues relating to the timing of the three central discussion, analysis and decision making processes – i.e.: public debate, administrative assessment and political decision making. 1.2 Objective There exist many individual decision making processes suitable for analysis but carrying out such a broad analysis would be far too extensive a project. Our initial objective, therefore, was to limit the scope of the decision making process under consideration in a suitable way. Limiting the project’s scope to the decision making process surrounding the proposed aluminium furnace, was an obvious choice. This process has been ongoing since the start of 2006, and is likely to continue for many years to come. If it is implemented, the project will be by far the largest in Greenland’s history, and because of its enormous scale it has been the focus of intense public interest.

Our survey is focused on knowledge-based decision making tools in the energy and climatic adaptation areas. We understand the term ”knowledge-based decision making tools” as encompassing both the collection of factual and scientific knowledge in support of a decision and the holding of genuine, public and democratic debate relating to the decisions under consideration.

We find that a crucial factor for knowledge-based decision making tools is a description of a number of guidelines and principles relating to the structuring of a process which facilitates constructive public discussion during the decision making phase between the major stakeholders.

58 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 Our method takes its point of departure in a mapping of the various communicating parties and their expressed opinions. Our analysis will concentrate on assessing to what extent stakeholders, including the public, interact in both time and space.

The aluminium furnace project is thus a highly suitable subject for our analysis as it is both possible to assess the project’s formal development over time and to find suitable discursive material relating to the project in the public sphere.

This objective of our analysis can thus be formally stated in the following terms: Through a mapping of the aluminium project’s formal development and a survey of the accompanying public debate relating to the project, we will carry out an analysis, firstly of the of the actual relation in time between decision and public debate, and thereafter of the various stakeholders’ expressed opinions as evident in the public sphere. Finally, and on the basis of the concept of knowledge-based decision making tools, we will present a model for the potential structuring of such processes.

Both our analysis and the model are focused on one part of our understanding of the concept of knowledge-based decision making tools; i.e. a genuine, public and democratic debate relating to the measures under consideration.

This report assumes that genuine public debate relating to undertakings of so extensive societal importance as the aluminium furnace project should take place in advance of any political decisions. 1.3 Theoretical Framework and Model Fundamentally, our project is about describing paths of communication, citizen participation and power relations. In each of these areas we have undertaken some basic theoretical considerations. In relation to communication paths we have assessed communication theories; in respect of citizen participation we have turned to theories of citizenship; and discourse analysis has formed the theoretical background to our consideration of power relations.

Our communication theoretical basis is “The Lasswell Formula” as formulated by sociologist Harold Dwinght Lasswell in 1948:

“A convenient way to describe an act of communication is to answer the following questions: Who says what in which channel to whom with what effect?” (Lasswell 1948).

Part of the Who? Says what? In which To whom? With what Formula channel? effect? Element in focus Sender Message Medium Receiver Effect Types of analysis Institution and Text and Media Reception Effect to use control analysis contents analysis analysis analysis analysis In his article, Lasswell operated with a division of the verbal model into five groups. This division gives a clearer understanding of each section of the formula: Figure 1. The Lasswell Formula (Lasswell 1948,37).

A discussion of all five elements of the communicative process here would be too extensive for incorporation in this project. We refer instead to a previous discussion in “Communication and Information; technical quantity and quality” (Hansen 2004). We here highlight only some few significant parameters. Our project is particularly focused on an analysis of the first two elements, i.e. Sender and Message.

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 59 The second focus of our attention is citizen participation. Our primary source of inspiration in this regard is Jørgen Goul Andersen’s discussion of the term ‘citizenship’. Andersen proposes three dimensions to citizenship: rights, participation and identities in relation to the individual citizen’s commitment (Andersen 2002). This citizenship-based approach is designed to help us outline an objective for the condition of a democracy. This can be achieved by assessing the population’s opportunities to participate in and influence the process in question as well as assessing whether particular groups have, in reality, been excluded from public debate. Andersen demonstrates that what is of crucial importance is not whether people in fact participate, but whether they feel themselves cut of from the possibility of participation (Andersen 2002,170-171).

When a situation arises in which there is an expressed desire on the part of one or more groups of stakeholders to participate in a decision making process, but where it is not possible for them to

participate, a situation of democratic deficit can be said to have arisen. “The expression ‘democratic deficit’ is used loosely to identify decision procedures with insufficient democratic control” (Mandag Morgen 2002). Figure 2. Model detailing the most significant parties to the communicative process and communication channels in connection with the various aluminium project discussions, analysis and decision making processes. (The authors’ own model).

The reasons for which participation in a particular decision making process may not be possible are many and varied. It may, for example, be a result of the fact that the decision making process takes place in a language which the stakeholders do not speak, or that a particular decision making process doesn’t take place in the public domain.

Power relations are the third element which we will consider from a theoretical standpoint. Of particular importance to us in this regard are the works of Norman Fairclough (1941-) especially his

60 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 critical discourse analysis (2001). Fairclough does not consider his critical discourse analysis to be neutral; rather he sees it as an expression of a critical, analytic approach to communication. It is also an expression of a critical approach that engages with social and societal change, where the attempt is made to describe and identify the discursive practice’s effect on the maintenance of unequal power relations. One of Fairclough’s central concepts is ‘discourse order’, which describes the competition existing between different discourses trying to fill out the same terrain, and which, as such, thus come to place themselves between the discourse itself and the discursive field (Tønder 2000).

The nature of the framework under which this project has been undertaken has not allowed us, however, to provide a genuine theoretical background for the analysis carried out. These theoretical considerations are, therefore, only implicit in our analysis.

Partially on the basis of these theoretical considerations, we have established the following model for the flow of information in the case in question – see figure 2 below. The model serves as our point of departure in designing the project’s analytical framework.

The model identifies the most significant parties to the communicative process in the public domain. We have found it important to identify all the various parties which we feel play an active and independent role in the process. First and foremost, this involves the political and central administrative level. We have then identified the parties who have been active. We are, of course, aware that Alcoa are not a part of The Greenland Home Rule Government but we feel that it is important that Alcoa are included in the model as an independent party. 1.4 Approach The project has consisted of three phases. The first phase lasted from the project’s starttothe summer of 2008 where the project’s design was determined jointly by the team. The Sisimiut seminar acted as an excellent catalyst in this regard. The second phase of the project lasted until January 2009, and encompassed the collection of project data consisting in the identification and evaluation of articles. The third phase of the project culminated in June 2009. During this phase, the collected data was analysed and the report written.

Significant methodological considerations relating to the project have been concentrated in the areas of project design and data selection. The basic premiss on the basis of which the project was designed was that the project be based on as simple and transparent a model as possible. From the point of its initiation, the project has been defined as an empirical project. The framework within which the project was carried out, in particular budgetary constraints and the organisational culture the project had to contend with, made it clear to us that it would not be possible for us to incorporate theoretical considerations. The project’s theoretical platform is, therefore, of a limited character and includes only general considerations relating to knowledge-based decision making processes, communication, empowerment and popular democratic principles.

Our data selection criteria were focused on securing as much material as possible from the two national newspapers Atuagagdliutit (AG) and Sermitsiaq. In order to be as comprehensive as possible and to trace developments over time we decided to include material dating right back to the start of 2006. The data collection period culminates in November 2008, meaning that we have almost 3 years worth of material to work with. Our aim has been as a bare minimum to register all the articles in the two national newspapers that relate to the aluminium project. Two methods were used for this registration process: searching the newspapers’ online databases using keywords, and manually leafing through all newspapers in their entirety. We have also included articles from the Danish press, but because of the sheer volume of material to be sifted through we have based our selection on existing indexes. In addition, other sources which have provided a specific treatment of the subject in question have been included. This has resulted in a total of 226 individual raw

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 61 data items. Each of these has been analysed and indexed on the basis of the same template (see the overview in Appendix 1).

The data thus recovered has been subjected to analysis using selected cross tabulations giving rise to the data set analysed in this report. There are two main trends to this analysis. The first was to establish when public debate has taken place in relation to when the administrative and political decision making process occurred. The second was to determine which opinions were expressed in the texts and other raw data which were the subject of analysis. It would have been interesting to combine these two different analyses so as to determine which opinions were expressed by whom and at which point in the process, but, given the amount of data involved and the resources available this was not practically possible. It has not been our expectation that we would be able to generate sufficient levels of data to be able to produce statistically valid conclusions relating to which opinions have been expressed when. Clearly, such an analysis could also have been carried out on a purely qualitative basis but given the constraints imposed by the project’s framework this has not been possible.

2. The Aluminium Project

As far as Greenland was concerned, the aluminium project as currently proposed had its genesis in the beginning of 2006, at which time Alcoa, an American aluminium company, contacted the Greenlandic authorities. Alcoa wished to initiate preliminary surveys whose object was to assess the potential for establishing an aluminium furnace in the central segment of West Greenland in the area between Sisimiut to the North and Nuuk to the South.

To describe the entire aluminium project in all its details would exceed the scope of this report. As mentioned previously, the aluminium project is potentially the most extensive of its type ever to be undertaken in Greenland. In the following presentation it will be sufficient in the first instance to record the most significant project milestones: Spring 2006 First enquiry by Alcoa. July 2006 Joint Action Plan (JAP) with Alcoa. April 2007 First open political decision regarding the plans (Go on). May 2007 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Alcoa. May 2008 Open political decision on placement (Maniitsoq). 2010 Open political decision on ownership (partner/concession). 2010 Final political discussion on project (start/not start). 2016 Earliest possible commencement of production - if project approved.

The Greenland Home Rule Government have undertaken a number of significant administrative initiatives during the project phase which have resulted in the creation of both significant independent actors, as well as principles and a framework which have impacted significantly to the project process. The most important of these initiatives are detailed in the following:

Greenland Development A/S Greenland Development A/S was formally incorporated on the 1 November 2006 as a wholly owned subsidiary of Greenland Tourism and Business Council. In June 2007, the Government of Greenland decided to convert Greenland Development A/S (GD) to a public limited company under the auspices of the Government of Greenland. In early versions of the corporation’s articles of assembly its purpose was described as to ”work to advance the interests of the aluminium industry in Greenland”. The scope of this stipulation was extended following the most recent revision of the corporations articles of assembly on 17 March 2009. GD’s tasks include undertaking contact to

62 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 Alcoa on behalf of the Greenland Home Rule Government. GD has also produced a number of surveys and reviews primarily in the financial and socio-economic areas.

The Administrative Coordination Group The Administrative Coordination Group (ACG [in Danish AKG]) was established in August 2007. ACG replaced ‘the administrative working group’ which was established at the end of 2006. Initially ACG consisted of a few key directors in the Greenlandic central administration. Its composition has been altered on several occasions and it has also been expanded. An example of this is the fact that organisational change from directorates to departments has influenced the composition of ACG such that it is now primarily Permanent Secretaries who sit on the ACG. ACG has overall coordinatory responsibility for Greenland’s central administration’s participation in the aluminium project. ACG are serviced by the Department for Business and Minerals.

Strategic Environmental Assessment A Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) with accompanying organisation was established in April 2007. Prior to the SEA, the Infrastructure, Environment and Nature working group (IEN working group [in Danish IMN]) performed a screening and subsequently recommended a SEA. SEA has been through several organisational restructurings. The first SEA draft (SEA2007) was published in December 2007. The revised SEA (SEA2008) was published in February 2008. It is expected that a final SEA (SEA2009) will be completed in the autumn of 2009. During the course of the SEA a number of surveys have been completed and seminars and public meetings have been held.

Mobility Survey A coordinated mobility survey was initiated in August 2008. A number of governmental bodies participated, as did external experts. During the spring of 2009 a number of surveys were carried out whose purpose was to map the population’s mobility. It is anticipated that these surveys will be published in the autumn of 2009.

Working Group for a New Residential District in Maniitsoq In September 2008 ACG formed an interdepartmental working group which drew members from across the public sector, with equal numbers from the central administration and the local authority (Qeqqate Kommunia) in which the aluminium furnace will be located. Qeqqata Kommunia is itself the result of a recent merger of two smaller administrative units: Maniitsoq Kommune and Sisimiut Kommune. The working group’s task was to provide coordination of the analysis of investment requirements, burden and task distribution and infrastructure, housing and planning requirements.

Additional governmental working groups have performed further analyses in relation to the aluminium project. These surveys will not be considered separately.

Alcoa The aluminium project’s genesis consisted of a request on the part of Alcoa, and it is therefore appropriate to include a brief description of the company here. The following description was authored by the company:

Alcoa is the world leader in the production and management of primary aluminium, fabricated aluminium and alumina combined, through its active and growing participation in all major aspects of the industry. Alcoa serves the aerospace, automotive, packaging, building and construction, commercial transportation and industrial markets, bringing design, engineering, production and other capabilities of Alcoa’s businesses to customers. In addition to aluminium products and components including flat-rolled products, hard alloy extrusions, and forgings, Alcoa also markets Alcoa® wheels, fastening systems, precision and investment castings, and building systems. The Company has 97,000 employees in 34 countries and has been named one of the top most sustainable corporations in the world at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. More information can be found at www.alcoa.com (Alcoa 2009).

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 63 As of June 2009 the newly elected government will take a decision as to their policy with regard to the development of the aluminium furnace project. Administrators are working on the assumption that the project will continue and that political decisions will be taken with regard to a number of issues of a principle character at parliamentary assemblies in 2010. Amongst these issues is the question of whether Nukissiorfiit (Greenland’s publicly owned utility company) should be converted to a PLC, what ownership structure is best suited to the proposed industrial water power stations (which, it is expected, will produce up to 15 times the energy currently used across Greenland) and whether or not the aluminium project should in fact be implemented.

If the aluminium project is given the green light and is located in the Maniitsoq area as proposed, this will, of course, have significant consequences - both for the areas from which manpower resources will inevitably be drawn, and for the area in which the aluminium furnace will be constructed, i.e. Maniitsoq.

For the majority of the first half of the 20th Century, Maniitsoq was the largest townin Greenland. This was primarily attributable to extensive local cod fishery. Towards the end of the last century development occurred primarily in other Greenlandic towns. Today Maniitsoq is the sixth largest town in Greenland.

Opinion in Maniitsoq is that the question of the location of the aluminium furnace will determine whether or not the town will survive. If the furnace is not located in Maniitsoq then the expectation is that it will only be a matter of time before the town will experience a significant fall in population levels. During the past 3 decades population levels have developed as follows: 1980: 3,008 residents in Maniitsoq 1990: 3,135 residents in Maniitsoq 2000: 2,929 residents in Maniitsoq 2007: 2,842 residents in Maniitsoq

From 1990, where resident figures peaked, to 2007 the town’s population has declined by almost 10 %.

Figure 3: Map of Maniitsoq Island including the location of the existing town, the new district and the aluminium furnace. The furnace is located about 12 km from the town.

The most recent evaluations of the direct and indirect effects on Maniitsoq population levels of the construction of the aluminium furnace are that these will rise by approximately 2,000 individuals. This figure represents the anticipated permanent migration to the area. During the five years in

64 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 which the furnace and accompanying infrastructure are under construction approximately 4,000 construction workers will move to the area. It is anticipated that it will be necessary to recruit these workers from abroad, and that they will live in temporary accommodation areas with limited contact to Maniitsoq’s residents.

Irrespective of whether the temporary influx of construction workers has a significant impact on the population of Maniitsoq, the town will experience significant changes when the furnace enters operation. The town’s prosperity will be totally dependent on the furnace, and there will no longer be a valid financial case for locating a fish processing factory in the area. It is also to be expected that Maniitsoq will come to acquire a number of the other characteristics typical of industrial towns.

It is an open question as to whether the current population of Maniitsoq and migrants to the area will be able to cope with these changes. Little genuine debate has taken place concerning the fundamental changes that Maniitsoq will face in the coming 10 year period if the project is implemented as planned. 2.1 The Administrative and Political Decision Making Processes As already mentioned, a number of administrative and political decisions have already been taken in relation to the aluminium project. Given the scale of the project (it involves potential investment of the order of 20 billion DKK) it is only appropriate that administrative and political decisions are kept confidential. It is not realistic to expect the same degree of public access to agreements and decisions as would be the case for projects on a smaller scale, which would also typically be covered by planning legislation. This is not the case for the aluminium furnace project.

Even though aspects of the agreement must of necessity be kept confidential this is not to say that the process itself should be kept confidential. The same degree of secrecy is not appropriate to the timing and subject matter of administrative and political decisions.

Typically an individual decision making process takes place as follows: a political statement is issued requiring the assessment or advancement of a given subject area /process. This political statements may take the form of a coalition agreement or parliamentary memorandum. Such political statements are typically loosely formulated. The following ”Memorandum Relating to Energy Intensive Industry” (Greenlandic Parliament 2007) which was voted through by the parliament and authored by the government includes the following statement:

“… it [should] also be decided what degree of societal and environmental evaluation it will be necessary to carry out. It is advisable that a regional strategic environmental assessment be carried out in the region between Nuuk and Sisimiut ...” (Landstinget 2007,13).

On the basis of, in this instance parliamentary, backing for a government proposal, the administrative wheels begin to turn and existing knowledge relating to the issue in question is collated and assessed in order to determine whether it will be necessary to carry out additional research in the area in question. In our example, on the initiative of two members of the government, a person was appointed with responsibility for ensuring that the review was carried out and funds were approved for this purpose.

The next step is that the member of the administration with responsibility for the task in question prepares a draft proposal which is often approved in principle at the political level before being sent to internal or external consultation. When a consultation round has been carried out a revised draft is submitted. With regard to the strategic environmental assessment, political approval was secured in principle in October 2007. Internal consultations were held during November 2007, and a

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 65 process of public consultation took place between December 2007 and January 2008, with the final proposal being prepared for political approval in February 2008.

The revised draft is them presented to the government, which may have delegated responsibility for the project to an individual member of the government. If the matter in question is of significant import it may be the case that the government can or must submit the proposal to the parliament which then takes the final political decision. In many cases, however, it is the government that takes the final decision. The strategic environmental assessment was included in the total package of background material on which the parliament based its decision of May 2008 regarding the locating of the aluminium furnace in the Maniitsoq area.

There are, of course, innumerable possible variations of this process, and there are a number of factors which have not been included in this overview. In many cases, projects which have been under preparation in the administrative machinery for some time only become public when they are presented to parliament. In the best cases an issue can become public knowledge long before it reaches parliament. This occurs in the instance that a case is taken up at an initial seminar or similar where stakeholders and the public are provided with insight into a particular case. The public were first involved in an organised fashion in the strategic environmental assessment process at a series of open meetings in August 2007.

As mentioned above, a hearing can be made public by ensuring the involvement of stakeholders, including the press. This inclusion of the public, as broadly understood, does not occur in all cases, nor is it necessary in all cases as many cases have little societal impact. In these instances there is no need to introduce wide-reaching democratic initiatives. In some instances it can become apparent under a hearing that insight into significant factors is lacking and in these instances seminars or similar may be held during the course of the administrative process. In our example, towards the end of 2007 it was the opinion of the responsible person within the central administration that there were significant gaps in the knowledge available. A seminar was therefore held in mid January 2008 within the scope of the strategic environmental assessment and was attended by invited Canadian and Scandinavian experts.

There are also instances, however, in which, notwithstanding the fact that a proposal has significant societal consequences, the wider public are not included in the consultation process prior to the finished proposal being presented to the parliament for ratification. In such instances it is our opinion that the decision making process has suffered from a democratic deficit. 2.2 The Process Involved in Determining the Furnace’s Location During its spring session in 2008 the parliament took its most tangible decision yet in relation to the aluminium project. A government proposal was set out which required parliamentary approval. Before the proposal was considered by parliament several months of administrative work had gone into refining it as is evident from the following overview of the political and administrative process: January 2008 Final material is collected by the administration. February (start) 2008 Final draft prepared. February (start) 2008 Draft presented and approved internally. Mid-February 2008 Confidential memorandum issued for ACG hearing round. Mid-February 2008 ACG meeting and final approval of draft. 18 February 2008 Parliamentary seminar concerning the aluminium project. 21 February 2008 Governmental decision in relation to the proposal (the executive authority). 21 February 2008 Press meeting upon publication of the proposal. 25 February 2008 Delivery to parliament (the legislative authority).

66 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 The government’s bill was included as item 83 in the parliament’s spring session and was given the following title: “Proposed parliamentary decision relating to the location of the aluminium furnace and decision in principle vis a vis preferred ownership and financing model if at some future time the construction of a water power plant based aluminium manufacturing facility in Greenland is approved”. The bill’s first reading was on 14 March 2008 and its second reading was on 7 May 2008. A majority of the parliament voted for the bill and it was passed into law.

The decision making process described here is just one of a number relating to the aluminium project. It is also one of the most significant to date. This process will, therefore, also be included in our analysis in the following paragraphs.

3. Public Debate

Public debate in Greenland is very different to public debate in the rest of Scandinavia; for one thing the media landscape is very different in Greenland. There are, for example, no daily newspapers. There are two national papers one of which comes out once a week and one twice a week. There is only one national TV station and one national radio channel. Internet use is widespread but is paid for by volume, and, amongst other things, this has a negative effect on news searches and information retrieval. There is a free press, but it functions only partially as a true fourth estate providing professional, in-depth, critical journalism.

The population of Greenland currently numbers some 56,000 individuals. Population levels have been stable for a number of years. Approximately 50 % of the population has a formal qualification that goes beyond their standard schooling, which percentage is lower than in the rest of Scandinavia. It is estimated that roughly 50 % of the population speak Greenlandic as their first or only language, 25 % speak Danish as their first or only language and 25 % speak both languages with equal fluency.

Cultural factors are also significant. There exists a different debating culture in Greenland to that found in the rest of Scandinavia. Young Greenlanders are still brought up to discuss things in an indirect fashion. Debates often take place with only indirect references to the essence of the matter under discussion or take pace in an abstract third-person form (one, it is said that, some etc.). This doesn’t make a debate less efficient, but the direct form of debating itself is not a traditional way of addressing conflicts in Greenland and it is to a certain extent the case that a particularly Greenlandic indirect form of debating has developed. A further significant cultural factor is the widespread clan consciousness. In relation to debates this means, amongst other things, that whilst issues may be the subject of lively debate in the private sphere (e.g. close family) in public the stage is left to a particular group of individuals. These are typically politicians, representatives of various organisations and persons with a university education.

It is on this basis that public debate in the traditional mass media currently takes place in Greenland. This is worth remembering when considering the whats, whos and whys of a particular public debate.

As stated above, we feel that knowledge-based decision making tools should always incorporate genuine public and democratic debate relating to the matters under consideration. It is this aspect of knowledge-based decision making tools which is the focus of our analysis. In the following two sections of this report we will first analyse the scheduling aspect of this issue, and thereafter turn our attention to issues relating to the content of debate.

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 67 3.1 Analysis of the Timing of Debates In our analysis we compare the timing of public debates to the timing of administrative and political decision making processes.

Our analysis will uncover the relation between the time at which articles or other material relating to a particular issue are published and the time at which decisions relating to this issue are taken. This section of our analysis makes no assessment of the contents of these articles, only their timing and number.

Our point of departure is this: for a genuine public and democratic debate to have taken place concerning decisions that have been under consideration the majority of articles and other material relating to those decisions should have been published before the administrative and political decisions were taken.

Figure 4 illustrates the timing of all registered articles and other material. It is evident that the project has attracted higher levels of attention for each year that passes; fewest in 2006 and most in 2008.

Figure 4. Distribution of articles over time. A total of 225 articles were considered.

If one looks more closely at the distribution of articles there are clear variations in the spread of articles across the year. It is obvious that a large amount of communication has been associated with the four public milestones which the project has crossed hitherto (see the overview in section 2.0).

In July 2006 the first agreement between the Greenland Home Rule Government and Alcoa was signed. It took the form of a so-called Joint Action Plan (JAP). This appeared to provoke a reaction in the public sphere, though it was a very slight reaction. In February 2007 communication levels increased again. February was also a hectic month for administrators. Amongst other things the parliament was informed of the status of the aluminium project and three working groups which had operated across the various directorates delivered their reports to The Administrative Working Group. Not much of this was reported or commented on in public at the time. Media attention was taken up with the visit of Norsk Hydro Aluminium to Nuuk which in January 2007 also entered into a JAP with the Greenland Home Rule Government. Up to May 2007 Norsk Hydro and Alcoa competed on the right to enter into a MoU with the Greenland Home Rule Government. A competition which, as we now know, Alcoa won.

68 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 On the 27 April 2007 the government bill: “Memorandum Relating to Energy Intensive Industry” (FM 07/49) (Greenlandic Parliament 2007) was debated in parliament and voted through. On 23 May 2007 the government issued a press release indicating that on 25 May 2007 the Greenland Home Rule Government would enter into a MoU with Alcoa. These two May milestones aroused a good deal of media interest as is evident from Figure 4.

The slight increase in activity in August 2007 can be ascribed to the fact that SEA, the local authorities and Alcoa held joint open meetings in Nuuk, Maniitsoq and Sisimiut. Approximately 200 people attended each of these meetings. This generated a certain amount of brief interest in the media but did not give rise to a broad-based popular debate during the following months, which had otherwise been in particular SEA’s intention as it had been hoped that these public meetings would kick start a debate as to the content of the SEA.

The next serious activity arose in January and February 2008. During January fresh public meetings were held in the three towns, plus an open seminar on regional development was organised by SEA. In February the government published its preferred location for an eventual aluminium furnace: Maniitsoq. The grey arrow in Figure 4 shows the period from the publishing of the government’s recommendation to parliamentary acceptance of this recommendation. One would imagine that a significant level of debate would have been evident during this period, but this does not seem to have been the case.

Mapping these events and milestones in relation to levels of public debate shows clearly that public communication first occur concurrent with or slightly after a milestone is reached at which political decisions are reached. As previously described prior to these political decisions an administrative and political decision making process has taken place. It does not appear to be the case that any significant public debate of these issues has taken place during this period.

As has been mentioned previously, not all decisions lend themselves to public discussion. We live in a representative democracy and it is the function of politicians to take some of these decisions on our behalf. However, though this remains the case, it is still true that the process itself should be the object of a degree of public debate. On the basis of the material here analysed this does not seem to have been the case.

Taken as a whole it would therefore appear that considered from the standpoint of knowledge- based decision making processes, the total process surrounding the aluminium project from its start in the beginning of 2006 up to the end of 2008 has suffered from a democratic deficit.

We have also analysed our material to determine the sender of each individual contribution to the public debate. This is illustrated in Figure 5, where senders have been divided into four categories: Authorities, The Public, Politicians and Alcoa.

During the JAP in June 2006 and Norsk Hydro’s visit during February 2007 it would appear that it is primarily Alcoa, that was active in communicating their message. Alcoa have maintained a low but consistent level of information provision throughout the period analysed.

During April and May 2007 it would appear that it was primarily the public (i.e. the press and citizens) who were active. It is interesting to note that the material under analysis records no public activity of note for the entirety of the autumn of 2007. This serves to underline the lack of public debate which attempts were made to reignite during August 2007.

During the period from December 2007 to February / March 2008 all three categories of Greenlandic stakeholders show increasing levels of activity. There seems to be a certain inter-relation between authorities and the public while the number of articles attributable to politicians peaks a month later without ever reaching a significant level. The three increases are marked by red, yellow and blue arrows respectively.

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 69 Seen at the general level it is clear that the contributions analysed come from various categories of senders, and that is, of course, in itself positive. If the majority of contributions were attributable to one particular grouping this would have been disturbing. It is a common feature of all the

contributions that they lag behind the administrative and executive decision making process. Figure 5. Number of articles over time distributed according to the four main categories of sender. Total number of articles: 214. 3.2 Analysis of Debate Content In the second section of the analysis we assess the opinions expressed in the texts and other material under analysis. The opinions which are ascribed to the individual groups of stakeholders are based on an assessment on our part. We have attempted to ensure that this assessment is as objective as possible. Opinion evaluations occur in accordance with the instructions included in Appendix 1.

Only the themes which the individual stakeholders have touched on in the texts analysed are included in our data set; meaning that if a stakeholder hasn’t mentioned a particular theme then this opinion will not have been registered.

In the analysis we assess which opinions are expressed within two general categories: the aluminium project’s processes, and selected societal issues.

3.2.1 Opinions Relating to the Aluminium Project’s Processes The first of the two general areas to be assessed is those opinions which relate to the aluminium project’s processes. This includes opinions in relation to the project process, decision making process and informative process. The three processes are registered independently but there are too few opinions expressed in our material for it to make sense to separate them. For this reason, the three categories have been united.

What is immediately evident from Figure 6 is that of the eleven groups considered nine have a negative opinion of aluminium project processes. Authorities maintain a neutral standpoint and only Greenland Development A/S consistently expresses a positive attitude to aluminium project processes. A total of 233 opinions expressed also indicate that this is a subject which has been of

70 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 importance to many stakeholders. Figure 6. Average evaluation of the aluminium project’s project process, decision making process and informative process by stakeholder group. Total N= 233.

There should not, of course, be accorded too great a significance to the various degreesof positive or negative opinions. However, it is interesting to note that the ‘organisation’ group has been particularly negative in its assessment of aluminium project processes.

It has not been possible within the constraints of this project to extend our analysis to an evaluation of what these positive and negative opinions have been expressed in regard to.

3.2.2 Opinions Relating to Selected Societal Issues The second general subject area to be the subject of analysis are opinions expressed in relation to societal issues. This analysis is more extensive than the above which related to opinions expressed concerning aluminium project processes.

Our analysis starts with an assessment of opinions expressed in relation to nine separate themes. These results will then be commented on. The nine separate themes are as follows: employment, training, health, finances, independence, regionalism, the environment, CO2 and cultural and historical issues.

Employment With a total of 97 expressed opinions, employment is an issue which has attracted a relatively high degree of attention. The figures in Figure 7 indicate that the majority of the opinions expressed in this regard have been positive. It is only ‘organisations’ which have a negative opinion of this issue, and the

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 71 opinions of The Association of Greenlandic Employers have a marked influence in this regard. Figure 7. Average assessment of the employment related effects of the aluminium project distributed by stakeholder group. Total N = 97.

Training This theme covers opinions expressed in relation to effects on training. Figure 8 indicates, amongst other things, that of all the analyses presented, the issue of training is the most divisive. There are 1.78 ‘opinion points’ between the most positive (local authorities and GD) and the most negative (organisations). Only 43 opinions were expressed in relation to this area, however, meaning that it

is not a subject which has been particularly significant. Figure 8. Average evaluation of the effect on training of the aluminium project distributed by stakeholder grouping. Total N = 43.

Social and Health The social health issue has not attracted significant attention in public debate. Only 25 expressed opinions were registered. Furthermore, the majority of these opinions have been neutral. This may be a reflection of the fact that this is one of the areas in which knowledge is scarce. Large sums

72 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 of money are currently being used to collect additional information such that it will be possible, in some year’s time, to arrive at an assessment of the likely consequences for public health of the aluminium furnace development.

Figure 9. Average assessment of the consequences for public health of the aluminium project by stakeholder groups. Total N = 25.

Finances The likely financial effects of the proposed development are an issue which has attracted a good deal of attention. A total of 96 expressed opinions have been registered. Seen from a Greenlandic standpoint, Alcoa have maintained a neutral attitude to financial issues. Both GD and local authorities have been consistently positive in their attitude to the financial consequences of the proposed aluminium furnace. At the other end of the spectrum it is worth noting that SEA’s attitude is negative. Only one recorded opinion was expressed by SEA. Organisations, the general public and the press have all expressed negative opinions in this regard.

Figure 10. Average assessment of the financial effects of the aluminium project by stakeholder group. Total N = 96.

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 73 Independence The issue of independence is not one which has enjoyed a prominent place in public debates in relation to the proposed aluminium furnace. Only 19 opinions were registered in this area. Figure 11 indicates that the general opinion with regard to this question is a positive one. In other words, it is the general opinion that the potential for independence will increase if a furnace is established. Interestingly, it is

politicians and Alcoa who are positive in this regard while the sum of expert opinion is negative. This is also the issue which the most groups have expressed a neutral opinion in relation to. Figure 11. Average assessment of the possibility for increased independence as a consequence of the aluminium project by stakeholder group. Total N = 19.

Regional The following data is of particular interest. Opinions expressed with regard to the issue of the effects of the aluminium furnace project at the regional level are unusually negative. Our analysis of this theme relies on very small quantities of data. In the same way that SEA had a very negative assessment of the likely financial consequences of the establishment of an aluminium furnace; it is noticeable that Alcoa have a very negative evaluation of this issue. No assessment has been made of what this attitude is founded on. A more specific textual analysis of the text in question could have revealed the context in which this information was expressed.

A total of 27 registered opinions indicate that this theme has not attracted significant attention in public debate. It has been a generally accepted truism that an aluminium furnace would benefit the region surrounding Maniitsoq, but that it may have a negative effect on the other regions in Greenland. It is likely that it is this issue which the majority of the recorded opinions have been expressed in relation to. The regional issue has been one of the themes which SEA have addressed and one would have expected them to have registered a number of opinions in this regard, however, only one neutral opinion was recorded.

74 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 Figure 12. Average assessment of the regional consequences of the aluminium project by stakeholder groups. Total N = 27.

The Environment The question of whether the construction and operation of an aluminium furnace would have a negative effect on the environment is one of the issues which has attracted most interest. Our analysis has identified 84 expressed opinions. It is an issue which has proved particularly interesting for citizens and experts, and there seems to be - on a cautious assessment – general concern about this issue amongst contributors to the debate.

As is characteristic of many of the issues analysed here, Alcoa, Local Authorities and Greenland Development have expressed positive opinions in relation to the environmental consequences of the aluminium furnace project.

Figure 13. Average assessment of the environmental consequences of the aluminium project by stakeholder groups. Total N = 84.

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 75 CO2 It is interesting to note in regard to discussion of the issue of CO2 emissions that it is clearly in this area that the majority of positive opinions have been expressed. Given the fact that it is an established fact that the CO2 emissions attributable to an aluminium furnace will, roughly speaking, double total Greenlandic CO2 emissions it might seem peculiar that this issue scores so highly. It is highly probable that opinions with respect to this issue have assessed the total global impact rather than focusing on Greenland alone. It is a generally held opinion in Greenland that siteing an aluminium furnace in Greenland would lead to lower total emissions than if the furnace was located elsewhere in the world. Interestingly it would appear that it is this view which is the focus of disagreements in the ongoing negotiations between Greenland and Denmark concerning the climatic summit to be held in Copenhagen in December 2009.

The most critical group in relation to the CO2 issue are members of the public who are the only group to express a generally negative opinion. At the other end of the scale are the press, which, together with GD, experts and local authorities have shown an exceptionally positive attitude in relation to the CO2 issue.

Figure 14. Average assessment of the effect on CO2 emissions of the construction and operation of an aluminium furnace by stakeholder group. Total N = 110.

Cultural and Historical Issues The topic which has attracted the fewest comments is the issue of the consequences the project will entail for the island’s current culture and cultural history. This is a topic which has attracted significant interest in the process of assessing the aluminium project. For three years now, archaeological and cultural-historical assessments have taken place in the areas in Greenland’s interior which are most likely to be affected when artificial lakes are created to service the enormous water power stations. Many of the opinions expressed are neutral though GD and the organisations have expressed generally positive opinions. This is one of the few topics which has attracted a generally positive response from the organisations.

76 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 Figure 15. Average assessment of the cultural and historical consequences of the aluminium project by stakeholder group. Total N = 17.

Assessment of Societal Issues Generally In the above analysis, registered societal issues are analysed independently. This has given a clear indication of which group of stakeholders have expressed a generally positive attitude and which a negative attitude in relation to the individual topics. In itself, this provides an interesting insight into the attitudes of the individual groups of stakeholders in relation to the various topics.

The collected information can also be presented in another way. By combining all the expressed opinions from each of the eleven stakeholder groupings it is possible to gain an insight into which of these groups of stakeholders have, generally speaking, expressed the most positive attitudes and which have been negative.

In the ‘authority’ category no less than 80 of the expressed opinions have been neutral. This is to the authority’s credit. Authority is also the only group which considered generally maintains a neutral standpoint. The most negative groups of stakeholders, in rank order, are ‘organisation,’ SEA and the general public. At the other end of the spectrum, Greenland Development, municipality and Alcoa have been the most positive. In a number of debates which have taken place in public it has been these two blocks of stakeholders which have opposed each other with respect to the various aspects of the aluminium project. In this sense, the survey merely serves to underline the fact that there are clear conflicts of interest between the various groupings.

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 77 Figure 16. Average evaluation of aluminium project societal issues generally by stakeholder grouping. Total N = 639.

3.2.3 Total Analysed Topics In the foregoing section of this paper a total of thirteen different topics have been the subject of analysis. The total average opinion for each group of stakeholders is evident from Figure 17.

It is worthy of note that of the thirteen themes assessed only two have produced a generally positive reaction. This is the case, perhaps unsurprisingly, for the issues of CO2 and unemployment. Issues relating to the discussion of CO2 have been discussed above. The generally positive attitude to the employment issue is more than likely a reflection of the fact that it is anticipated that the aluminium furnace will provide direct employment for about 500 people, making it a very significant employer by Greenlandic standards.

At the other end of the spectrum, attitudes towards regional issues are clearly the most negative of those assessed. The three different aspects of the project process also reflect a generally negative attitude. If any lesson can be learned for the further development of the process it is that the individuals responsible should focus on those areas in which there is a generally negative attitude to the project.

In the final section of this paper we present a model for knowledge-based decision making tools which constitutes our recommendation for how negative attitudes to the project process itself can best be avoided in future projects.

78 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 Figure 17. Total average evaluation of all the topics analysed. Total N = 639.

3.2.4 Total Stakeholders Analysed Some additional comments are appropriate in relation to the groups of stakeholders analysed. Figure 18 indicates that there is a wide spread in relation to the number of opinions the groups analysed have contributed.

Politicians 143 Organisations 115 Other Authority 108 Experts 104 Alcoa 103 Citizens 98 Local Authorities 61 Greenland Development 57 Authorities 45 The Press 24 SEA 14

Figure 18. Total number of opinions expressed for each of the assessed groups of stakeholders.

It is clear from the above figures that politicians have given widespread expression to their opinions with 143 statements of opinion. A total of five other groups have contributed to the debate with between 98 and 115 statements of opinion. This is the case for organisations, citizens, experts and Alcoa. Three groups have given expression to their opinion between 45 and 61 times, these being the municipality, GD and authority.

The groups who have contributed least are the press with 24 and SEA with only 14 expressions of opinion. The lack of participation in the public debate is surprising, particularly as one would expect the press to contribute critical journalism, and because SEA have, supposedly, made a priority of entering into a process of dialogue with citizens. This dialogue has not been particularly evident in the press.

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 79 4. Conclusion – Democratic Deficit and Discourse Analysis

An analysis of the timing of the debates which have taken place during the past three years indicates clearly that debate flourishes after significant decision making processes have been completed at the administrative and political level.

In addition, it would appear that no active debate has taken place in those periods during which information has been made publicly available and various groups of stakeholders have had an opportunity to express their opinions. This is evident in the spring of 2007, where at public meetings held in August an attempt was made to initiate public debate. It is also evident in the period from February 2008, during which the government (the executive authority) published its bill suggesting a preferred placement of the aluminium furnace, to May 2008, when the Parliament (the legislative authority) passed the bill into law.

On this basis it is evident that there are indicators which suggest that there exists a democratic deficit in relation to the timing of significant administrative and internal political decisions on the one hand, and public debate on the other.

As mentioned previously, the expression ‘democratic deficit’ is used here to characterise decision procedures with insufficient mechanisms to ensure democratic control. Our focus is here directed only toward the conditions enjoyed by mechanisms for democratic control of the process. We vouch no opinion whatsoever as to the content of these decision making processes.

It is our assessment that a democratic deficit is evident in these cases. It is also our opinion that the difficult conditions under which mechanisms for democratic control operated can primarily be ascribed to a lack of public information regarding which decision making processes had been initiated at which times. Decision making processes were first made public after administrative and internal decisions had been taken.

When these decision making processes occur without democratic control, i.e. without a public debate concerning the processes in question, the risk is that the necessary insight into how political decisions are actually arrived at is lacking. In other words, it is the decision making process qua process for which democratic control is lacking.

In reality, the public have no way of knowing which aspects of the decision making process are delegated to which external partners by the administrative system. This is, of course, potentially problematic in relation to a project in which the stakes are so high. We are not asserting that any actual delegation of the decision making process to external partners has in fact taken place, but rather that, because the necessary control of the democratic process has been lacking, the risk is that doubts will begin to surface in connection with particular issues.

In terms of the content of the analysed debates, no democratic deficit has been identified. This is true both with respect to attitudes regarding the aluminium project’s processes and attitudes to societal issues relevant in relation to the aluminium project.

It is evident from the, in some areas, very open differences of opinion that we have registered that in our survey that a relatively open debate has been possible in which the various groups of stakeholders have expressed their opinion. It is further evident from the high number of op-eds and reader’s letters that it has been possible for the general public to contribute their opinion should they wish to do so. The survey indicates, furthermore, that if articles and other material are distributed according to the stakeholder group that authored them all groups are well represented.

80 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 No precise analysis has been performed but a rough qualitative run through of the data registered points to the fact that a number of the individuals who have contributed to public debate have made a significant number of contributions. This means that participation in public debate is not as broad as the number of articles under consideration would seem to suggest. This may be because, as we have previously mentioned, large sections of the population are reluctant to participate in public debate. This may in turn be because they allow others to speak on their behalf, in the sense that these social groups may ally themselves with an individual who already takes part in public debate. Whether this is in fact the case is not something which this survey has attempted to assess.

If the constraints of this project had allowed it, a thorough discourse analysis relating to the material collected would have been a natural extension of the work presented here. A discourse analysis would have allowed us to identify the various discourses (i.e. opinions) expressed in the debate surrounding the aluminium project.

Such a discourse analysis would, at best, have been able to identify fundamental opinions with respect to the project as a whole. It can not be excluded that an analysis could identify a discourse that the decision making must be open and inclusive and also identify a discourse that the decision making must be closed and exclusionary. It is conceivable that the debate features a discourse which holds that the aluminium project must be implemented, and a discourse that holds that it is necessary to assess whether the aluminium project should be implemented. A theme which the analysis in this project has not touched on is the various opinions expressed with regard to which ownership model is most appropriate to the extensive industrial power stations which will be required to power the furnace. It is conceivable that there exists a discourse which sees Greenlandic ownership in a positive light and a further discourse which is of the opposite opinion.

It is important to identify the differences between discourses that exist between stakeholders, but no such analysis has formally taken place in relation to the aluminium project. Given this, and the democratic deficit that has been identified with regard to administrative and internal decision making processes, it may be advisable to call a halt and re-think the framework employed with respect to some of the decision making processes involved in this extensive industrial project.

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 81 5. A Model for Knowledge-Based Decision Making Processes

On the basis of the above considerations we feel that we are in a position to identify the elements which could be improved in the democratic decision making process relating to projects such as the aluminium furnace project. For us, this entails the devising of a suitable model for knowledge-based decision making processes. That a decision making process is characterised as ”knowledge-based” entails, as far as we are concerned, that factual and scientific knowledge is gathered to support the decision making process and that a genuine public and democratic debate takes place with regard to the decisions under consideration.

As previously mentioned, we here concentrate our efforts on the second of these two parameters, which is why it is also this aspect we focus on in our model for knowledge-based decision making processes. The first parameter has been included in our model, but only in general terms (see ”collection of factual information”) in association with the administrative processing of the decision making process.

Our model for knowledge-based decision making processes is a four stage process model, the four stages being a follows: - The executive authorities administrative system. - The executive authority / internal political stages. - The legislative authority / external political stages. - The public domain. It is the communicative processes which take place between these various process stages which are key to our interest in the project. Communication between the administrative system and the executive authority is at the heart of a political decision making process. This process has been highlighted in the model with blue horizontal arrows. All significant decisions which the executive authority wishes to see implemented have to be submitted to the legislative authority. Communication between the executive and legislative authorities is marked by horizontal red arrows. The fourth stage of the model is the public domain. Communication between the public domain and the model’s other stages is indicated by green horizontal arrows.

One could say that it is characteristic of a number of the decision making processes described in our analysis that the early communication processes (those at the base of our model) have been weak or have been lacking altogether. The most significant aspect of our model is therefore a concentration on and strengthening of the early communicative processes in the decision process. By strengthening these aspects of the decision making process, the necessary democratic control over these processes will also be strengthened.

It is especially the element of the model relating to ‘Early dialogue between the executive authority and the legislative authority’ and that relating to ‘Early involvement of stakeholders’ that, as far as we can see, are important in relation to a strengthening of democratic potential if this is desired. By strengthening these two elements in the model the opportunity for participation will be strengthened, and thereby the potential will exist for increased public participation leading to a strengthening of the democratic aspects of the process.

The forming of a new coalition government in June 2009 follows on the epoch-making election result of the 2 June. For the first time in the history of the Greenland Home Rule Government Siumut will not participate in government, which has resulted in some very interesting developments in Greenlandic parliamentarianism. During the election campaign the government then in office

82 NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 was the subject of repeated attacks across a broad front because of perceived nepotism and secretive government practises. The opposition as was indicated that it was their intention to alter these practises if they were elected, which of course they now have been.

Figure 19. Four stage model for knowledge-based decision making process. (The authors’ own work).

In this connection it was very interesting to note that one of the first actions of the new government has been to initiate activity to strengthen early stage communication between the executive and legislative authority. The government has introduced, as something new in Greenlandic politics, coordinatory committees consisting of three highly-placed government politicians and three highly- placed politicians from the governing parties’ parliamentary groups. The declared intent of these measures is to ensure a significant improvement in the communication between these political bodies at an earlier stage in the process.

Since 2007 the central administration has been through extensive organisational changes. One of these changes has been the adoption of a more project-oriented working practise. This is a process which is gradually beginning to take shape. For example, in mid-June 2009, a report was published detailing aspects of the existing project organisation. This analysis concluded that the central administration’s performance in relation to performing stakeholder analyses and including stakeholders in decision making processes has been very poor (Munck 2009). This is precisely the same conclusion that our analysis has reached.

In our opinion it is thus of crucial importance to the democratic process that focus is directed to that aspect of our model entitled “Early involvement of stakeholders”.

In this area some interesting projects have been initiated by the central administration since, in connection with the added focus on project work, it has been decided that a project management model called PRINCE2 will be utilised. One of the areas identified as of significant importance by PRINCE 2 for successful projects is the early inclusion of stakeholders (PRINCE2 2007).

There are thus a number of factors that indicate that the development of the administrative and political situation in Greenland has reached a stage where it is ripe for the inclusion of knowledge- based decision making models such as that described in this report in the coming year’s political and administrative work.

NORDIC RESEARCH PROGRAMME 2005-2008. REPORT 7 83 6. Discussion

In conclusion we wish to include some considerations relating to the model and the rest of Scandinavia especially the Scandinavian periphery. It is our opinion, that there are at least two areas in which the situation in Greenland is comparable to that in the rest of the Scandinavian periphery.

Greenland is characterised in some areas by a markedly reserved form of public debate. The reasons for this are, in our opinion, to be found in the specific cultural traditions relating to the exchange of opinions, and, in the sparsely populated regions of Scandinavia, the characteristic reserve which, by outsiders, is often mistaken for indifference.

Furthermore, the peripheral and sparsely populated areas of Scandinavia, including Greenland, are generally characterised by a lack of strong NGOs or a truly critical and independent press which can provide the sort of democratic criticism necessary and expected from the fourth estate in the local public arena in which locally rooted debates often take place in relation to local political decisions. References

Alcoa (2009) http://www.alcoa.com/brazil/en/news/releases/ 2009_01_26.asp?initSection=1. Published: January 26, 2009 Andersen, J. G. (2002) Medborgerskab og politisk deltagelse. In Albæk, E., P. M. Christiansen and B. Møller (red.) Demokratisk set. Århus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag. pp 162-179. Fairclough, N. (2008) Kritisk diskursanalyse. Hans Reitzels Forlag, København (Original in English 2001). Hansen, K. G. (2004) Communication and information; technical quantity and quality. Working paper No 183, NORS Paper No 60. NORS. Roskilde: Geography, Roskilde University. Landsstyret (2007) Redegørelse om energiintensiv industri. Grønlands Landsstyre. (FM 07/49). Mandag, M. (2002) Demokrati i Europa: Baggrund og fakta. http://www.europadag.dk/demokrati_ bag.asp Munck, K. (2009) Projektarbejde I Hjemmestyret, undersøgelser og anbefalinger. Mundtlig fremlæggelse i Lederforum. 15. juni 2009. PRINCE2 (2007) PRINCE2 – Projektledelse med succes! London. The Stationery Office. Tønder, Lars (2000). ‘Diskursteori i Danmark’. In Politiske Studier. Nr. 8, november 2000.

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Artikel 5

New Economic Activities and Urbanisation: Individual reasons for moving and for staying – Case Greenland

Hansen and Rasmussen (2013). I Klaus Georg Hansen, Rasmus Ole Rasmussen and Ryan Weber (editors), Proceedings from the First International Conference on Urbanisation in the Arctic. Conference 28-30 August 2012. Ilimmarfik, Nuuk, Greenland. Nordregio Working Paper, 2013:7. Stockholm 2013. pp 157-182.

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114 26. New Economic Activities and Urbanisation: Individual reasons for moving and for staying – Case Greenland

Klaus Georg Hansen and Ramus Ole Rasmussen

1.0 Introduction a reduction in the biomass of target species and other species taken as by-catch. This again will affect the ben- It is generally recognized that the Arctic is a region of thic habitat and may lead towards a downward shift in economic contrasts. While the international economy the size distributions of caught fish as well as shift in supports modern large scale activities involving capital the mean trophic level closer to primary production intensive production at one end of the scale, the infor- (Hamilton, Brown, and Rasmussen, 2003). mal and traditional economy occurs through small in- The consequences of the above described changes dividual or family groups at the other end, and in be- would probably benefit different groups with different tween there are mixes of modern and traditional capitalization, licenses and location, generating a link methods of production. In this context the empirical between ecosystem and social system change, while evidence clearly shows the effects of changing local and another link – competition from other global sourc- global markets but also shows the importance of bring- es generating seafood produces and cheaper protein ing forward the political norms on vulnerability that sources – will be adding to the complexity (Rasmussen this may generate (Young 2002; Keskitalo 2008). 2010). The Arctic economy basically contains three distinct Since Home Rule was established in Greenland in but related parts: the international resource economy, 1979 a focus for economic development in Greenland the transfer economy, and the traditional economy. has led to reduced dependence on Denmark. Suggested The international resource economy serves worldwide means and measures have been different through time. markets utilizing resources such as diamonds, gold, Industrialisation of fisheries and exploitation of valu- zinc, oil, natural gas, and fish. The traditional economy able resources such as shrimp fisheries was in focus is also centred on resource utilization, but here the uti- during the first decades. Realizing, however, how the lization, through fishing, hunting, herding and gath- world market has been dropping due to intensive devel- ering, is primarily for local consumption. Finally, the opment of aquaculture and with most of the renewable transfer economy brings funds into the region from resources used close to its maximum – for some species other levels of government. The transfer economy sup- even beyond this point – the need of alternatives in ports services, generate benefits and also contributes to order just to maintain the living conditions has become income for many (Rasmussen 2010; Huskey and South- obvious (Winther 2000). With ambitions of increased cott 2010). level of autonomy based on a reduced dependence of When drawn into the globalisation process, the Arc- transfers the need of alternatives becomes still more tic economies – including the economy of Greenland urgent, with mineral and energy resources among the – are having important impacts. Fisheries, especially most obvious means of promoting this process. The modern ones, generate systematic changes in the ex- success so far, however, seem to be limited. In spite of ploited marine ecosystems. There are expectations in many known resources which eventually would serve relation to further expansion of potential exploitable as an economic base the interest among the multina- fish stocks moving northward due to climate change. tional companies which are able to undertake the ex- In this connection there will be impact and eventually ploration has for many years been limited.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 157 There has, however, been an important shift in the pany Alcoa approached the Government of Greenland level of interest during the last decade and now not in the beginning of 2006 that the idea of developing only in relation to minerals and energy resources, but large scale industrial activities was initiated again. Al- also exploitation of the rich sources of hydro power coa wished to initiate preliminary surveys whose ob- available in Greenland. Hydro power has in Greenland ject was to assess the potential for establishing an alu- been recognized as a substantial potential for decades. minium smelter in the central West Greenland in the In 1983 an overview report on earlier reports on hydro area between Sisimiut to the North and Nuuk to the power potentials in Greenland was published (Råstof- South. The Government of Greenland was basically not forvaltningen 1983). In spite of that the hydro power prepared for such an inquiry but the administration potential in Greenland has only recently begun to be responded positively, and a protracted – and still on- recognized by the global industries. This has now hap- going – process was started. pened, however, and the take-off for a proposal for a A short list of the most significant project milestones new economic initiative took off around 2006 in the includes the following: shape of an inquiry from the company Alcoa. Spring 2006 First enquiry by Alcoa; July 2006 Joint Action Plan (JAP) with Alcoa; 2.0 Why, where, and how an alu- April 2007 First open political decision minium smelter? regarding the plans (Go on); The idea of initiating an aluminium industry in Green- May 2007 Memorandum of Understanding land is not new. In May 1979 – when the Greenland (MoU) with Alcoa; Home Rule was born – a report titled “Aluminiumsin- May 2008 Open political decision on placement dustri ved Godthåb og Sisimiut” [Aluminium Industry (Maniitsoq); at Godthåb and Holsteinsborg] (Hoff & Overgaard 2013? Open political decision on ownership 1979) was published. The report describes socio-eco- (partner/concession); nomic aspects of a potential, large industry in central 2013? Final political discussion on project West Greenland. Part of the inspiration to look into the (start/not start); possibilities of starting an aluminium industry in 2018? Earliest possible commencement of Greenland came from Iceland. In 1969 the Icelandic production – if the project is Aluminium Co. Ltd (Ísal), a sole subsidiary of the Swit- approved. zerland-based Alusuisse, had started production at Ice- land’s first aluminium smelter, the Straumsvík smelter, The Government of Greenland has undertaken a num- close to Reykjavik (Jonsson and Wiestner 2013). ber of significant administrative initiatives during the In the late 20th century none of the identified po- different project phases. One of the most important of tentials for an aluminium smelter in Greenland was these initiatives was the creation of Greenland Devel- realised. Caused by the economic downturn in the opment. Greenland Development was formally incor- beginning of 1990’s partly due to the disappearance of porated on 1st November 2006 as a wholly owned sub- the cod from the waters west of Greenland, planning sidiary of Greenland Tourism and Business Council. In for large scale industries was set on hold. Among other June 2007, the Government of Greenland decided to activities the continuous monitoring of hydro power convert Greenland Development to a public limited resources stopped. company under the auspices of the Government of With the creation of the Home Rule and the joint Greenland. Greenland Development A/S’s tasks in- ownership of mineral and hydrocarbon resources and cluded undertaking contact to Alcoa on behalf of the the construction of the shared Danish-Greenlandic Government of Greenland. Greenland Development resource management (in Danish called “Råstoffor- A/S also produced a number of surveys and reviews vltningen for Grønland” and from 1998 “Bureau of primarily in the financial and socio-economic area. In Minerals and Petroleum”) focus was on the extraction spring 2012 Greenland Development A/S was discon- industry. Large scale production industries such as alu- tinued. minium smelters were a Home Rule responsibility, but Since 2011 another and competing large scale pro- large scale production industries were not classified as ject has developed quickly. It was the Chinese owned a high priority in the economic development for the company London Mining’s interest in starting a huge Home Rule. iron ore mine north of Nuuk close to the hydro power It was not until the USA based aluminium com- station B (see the map). It has not officially been fully recognised politically

158 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 but these two large scale projects obviously are com- Analysing the potential consequences of the planned peting for the same hydro power potentials and for the smelter an important issue has been the assumption same – limited – potential Greenlandic work force just that a positive consequence of the new activity would to mention a few of the potential conflict areas between be bringing persons depending on transfer payments the two projects. The slowing down of the process in or on low income jobs into the group of middle and the aluminium smelter project and the speeding up of high income jobs at the smelter or at jobs associated the process of the iron mine project during especially with the smelter activities (NIRAS 2010). It would of 2012 indicates the probability of the iron mine project course generate better economic conditions for the being completed first. workers and their families, and it would also generate When it comes to the needs for basic elements like tax revenues for the involved communities and nation- hydro power access and man power access the two pro- ally reduce transfer payment costs. jects are comparable. Here some of the considerations Consequently, it has been a vital argument for the regarding the aluminium smelter will be discussed in project that it will create a significant number of jobs greater detail. for the Greenlandic workforce. In addition that num- Prior to the political decision in spring 2008 regard- ber of jobs should be fairly stable during the operation- ing the location of the potential aluminium smelter sev- al phase as the production is expected to be kept going eral parameters were analysed and based on an evalu- at a high, stable level for many years. At some point ation these parameters the Government of Greenland in the early phase of the discussions in Greenland, it pointed to Maniitsoq as the most favourable place for a was predicted that the involved people from Greenland smelter (Government of Greenland 2008). would be dominated by people who otherwise would Analyses of the potential harbours recommended be depending on social support or low incomes from Maniitsoq because the other possible locations were for instance small scale fisheries. expected to be more exposed to harsh weather condi- Based on the assumption that a total of 1100-1200 tions. Regarding the access to the hydro power poten- workers would be employed, and they would be per- tials, focus was primarily on the lake Tasersiaq, located sons who otherwise would receive public assistance. between the Hydro power station A and the Ice Cap Calculations show that the impact on the public fi- (see the map). Tasersiaq represents the largest single nances on jobs would be around 300 million DKK per hydro power potential in West Greenland. Here the year, due only to improved job conditions. In a worst report from the Government of Greenland concluded case scenario, i.e. a situation where all 1100-1200 po- that Maniitsoq would be the best place to locate the sitions are held by persons who would otherwise be smelter. If the smelter would be placed near Sisimiut or middle-income recipients or even would come from near Nuuk it would generate additional challenges in outside of Greenland, the net revenue of the activity relation to the power transmission lines (Government on the public finances would be zero or even negative of Greenland 2008). (NIRAS 2010,14). The analysis was based on a traditional approach Critical for the option of generating positive results when analysing the access to manpower. The main part for the community is therefore a labour market policy of the workforce was expected to live close to the smelt- preventing foreigners from getting involved, prevent- er. If the smelter were to be placed near Nuuk the re- ing skilled labour from other sectors to take the jobs, port pointed out that it would lead to enforcement of an and ensure an upgrading of qualifications among peo- even stronger mono centric societal development than ple outside the labour market or in low income groups. already experienced with Nuuk as the single metropo- All three criteria are debatable, based on the present lis in Greenland. At the political level the majority did job and educational situation in Greenland combined not want to strengthen that development (Government with the interests of Alcoa. of Greenland 2008).

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 159 Map 1: The map shows Central West Greenland from Nuuk in the south to Sisimiut in the north. The green and yellow parts are the ice free areas of the coastal land.

160 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Map 2: The town of Maniitsoq is situated to the south on an island. The island is approximately 10 km in diameter. If Alcoa builds an aluminium smelter near Maniitsoq the site for the smelter will be at “Proposal C”. Today no infrastructure exists on the island outside the existing town of Maniitsoq. The “new urban area”, the roads outside of the existing town, and so forth, will have to be constructed, if the aluminium smelter project becomes a reality.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 161 3.0 The labour force requirements activity is less dependent on where the raw materials are produced as long as there are proper harbour fa- Mining and energy extraction projects are normally cilities and access to plenty of cheap power and labour progressing in five phases in which business and em- force (Rasmussen et al. 2011). In the case of Greenland, ployment requirements have specific characteristic cheap power means hydro power. (Jensen and Rasmussen 1998; Jensen 1998). In the traditional approach – for instance in Norway In the first phase – feasibility studies – the main ob- and Canada – attempts have been made to establish jective is to ascertain the extent, availability and size of new smelters in connection with places where all three commercial interest in the findings and the degree of components (harbour, power, labour) would be avail- present and future competition about the local energy able, and typically therefore places with an existing la- resources. While some jobs may be established in con- bour market of a proper size, able of ensure the needed junction with the analyses, the activities require spe- labour force during the production phase. cial skills and are usually taking place primarily at the Sør-Norge Aluminium A/S (SØRAL) being one of company headquarters. Norway’s seven aluminium smelters was established The second phase – financing and establishment of in the 1960’s in the town of Husnes with proper har- economic conditions – will in practice often take place bour facilities, access to hydro power and a population at the same time as the first phase, and with similarly of 5.500 inhabitants. Similar conditions were present limited impact on the local labour market. It also typi- when the aluminium smelter was established during cally includes political discussions. and after WWII. In this case the town had a popula- Third phase – building infrastructure and con- tion of 5.600 inhabitants. In both cases, the need for struction phase – includes planning and construction labour during the construction phase was beyond the of physical facilities to perform directly or indirectly capacity of the towns, and attracted temporary work- related activities such as construction of drilling rigs, ers from neighbouring towns and cities, and even from transportation facilities at sea, port facilities, supply fa- Denmark. (See Rasmussen 2009 for further discussion cilities, training and new education initiatives as well of the examples) as the establishment of new residential areas, child care Since the first environmental policy objectives on centres, etc. Since this phase will be labour intensive, Sustainable Development was established in Iceland in the duration will usually be 2-5 years, and therefore 1993 (Ministry of the Environment 2002,10) the focus needs to go beyond the local labour market to find the has been on the use of renewable energy, and especially skills and hands needed. the exploitation of hydro power resources. This policy Fourth phase – the short-term development perspec- has encountered both positive and negative reactions tive and production phase – includes the period with in Iceland. Positive, not least in relation to the decen- start-up of the activity and generates major change tralisation of certain activities as hydro power and to existing business structure, resulting in large local geothermal energy are decentralized energy resources. population and employment effects on the new busi- For many municipalities it is seen as an opportunity ness activities. Depending on the size and lifetime of for local business, but the development of hydro power the resource and the technology, the duration of this has met some resistance because of the potential ad- phase may be from 30-50 years or more. verse effect on the continued development of tourism Then there is the fifth stage – the long development potential and recreational fisheries exploiting the same perspective – which may be analysed from two angles. rivers which would be used for hydro power (Univer- It may either be through a laissez-faire attitude, which sity of Iceland, Institute of Social Sciences, & Gallup means not carrying out a thorough management of the 2003). Such questions were not important when the development, and therefore with no or limited invest- first smelter was established in Staumsvík at Hafnar- ment in new growth areas, or alternatively with focus fjörður just south of Reykjavik in 1969 and with energy on political control and on the basis of assessments supply from the in 1969 commissioned Búrfell 210 MW of the size and lifetime of the mineral and energy re- hydro power plant (Landsvirkjun 2007). Even situated sources aim at planning a stepwise downsizing and with some distance from Reykjavik the localization abandoning of the initial activity and instead move the could take advantage of accessible labour force within gravity of activities toward other productions. commuting distance to nearby populations’ potential. Large scale activities in the Arctic will be sought lo- The workers were transported to and from the smelter cated close to the resources of raw materials or energy in company operated busses. The busses even brought in order to reduce the energy and costs related to trans- the workers home for lunch. port. The beauty of aluminium smelting is that this The decision on the establishment of Fjarðál in East

162 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Iceland situated in Reyðarfjorður which took place in sports, internet café and the like. However, there is no 2002 was, however, in many ways deviating from the systematic registration of conflicts and problems which previous patterns. Neither a sufficiently large labour should point to the shanty town’s size and position as a market, nor the needed energy resources and harbour real problem, and the general impression today seems facilities were available. Only blessed with a deep wa- to be that the process has developed rather flawlessly. ter fiord the Government of Iceland, Landsvirkjun and Alcoa Fjarðál had early on set the target of equal dis- Alcoa signed a MoU between them, and together with tribution of employment between women and men. In the Fjarðarbyggd municipality in 2003 they signed a 2011, there were about 450 employees of which 28 % definitive agreement which included the building of were women, approx. 50 % came from the local com- the Kárahnjúkar hydropower station, the Fljotsðalur munity or the region, 50 % came from the rest of the transmission line to the future smelter, the smelter it- country, and of this group more than 75 % were from self, and the construction of a harbour. Reykjavik. Between 3-6 % were Icelanders who had re- The construction of the hydroelectric power plant turned to Iceland in search of jobs in the aluminium initially comprised in the order of 120 people, of which industry. There were in 2011 only a few foreigners, 85 came from Iceland while 35 were foreign workers, mostly Canadians and a few technicians who helped but during the drilling of supply and drain channels the at the start of production, and whose expertise is still work involved about 700 workers and the total labour considered necessary. One of the factors that have been force was estimated to include over 3,300 man-years. In important in recruitment is the requirement that you addition there were also the administrative staffs. It has speak Icelandic in the company. Among other things been estimated that about 25 % of the construction was related to the security of the company, it is a require- carried out by residents of eastern Iceland which meant ment that there is on official language because the mix- about 100 to 200 jobs for residents of the region. ing of different languages when delivering commands In the design and construction phase the involved can pose a security risk. At the same time there is also local workforce was relatively limited. Three-quarters a desire that employees are reasonably familiar with of the workforce came from elsewhere. The approxi- English at a basic level, because employees may be ex- mately 2,200 workers who remained in the workforce posed to different instructional materials in English. comprised between 20 and 25 % from Iceland, while Since 2008, the majority of workers in the shanty- about 75 % came from Poland, and thus constituted town have left the region, most of them for good, but the largest single group. In addition staff came from some of them have chosen to establish themselves in elsewhere, for example, there were more than 80 Cana- the region. Some stay for work, in some cases they stay dians involved the establishment phase of the smelter. because there has been established a more lasting con- At one point in time, the population mix in Reyðar- nection, such as marriage, between former employees fjörður was characterized as covering the largest num- and local people. ber of foreign labourers in Iceland. To accommodate the workforce a shantytown was established between Reyðarfjörður and the smelter. The city was provided 4.0 Debates in Greenland with almost all facilities such as restaurants, recreation The new economic and employment opportunities facilities, a gym, an internet café, and some shop fa- have been debated politically, publically and not least cilities. Compared with Reyðarfjörður’s population of in the private sphere. The opinions are varied. It de- approximately 700 inhabitants, one would assume that pends on which issues to debate and what opinion to the shantytown would be the dominant trouble spot, have on single issues. but planning and cooperation between the city and the A study has analysed the public debate in Greenland shantytown and the company meant that there was regarding the aluminium project from April 2006 to general agreement that the three communities were November 2008. During that period of time the alu- aiming at living smoothly side by side. A rumour often minium project was heavily debated and during the referred to tells that workers from the shantytown had period 639 different opinions related to the debate limitations on visiting the city, such as the time limits about the aluminium project have been identified. A which would mean that they were not welcome in the total of 225 written contributions have been analysed. city in the evening. Other sources point out that the Each written contribution typically contained several main problem was visits from the town to the shan- opinions related to the topic (Hansen, Sørensen and tytown, especially by young people at late hours. The Jeppson 2009). reason for this was said to be the good facilities for

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 163 Number Opinion From 2010 one of the most debated topics has been Topic of opinions index the possibility of the international companies oper- ating in Greenland employing foreign workers and Project process 121 3.33 possibly even to a lower wage than normally paid in Societal issues in 121 3.18 Greenland. In the debate this option has primarily general been related to the construction phase of the proposed CO2 110 2.67 large scale industries, and there seems to have been a Employment 97 2.92 remarkable evolution towards a clear convergence of Finance 96 3.13 interests between employers’ organisation (Grønlands Arbejdsgiverforening) and the employees’ organisa- Decision making 86 3.17 tion (SIK). In March 2012 the two organisations deliv- process ered a joint response to the Government of Greenland Environment 84 3.18 in the hearing process for a new law for large scale in- Information 48 3.14 dustries which expressed their concerns regarding the process possible consequences for the Greenlandic companies Training 43 3.00 and workers (GA & SIK 2012). Regional changes 27 3.44 The many years of debate especially regarding the aluminium smelter project has shown a wide spectrum Social and health 25 3.04 of different opinions about the possibilities for the issues Greenlandic workforce to have access to the many new Independence 19 3.00 jobs which are expected to be created when these large Cultural and 17 3.06 scale industrial projects are realized. The possibilities historical issues have created awareness among citizens, organisations, politicians and other groups. Debates have brought List 1: Ranking of the 639 different opinions in 13 selected varying points of view to light. topics.Opinion index: < 3.00 = positive, 3.00 = neutral, > 3.00 negative. From (Hansen, Sørensen and Jeppson 2009,79). One of the mayor challenges is to transform all these different and fragmented opinions and thoughts into structured information which can be used as input in List 1 shows a listing of the 639 different opinions on 13 an informed political process where decisions have to selected topics. The topics are ranked according to the be made on how to manage all the new opportunities number of expressed opinions about the topic. This to the best advantage of the workers, the investors and ranking indicates the relative interest given to each of the Greenlandic communities. the 13 topics in the public debate. The primary topics, related to job opportunities and 5.0 The surveys mobility are within the categories of ‘Employment’ and ‘Regional changes’. The employment is the fourth most In order to provide a better understanding of the pre- debated topic indicating a relatively high interest in the sent mobility characteristics of the Greenland popula- topic. Employment is furthermore one of only two top- tion as basis for analyses of the possible consequences ics which show a general positive opinion in the debate. of major interventions in the economic basis, such as As mentioned in the legend of the table an index of 3 establishing of an aluminium smelter, a series of mobil- indicate a balanced opinion while an index below 3 ity studies have been conducted (Rasmussen, 2010). shows a positive attitude while an index above 3 shows a negative ditto. 5.1 Register based data The other topic related to job opportunities and mo- bility is ‘Regional changes’. Here the interest has not The basis of the analysis has been a register-based been very high, but those who have discussed the topic analysis of population movements in Greenland from are in general showing a negative opinion, ‘Regional 1995 to 2008. The population registers, located on changes’ is actually the topic which shows the most Statistics Greenland in Nuuk, provides information negative opinion in the debate. This could indicate a on each individual person, including information general and intense concern regarding a possible mi- on wherefrom and whereto the persons move gration of the Greenlandic workforce towards areas their addresses in case it is considered to be more with new industries. permanent. “More permanent” means a move where their registration by the authority is changed from one

164 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 address to another, whether it is within the municipality garding attitudes and wishes for the future. Through or between municipalities, and to what extend it is the interviews it has been possible to go in depth with from towns to towns, from villages to towns, from many of the personal issues, which are often decisive towns to village, or eventually leaving or entering the for whether to choose one or the other solution in terms country. By means of these data, it is possible to see of future prospects – issues, which can not immedi- the more general patterns of mobility. In addition it is ately be revealed through a questionnaire. Through the possible to connect the place based population registers interviews issues such as belonging, places, personal with additional information, for instance in relation to preferences in relation to the future role of the family, gender, age, family situation, income and other social local and regional networks etc. have been taken up as and economic factors which enables the creation of focal points. hypotheses about why and description of how they move. These statistical data do, however, not provide information about reasons or thoughts about moving 5.4 Greenlanders in Denmark which therefore requires additional approaches. Finally a survey among Greenlanders living in Den- mark has been undertaken in close cooperation with the North Atlantic Group – consisting of the two poli- 5.2 Thoughts about mobility ticians from Greenland and one of the two politicians from the Faroe Islands elected to the Danish Parlia- Added to the basic data a survey among a representa- ment by their respective constituencies. The purpose of tive sample totalling 1,551 persons of the total labour this analysis was to look into the relationships between force in Greenland has provided the requested infor- Greenlanders in Denmark and in Greenland in rela- mation. The survey was carried out in 2008-2009. The tion to issues such as belonging and attachment to a individuals in the survey have been selected in such a particular social group and their relations with Green- way that they are representative of gender, place of land and Greenlanders. Included in this survey were birth (in Greenland, outside Greenland), settlement also questions about which role the new economic ac- type (town, village), and place of residence. By means tivities in Greenland might have in relation to this of the questionnaire, the respondents have been asked group’s future mobility. a series of basic questions in addition to the register in- formation related primarily to issues such as qualifica- tions and affiliations. In addition, emphasis has been 5.5 Triangulation placed on respondents’ wishes, goals and interests in In addition to the questions related to individual inter- relation to a future in their present home community, ests and preferences all of the above mentioned surveys or alternatively, the ability to move, and if so whether were aiming at clarifying the possible regional conse- they were aiming at living alone or with family and quences of changes in business structures as a result of relatives somewhere in Greenland. In addition, a series the introduction of new activities, looking into atti- of questions looked into reflections in connection with tudes to mobility in relation to jobs, employment and a number of new activities, for instance whether or not the like. The surveys were at the same time aiming at they are perceived as being activities as attractive op- providing data – as discussed above – in relation to portunities in the future. In this connection the infor- gender, age and qualification structures in different mation regarding gender, age, family situation, income settlement types. and other factors are significant issues in the analysis of Important in this context was the question of wheth- the responses. er the respondents had heard about other forms of em- ployment, including the possibility of staying with the 5.3 Quantitative and qualitative family and then working as a migrant, what arrange- ments could be considered, what would be attractive approaches work and workplaces, what would be of interest etc. in Furthermore, a third level of analysis has focused on a relation to of wages, housing, transportation, social ac- specially selected group of 220 people for in-depth tivities, etc. . In relation to the issue of relocation the fo- semi-structured interviews. The persons have been se- cus of the survey was on what would be considered as a lected based on their responses to the questionnaire, “good life” – types of work, wages, employment options and out of the group a total of 171 interviews have been for accompanying family members, quality in terms of concluded with answers to all the questions. In this types of housing, social infrastructure, environment, connection questions have been asked about details re- offers of public facilities, etc.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 165 While a register-based analysis is able to say some- between the patterns of mobility as identified in the in- thing about how people move, how long they stay in dividual analyses in the original report, by combining specific places, and also provide indications on possible register data with input from interviews or question- connections between various socio-economic param- naires which can help to explain the patterns observed. eters and mobility, it is not able to say anything about This paper therefore does not pretend to be complete, the intension behind the movements. Questions on but focuses on key characteristics of mobility in Green- what determine choices regarding staying or moving, land, with focus on these characteristics’ relations to choosing between different places, or which thoughts the new economic activities related to large scale min- are behind the choice etc. require other methods. ing, energy production and industries, and as selected In this case two approaches – questionnaires and issues are the following: interviews – have been chosen in addition to the regis- ter data as they provide overview and in-depth insight  Who are interested in moving? into what is behind the decisions. It does, however,  From where would they come, and where would they not make the register data redundant because there go? is not always a clear link between what people think  What would be their interest in moving? they will do and what they actually do in practice.  What would be their requirements at the place they All three approaches have their individual limitations might move to? and advantages (Bryman 2004), but by triangulation,  What may prevent them from moving? most of these limitations are resolved. Triangulation  What impact might be the result at the site? is usually defined as the use of multiple – very often  What impact might be the result in other parts of qualitative as well as quantitative – methods in study- Greenland? and ing the same phenomenon for the purpose of increas-  Are Greenlanders outside Greenland interested in ing study credibility (Ashatu 2009; Bryman 2004). As moving back to Greenland? this – as described above – implies the combination of different methodological approaches and theoretical An important issue in this connection is to realise that perspectives in the investigation of the same phenom- the reasons for staying or moving are not static! There enon it may on one hand enable a more precise data seems to be a tendency towards considering reasoning background for the analyses. This is on the other hand behind decisions on staying or leaving is stable over with the risk that using both qualitative and quanti- time. What has been proven time and again, however, tative paradigms in the same study by some social is the fact that such decisions are dependent on the scientists may be considered unacceptable as the two context. In Greenland a shift in economy from fisheries paradigms differ epistemologically and ontologically to fishing industries and to services and now probably (Ashatu 2009; Creswell 2003). In this context, however, towards a higher degree of dependency of large scale by having total coverage of the population through the production of minerals and energy, has very different register analysis, which ensures a clearly representative implications on people’s everyday life. The questions sample in the questionnaire and out of the latter pro- asked through the surveys have had variations in their viding in-depth interviews with coverage of variations foci. Some of the questions have been addressing reflected through the previous datasets it is very dif- broader perspectives in relation to moving, while other ficult to point to any potential limitations in the out- questions have been addressing very specific condi- comes. tions.

5.6 The main questions addressed 6.0 The findings in this paper As emphasized above, the new economic conditions for In the following presentation of a selection of high- Greenland have become crucial for many reasons. And lights from the report with an analysis of mobility in in this connection the large scale activities may become Greenland analysis (Rasmussen 2010) the focus is on a important in the upcoming years. In the international number of issues related to mobility in connection with media – and not the least the Danish – there are ongo- new economic activities in Greenland. In some cases, ing debates on what may happen, and on what impacts this means that the data presented here provide rela- these new activities may cause. See for instance the se- tively unambiguous and straightforward answers, but ries of articles from the Danish newspaper Berlingske in the discussions the emphasis is on the relationship (2012) where issues such as Chinese migrant workers, rare earth elements and economic investments in large

166 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 scale industrial projects in Greenland are discussed. smelter are reflected in the response by being the activ- This is, however, just one out of several discussions ity with the highest number of responses. At the same related to the issue. During the last year a monthly av- time it is important to note that oil exploration is repre- erage of around 85 articles related to the keywords “oil” sented by the lowest number of responses. It is impor- and “mineral resources” combined with “Greenland” tant to recognize, however, that the fact that the survey have been published in the Danish media (based on a took place at a point in time when the focus in the me- search in Infomedia) indicating the high pitched dis- dia was on the potential construction of an aluminium cussion. smelter, while the question of oil exploration was more or less absent from the agenda. If a similar question had been addressed to the public today the distribution 6.1 How many are interested, and between the fields of activities might have been differ- in what? ent. It would, however, not have changed much in the In connection with the questionnaire, a question con- division between who might or might not be interested. cerning the interest in Greenland regarding job-search How the positive responses are regionally distribut- within the different sectors of large scale activities has ed in relation to the four options is presented by further been presented, and the results are reflected in Table 1: detail in Table 2 below. As mentioned it is important to remember the time of the survey. Looking at the differences between town and vil- Within which of the following activities would lage it turns out that working at an aluminium smelter you be interested in looking for job opportunities? or at an offshore oil rig is – relatively speaking – more popular among those living in towns whereas working Fields of activitites % responses in mines is – again relatively speaking – more appeal- Oil exploration 9 ing to people in villages. The lower level of education in Mineral exploration 11 Mining 12 general among people from the villages might be part Aluminium smelter 13 of the explanation for this difference. Mining activities Don't know 21 like in the Black Angle might be better known than None of them 34 working at a smelter or on a rig, and that might also Total 100 be part of the reason for mining to be more appeal- ing to people in villages than to people in towns. They Note that the question allows for multiple responses are perhaps more willing to try what is lesser known working situations – at least for Greenlanders – such as Distribution of responses to question 37 of the Table 1: working at a smelter or on an oil rig. questionnaire: Within which of the following activities would you be interested in looking for job opportunities? People in the South (from town and from village) show the greatest interest in working at a smelter. On the other hand people from towns in the Middle show When reading Table 1 it is important to emphasize that the least interest in working at a smelter. At least the multiple responses has been allowed, which of course last part can sound surprising as it is in one of the impacts the response pattern. When looking into de- towns in the Middle the smelter is going to be placed. tails in this connection the responses indicate that al- Instead people in the Middle show the greatest interest most 72 % of all respondents show no interest in any of in working on an oil rig. At the time of the survey an the new options. Either by not knowing whether they oil rig was known to be under development west of the would seek employment or that they positively know coast of North Greenland. No obvious reason for these that it does not interest them, but the reverse applies to patterns can be pointed out. Much more information 28 % of the respondents who actually expresses interest will be needed to understand this pattern. Here it is in the activities, and would like to be involved in one or important to stress that the further information which more of them. When looking at the percentage distri- is needed has to show differences in the pattern over bution among the new activities they add up to more time. To be able to generate this kind of information than 28 %, reflecting that many of them may be inter- the survey has to be repeated over time for instance ested in more than one of the listed options, on an aver- every second, third or fourth year. age responding to at least two of the options. Even if the above table exaggerates the interests due In this way the analysis can begin to relate changes to multiple responses the interests are obvious and it in the different districts and settlements to specific is interesting how the discussions about an aluminium events or changes in focus or plans and thus we can

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 167 begin to link changes in preferences to changes in the at best make it possible to come up with some predic- real activities in the society. Through this analysis it tions on what preferences people might have for being will most likely be possible to identify patterns between engaged in the new economic activities. preferences and activities in the communities. This will

The distribution of positive responses to becoming engaged in the new economic activities. Percentage of responses on each of the four industry categories

Region South Middle Disco North/East Greenland Towns Aluminum 33,2 27,2 28,4 30,8 29,0 Mining 26,4 23,1 26,3 29,7 25,3 Mineral production 20,6 25,8 24,3 20,9 23,9 Oil 19,8 23,9 21,0 18,6 21,8 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 Villages Aluminum 36,8 30,9 29,8 23,8 28,2 Mining 29,7 26,2 26,1 30,1 28,8 Mineral production 15,8 23,8 26,3 27,9 24,7 Oil 17,6 19,1 17,8 18,2 18,3 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0

Note that the question allows for multiple responses

Table 2: Regional distribution of responses to question 37 of the questionnaire: Within which of the following activities would you be interested in looking for job opportunities?

While the above reflections relate specifically to the Denmark. new economic activities, the focus hereafter will be on For the vast majority (47 %) the reasons for moving the general trends in mobility. Both due to the impor- have been related to own work while another substan- tance of seeing the new activities in the perspective of tial part (19 %) has been due to a partner’s work. An- general trends and concerns, and at the same time be- other group includes people where education has been cause these more general trends serve as a good start- the main cause (18 %), either own education (14 %), ing point for the interpretation of which options may partner’s education (3 %), or children’s education (1 %). be generally available in connection with the specific In a third group family relations accounts as the major activities. reason, for instance changes in the family structure (9 %) or relations to parents (6 %). And a fourth group (4 %) indicating that one or more of the family mem- 6.2 Who moves, and who would be bers have not felt at home at the previous place. The interested in moving in the near final group (19 %) indicates various reasons for mov- future? ing. First and foremost the need for changes in life, the desire to try something new, and perhaps the hope that Based on register data it is shown that on a yearly base the new place might give experiences differing from around 1/5 of the population are moving either tempo- those provided at the current location, or in some cases rarily or permanently. Among those who have moved having bad experiences at a new place and therefore the survey shows that about 23 % have left villages in returning to the well-known conditions in their previ- order to move to towns (15 %) or to other villages (8 %). ous home town. A predominant pattern in relation to In contrast, almost half of the movements that have the this last group is relationships with family – positive city as a starting point, a total of 18 %, have moved as well as negative – which in one way or another has from cities to villages while the largest group of all, been decisive. namely 29 %, has moved from one city to another. The following tables can readily be seen in the above Movements from Denmark constitute a significant context by focusing on expectations for any movement proportion with 27 % of which 21 % has been to cities within a five years’ time horizon in relation to detail of while 6 % has been to a village. The final 30 % has the responses in relation to age and gender: moved from either villages or towns in Greenland to

168 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Age group response to the question: Do you expect to move within the next 5 years?

Number of persons Percent Age group Yes No Total Yes No Total 0-15 223 496 719 0,6 1,3 1,9 16-25 3 174 4 222 7 396 8,5 11,3 19,8 26-40 4 301 6 595 10 896 11,5 17,7 29,2 41-60 3 749 14 509 18 258 10,1 38,9 49,0 Total 11 447 25 822 37 269 30,7 69,3 100,0

Table 3: Age distribution of responses to the question on whether or not one expects to movewithin the next 5 years.

Gender response to the question: Do you expect to move within the next 5 years?

Number of persons Percent Sex Yes No Total Yes No Total Men 6 098 13 977 20 075 16,4 37,5 53,8 Wome n 5 349 11 859 17 208 14,3 31,8 46,2 Total 11 447 25 836 37 283 30,7 69,3 100,0

Table 4: Gender distribution of responses to the question of whether or not one expects to movewithin the next 5 years.

As indicated by the tables there are about 1/3 of the re- group less mobile, a pattern, however, that changes spondents to the questionnaires that expect to move when the children leave home. Not infrequently, it is within the next five years. This number – when com- the children’s choice of residence, which is decisive on pared to the approximately 20 % accounted for in the where to move, a finding which has been realized in overview over moving during previous years – is a rela- connection with the interviews that have been made in tively high percentage. It might very well be in keeping conjunction with the questionnaires. with the general trend towards greater mobility in soci- Regarding the question of gender, Table 4 shows that ety, and just as much in the fact that movement is in- women are generally more mobile than men. The per- creasingly included as part of many people’s – especial- centages shown in the table are based on the percentage ly the younger ones’ – planning horizon. of the total population in the working age 15-64, but As would have been expected, it is clearly the group calculated gender-wise 31 % of the women versus 30 aged 16-25 that is dominant in relative terms, with just % of the men are expecting to move. There is clearly under half of this group expecting to move. However, it not a large percentage difference but being a persistent is perhaps most noteworthy that in the group 26 to 40 difference during the last decades it is enough to make years, nearly 40 % of the group are expecting to move. a substantial long-term difference. This is clearly sub- When digging into more details it is possible to see stantiated in the absolute numbers where the labour that especially the younger part of this group are ready active gender distribution shows a total of 54 % men to move, while the group of more established persons and 46 % women for Greenland as a whole. with family and with slightly older children makes the

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 169 6.3 From where would they come, and where would they go?

Settlement group response to the question: Do you expect to move within the next 5 years?

Number of persons Percent Settlement Yes No Total Yes No Total Town 9 589 21 968 31 557 25,7 58,9 84,6 Village 1 858 3 867 5 725 5,0 10,4 15,4 Total 11 447 25 835 37 282 30,7 69,3 100,0

Table 5: Settlement group distribution of responses to the question of whether or not one expects to move within the next 5 years.

Regional response to the question: Do you expect to move within the next 5 years?

Number of persons Percent Region Yes No Total Yes No Total South 2,411 3,907 6,318 6.5 10.5 17.0 Mid 3,635 12,459 16,094 9.8 33.4 43.2 Disko 3,381 5,431 8,812 9.1 14.6 23.7 North/East 2,019 4,009 6,028 5.4 10.8 16.2 I alt 11,446 25,806 37,252 30.7 69.3 100.0

Table 6: Regional response distribution of responses to the question of whether or not one expects to move within the next 5 years.

Table 5 and Table 6 show some important mobility In the towns both men and women are aiming at more characteristics related to place of residence, both in re- permanent opportunities, and usually in larger towns lation to residence in town or village and to residential than the one they come from. region in Greenland. With regard to the regional differences it is interest- Table 5 shows first of all that there are unexpected ing to see that there are marked differences between the small differences in the response patterns between per- responses in the four regions. In the Disko region 38 % sons living in towns and in villages. In towns around of the work force express interests in moving, followed 30 % express positive expectations regarding moving, by region South just behind, and then region North/ while the situation in the villages shows a little high- East a bit lower with 33 % showing interest in moving. er percentage – 32 % – interest in moving within the The absolute lowest level is found in the Central region next 5 years. As most of the population are living in where only 23 % express interest in moving within the towns around 26 % of the positive responses stem from next 5 years. persons with residence in towns while 5 % are living The low number in the Central region is relatively in villages. This part of the survey does not consider simple to explain, as this is the region to which most of which type of moving has been considered. In other the intended movers are heading. In the Central region parts of the mobility analysis it has been shown that es- one of the major objectives in moving is to look for op- pecially the male village residents tend to make use of portunities in Nuuk, or to leave the country, either tem- short distance and short term moving, for instance for porarily in pursuit of education mainly in Denmark, temporary jobs in nearby towns, while females from or more permanently in search of jobs matching the villages are looking for more permanent opportunities. skills of the persons responding to the questionnaire.

170 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 As the Central region is the region with most tempo- pation of workers from this region. rary workers from outside Greenland, primarily from Among the reasons for lower interest in moving Denmark, the objectives of moving are of course very from the southern region may be the fact that the work much influenced by this group as many of them – if force in this region is considerably older than in any of not most – eventually will return to Denmark. Another the other regions. As was shown in the table regarding reason for the low number wanting to leave is of course age structure in relation to “willingness to move” the that the Aluminium smelter – if it becomes a reality – is older age groups were less reluctant to pursue activities expected to be situated in this region! that would make it necessary for them to leave their The high numbers from the Disko region indicate region. that initiatives are being taken in this region for de- The very low percentages in North and East show velopment of new activities, but also that the proposed that these regions to a considerable extent have been site of the aluminium smelter in Maniitsoq is relatively disconnected from many of the processes of change close to the region. What may contribute further to the that have been influential on the west coast region in openness towards moving is the fact that the most re- general induced by the modernisation processes in cent large scale mineral resource exploitation has been fisheries during the last half century or more. taking place just north of Disko bay and with partici-

Primary target for moving in accordance to both old and new municipalities Target, old municipal Target, new Percent Percent structure municipal structure Denmark 18,2 Denmark, Greenland Don't know 13,6 outside 32,6 Greenland outside municipalities or 0,8 municipalities don't know Nuuk 20,1 Ammassalik 2,3 Paamiut 1,1 Sermersooq 24,1 Ittoqqortoormiit 0,6 Ivittuut 0,1 Ilulissat 8,3 Qaanaaq 2,3 Qasigiannguit 2,3 Uummannaq 2,2 Qaasuitsup 18,5 Aasiaat 1,7 Upernavik 0,9 Qeqertarsuaq 0,5 Kangaatsiaq 0,3 Sisimiut 10,8 Qeqqata 14,5 Maniitsoq 3,7 Qaqortoq 6,8 Narsaq 2,3 Kujalleq 10,3 Nanortalik 1,2 Table 7: Primary target for moving in accordance with both the old Total 100,0 Total 100,0 and the new municipal structure.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 171 Responding to the question “Where are you interested tern which has also been documented in the registry- in moving to?” made it possible for the respondent to based analysis. Movements are increasingly happening choose between municipalities using the old municipal as collective actions including parts of or entire fami- structure as well as a few targets outside Greenland. By lies or households. It is important information which using the old municipal structure much more detail needs to be included when the possible consequences became available, and it illustrates that the choice of of new activities – for instance an aluminium smelter target is actually very much focused. established in Maniitsoq – are considered. The need to As shown in Table 7 the municipality of Nuuk and think in family context is much more demanding than Denmark are the most dominating targets for moving. finding individual relocation solutions. Jobs for spous- With percentages of 20.1 and 18.2 respectively they are es, kindergartens, education, public services etc. need close to 40 % of all responses. At a lower level are mu- to be included. nicipalities with larger towns such as Sisimiut, Ilulis- sat and Qaqortoq, sought by 10.8 %, 8.3 % and 6.8 % respectively. A general characteristic of all of the above 6.4 What would be their interests? mentioned places is the access of different types of edu- Table 8 presents an overview of some of the most im- cation which is an obvious attraction for the younger portant wishes and aspirations Greenlanders have re- persons. For all other municipalities the numbers are garding work related to large scale activities. In the ta- low, from 3.7 % in Maniitsoq down to 0.1 % in Ivittuut ble there is a sub-division of responses according to and 0.3 % in Kangaatsiaq. settlement type and gender. The image of a marked increased concentration of The table encompasses a wide range of activities and population appears very clear. It comes from the com- at the same time it indicates that the respondents are bination of a strong desire to move, the interest in edu- open to a wider field of options. As a consequence there cation opportunities and the major cities in the middle are no individual activities which actually account for of Greenland being the obvious attractive places to go the lion’s share of all the activities. to. Interesting is also the fact that the town of Maniit- One of the things that are remarkable with regard soq – the expected location of an upcoming aluminium to the distribution of responses is the differences with- smelter – shows such a low level of attraction compared in the gender based and settlement based issues. The to for instance Qaqortoq in the South. Both places darker versus the lighter colours highlight the main used to be regional centres for fisheries, but they have differences, and it is clear that precisely the qualifica- been affected by fisheries going off-shore. But in -con tion issue and its position relative to future labour mar- trast to Qaqortoq where other business activities and kets are recurring themes. Women have the absolute education opportunities have been available for a long major group with 18.2 % responses in relation to ad- time, Maniitsoq has been defined as a place that relies ministration, book-keeping etc., but also with a higher on fisheries, and it has therefore also been exposed to a representation in the group with academic work com- massive out-migration, and it has a very low attraction pared to men, and in both types of work the respond- taking the size of the town into consideration. ents from towns are clearly dominant compared to the Besides asking whether to move or not, additional inhabitants of villages. questions have been focusing on the differences be- Female over-representation compared to that of tween whether one travels alone or together with males is found in what is often characterized as being others. As around one third expects to move alone – female work. For instance catering which shows up in among them many young people pursuing education one third of all female responses, a number which is ten – by far the most dominant categories are expecting times the responses from males. Also nursing, hospital to travel with others, for instance spouse / partner is work and related activities are dominated by women. mentioned by 56 %, which is followed by the option Both types of work are mostly wanted by representa- of travelling with child / children by 40 %. It is a pat- tives from villages.

172 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Wishes/aspirations in relation to work connected to large scale industries. Percent of responses from types of settlements and gender. Settlement Sex Activity Town Village Men Wome n Administration (office work such as 8.5 6.7 4.6 18.2 book-keeping, travel arrangements Academic work (Ingineer, Biologist, 8.2 3.5 6.0 6.8 Geologist, Law, Economy etc..) Drilling and blasting 6.6 8.9 9.2 2.0

Catering (cleaning, cooking) 8.8 13.1 3.8 33.8

Skilled work (electrician, carpenter 15.7 12.1 17.8 1.4 etc..) Harbor work 5.8 9.9 9.2 2.0

Management responsibilities (shop- 9.3 5.3 9.0 3.4 steward etc..) Working with machinery (caterpillars, 11.3 7.8 12.0 2.0 dumpers etc..) Nursing, hospital work etc. 1.6 3.5 1.0 7.4

Transport and logistics 11.0 4.6 9.8 3.4

Unskilled work 13.2 24.5 17.6 19.6

Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Table 8: Wishes and aspirations among Greenlanders in relation to work connnected with large scale industries.

The major male choices are typical “male” vocations, with shift work. For many with these experiences the for instance drilling and blasting, skilled jobs such as new challenges in relation to mining, manufacturing electricians, carpenters, working with machinery, and hydrocarbon production may come as a surprise. transport and logistics, harbour work and similar ac- But by taking part in such activities as fishing one tivities. The divide between towns and villages in these is also a part of the workforce, with experience of be- groups show that basically most jobs requiring training ing on the job for a long time and then being home for of longer duration such as management responsibili- a similar period. Similarly, the special insular nature ties, working with machinery, skilled work and trans- of the Greenlandic labour market has added a higher port and logistics are dominated by respondents from degree of flexibility and increased local and regional towns. In contrast to this the unskilled jobs are the ab- mobility, an issue which has been recognized in the solute dominating group sought by the inhabitants of register-based analysis. There is no doubt that these ex- villages. periences may play a significant role in a more open and One thing is the option of adjusting the work force integrated labour market in which different forms of to the specific job types within the mining and indus- commuting can be crucial. In other parts of the survey trial sector. As indicated above there are clearly inter- it has been shown that there is relatively much inter- ests in basically all major groups of work, and in that est in various alternative forms of employment, such as sense the labour market may be considered ready for the type of work where you may be working on weekly these challenges. or monthly shifts. What role such interest may have In addition to this, however, is the adjustment to the on future activities will depend on the precise condi- specific working conditions. The vast majority of expe- tions established around the large scale activities. The riences from the labour market in Greenland show that problem may, however, be that those with experience in the workforce is accustomed to working within normal labour market flexibility don’t have the qualifications, office or shop opening hours and to some extent also while those with qualifications have limited flexibility.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 173 6.5 What would be their require- importance are the issues of the opportunities the site ments? offers, for example, public transport, housing and more. Thus one can to some extent determine the gen- In relation to this question which is asked in the ques- der characteristics when it comes to the specific causes tionnaire, there are marked differences in the respons- of a desire to move. es from women and men, as shown in Table 9. The table From a close reading of the table’s background data has been organised to enhance the gender based differ- it can be seen that there are difference between the gen- ences in the responses. While many women are point- des when it comes to the number of different reasons ing to education – their own and their children’s – as for moving. The men indicate an average of 20-30 % well as family relations and recreational opportunities more different reasons than women. The women in this as primary causes, more men than women point to is- context are thus more focused on individual reasons sues of career, work and employment, and also to part- while the men spread over a wider spectrum. ner’s education as reasons to look elsewhere. Of similar

Most important issues in relation to moving Gender distribution and differences of answers Differences Percent of responses Gender in Men Wome n characteristic responses Carreer opportunities 9,9 7,5 2,4

Partner's education 4,9 2,8 2,0

Withdrawing from labor market 2,9 1,3 1,6 Clearly male dominans The option of getting a job 9,9 8,4 1,4 The option of getting better working 7,4 6,4 1,1 conditions The option of getting another (better) 12,3 11,2 1,1 job Improved public transport options 2,9 2,1 0,9 Does not feel "at home" where I'm 3,4 2,6 0,8 living now Public service options 4,7 3,9 0,8 Equal importance Better salaries 8,6 7,9 0,7

(Better) housing options 5,2 4,5 0,7

Improved health conditions 2,1 1,5 0,6

Improved leisure time options 7,0 8,1 1,1

Better education options for children 6,0 9,0 3,0 Clearly female dominance Family matte rs 5,7 10,5 4,8

Better own education options 7,3 12,4 5,1

Total 100,2 100,1

Table 9: Most important issues in relation to moving.

174 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 6.6 What impact might be the re- however, the reality has been that the economic oppor- sult at both sites? tunities created by the mine instead have led to an out- migration to larger communities such as Anchorage. There are, however, cases where enclaves, after they What may happen in case new activities are introduced have been discontinued instead of being abandoned as in Greenland is extremely difficult to provide a more originally planned eventually have been turned into precise insight into. But when characterizing the im- more permanent settlements. It is the case with the iron pact of new activities it is important to focus on which ore mine at Schefferville in Northern Quebec where character the new activities have in relation to the set- the production officially started in 1950. At its peak tlement structure. As discussed by Rasmussen (2003) the settlement had a total population of around 4.500. there are basically three typical forms of involvement, But when the mining activity halted and the equipment each with dynamics of their own: was dismantled 1982 the place was in principle closed. The situation, however, has been that parts of the place Enclave economies, have been taken over by indigenous groups in the area,  Adjacent activities, and primarily the Montagnais and Naskapis and the town  Community Integrated activities. has become an important centre for tourism in the re- gion. In order to get an idea of the potential consequences a Adjacent activities emerge when the mining activi- number of examples from Greenland and other Arctic ties have developed a certain degree of interacting with regions could provide some input to a discussion. nearby communities, for instance through the involve- ment of local workers. This could be as employees of the mining company, or it could be occasional provi- Enclave economies are characterized by situations sion of local food for the miners. It could also include where all activities at the mine and energy production services rendered for the miners and the mining com- site are isolated from the surrounding communities, so pany when miners visit the communities in connection that the only interaction is through the royalties paid with leisure time activities, or it could be the larger set- by the mining companies, and possible short or long tlements acting as major communication and adminis- term employment of persons from the communities is tration centre for the mining company. on an on/off basis, for example two weeks on and two Among the cases from Greenland the situation of weeks off. This situation has been the case in sparsely “The Black Angel” mine in Uummannaq as well at the populated areas with limited accessibility – a situation mine in Ivittuut both show this characteristic pattern of characterizing Greenland and further elaborated on relationship with the communities, the latter even de- in the discussion of the Josva copper mine and the Am- veloped characteristics that also could be characterized itsoq graphite mine in South Greenland as well as the as those of an integrated community. Similarly there mining activities at Mestersvig in East Greenland. are many larger settlements in the North situated rela- There are many similar sites in the Circumpolar North, tively close to mines and energy producers which have accounted for among other things, by the dispersed been enjoying similar positive relationships. In the case population and the character of the mineral and energy of Prudhoe Bay oil development in Alaska, Fairbanks resources as being both dispersed and of such size that is an important link to the activities, and not only to it would be too costly to develop a more permanent set- this single resource development, but also to a number tlement. Therefore a substantial part of the on-going of placer mining sites in the adjacent areas, or in NWT activities can be characterized as enclaves. where Yellowknife, which was partly developed on lo- The fact that the activity is considered an enclave cal gold mines and administrative activities related to does not prevent positive interaction with settlements the NWT, which presently is in a process of developing in a specific area. For instance in connection with the adjacent activities related to the wave of diamond min- establishing of the “Red Dog” lead and zinc mine close ing activities within a radius of a few hundred kilome- to Kotzebue in NW Alaska one of the requirements tres (Rasmussen 2000). by the NANA development corporation was, that the Community integrated activities have been deve- workforce should include a substantial number of loped in situations where the mining and energy pro- workers from nearby settlements, and that the mining duction have become an integral part of the life of the activity should contribute to the economy of the re- community. It means that the community includes mote settlements (Rasmussen 2000; Rasmussen 2003; many other activities which relate to the general char- Storey and Hamilton 2003). In spite of the objectives, acteristics of a community, such as shops, schools, oth-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 175 er types of industries, renewable resource exploitation 1998; Storey and Hamilton 2003). etc., and at the same time it interacts with the mine through labour exchange and rendering of services to the company etc. 7.0 Conclusions and Perspectives While many settlements in the South throughout history have been known through their economic base As outlined above, there is not a simple answer to the in mining, this type of settlement is relatively rare in questions raised above of what may happen in case new the North. The explanation for this is the same as the activities are introduced in Greenland. Basically it is a reason for the existence of many enclave mines, namely situation placed somewhere between two dimensions: the dispersed character and the short life span of the On the one hand there is the choice of approach re- resource. In Greenland, however, the town of Qullissat garding settlement type: was more or less a role model for that type of relation- ship. Even though it could be characterized as a mono-  Enclaves, which would imply some kind of FiFo – Fly economy due to the dominance of one single activity, in, Fly out – arrangement; namely coal mining, the economy was nevertheless  Adjacent activities where a combination of FiFo and multifaceted involving many other types of businesses. involvement of population from adjacent communities In the Russian North this type of settlement is more may become the solution; common than in other parts of the Arctic. That is the  Community Integrated activities where direct im- situation with settlements such as Nikel, Zapolyarne, pact on the community is obvious, but may just as well Norilsk, and others. Longyearbyen on Svalbard is also include FiFo involvement. an example of a place, where the town originally was based on coal mining, while today the mining activ- On the other hand the development is depending on ity is of minor importance, while administration, re- the choices and preferences made by the population re- search, and education have become the major activities garding interests and abilities in involvement. – and not the least tourism! The answer may be seen as reasonable and straight In Canada Dawson City used to be a major city with forward in the sense that the first dimension would be its activities integrated with gold mining activities, and depending on a political decision, while the second di- gold mining still plays a certain role, in fat its present mension will depend on the preferences and abilities in existence is primarily due to the continuous flow of the population and may be read out of the results from tourists. In the case of the iron mining in Fermont in a number of surveys as the ones described above. Both northern Quebec where production started in 1974 and dimensions will, however, be impacted by some level of was supposed to have gone through the same process as uncertainty. Schefferville, i.e. abandoned by 2000 after the iron ore To illustrate the complexity of the answer an exam- resource had been depleted, and the inhabitants (peak ple is presented in the next section. employment 860 persons, total population around 7.1 Micro-simulating the future based on survey re- 3.500) eventually relocated. But in contrast to Qullis- sponses sat and Schefferville, the citizens have fought for their A micro-simulation of the potential consequences town, and this public resistance seems so far to have of introducing an aluminium smelter in Maniitsoq been successful. With no more iron ore, the inhabit- has been developed in order to give a forecast of what ants are considering turning the town into a regional demographic results as such might be the outcome in centre primarily based on tourism. Greenland (Rasmussen, 2000). Among examples in Canada regarding a successful In the simulation a division of the population in creation of integrated activities there has been the re- 6 ten-year age groups has been applied, i.e. the age cent development of the oil and gas activities in Atlantic groups 0-9,10-19, 20-29, 30-44, 45-64 and 65 years and Canada where the integration of local communities in above. In order to manage the regional structure four the development process has been crucial. The key fac- regional units have been used, encompassing: Centre tor in this process has been The Atlantic Accord which towns, Centre villages, Peripheral towns and Periph- has acted as an important tool for the promotion of a eral villages. The Centre towns include the large towns clear focus on the potentials of a positive interaction around Maniitsoq, i.e. Maniitsoq itself, Nuuk and Sisi- between the project and the surrounding communities, miut, and also the towns in the Disko Bay. Centre vil- which has been a vital part of the process (Rasmussen lages are the villages adjacent to the centre towns, while 2000; Canada – Nova Scotia Offshore Petroleum Board the Peripheral towns and Peripheral villages basically 1999; Department of Industry Trade and Technology encompass all other towns and villages in Greenland.

176 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 In addition the gender parameter has been included, ing from villages in the centre area or towns and vil- as well as the major demographic parameters, such as lages in peripheral areas. the natural reproduction parameters, as well as nation-  Two thirds of the jobs are considered to be jobs pri- al and international migration parameters. In order to marily aiming at and mainly attracting male workers, trace details on the latter parameters, all internal mo- while the remaining jobs will be jobs that are more ap- bility has been based on mobility patterns between the pealing to women. mentioned types of towns and villages during the last  Half of the jobs will be fi lled by people who come as 20 years. singles, and half the workforce will be one or two per- Th e micro simulation has been outlined like this: sons from existing families going to the place leaving A large scale industry – in the example an alumin- the rest of the family at home. ium smelter – is expected to be introduced in Green-  In the group of families two out of three would be land at its earliest in 2014. In the construction phase families without children while one out of three fami- an unknown number of persons but probably around lies will be families with two children on average. 5,000 will be involved, but the company is supposed to ensure a substantial part if not all of this number. Besides the direct attraction of new employment op- During the construction phase with an expected du- portunities, a signifi cant side eff ect would be brought ration of fi ve years a total of 800 permanent jobs will be about by the accompanying spouses or partners as well established. It is expected in the forecast that the vast as the accompanying children which would become majority of these jobs will be taken by workers from important parameters in the demographic conse- Greenland and that the necessary training for these quences. In some cases two persons in the same family jobs will be done in Greenland. may be looking for jobs in the new industry but for In the planning of the future development the fol- many of the accompanying persons the situation would lowing was assumed: be an additional contribution to the local labour mar- ket in the town with the new industry.  Th e company is established in a city centre area in the middle of West-central Greenland. Using the model under these constraints will result  Half of the jobs will be held by members of the local in an output which is shown in Figure 1. labour force, the other half will be held by labour com-

Figure 1: Micro-simulation of the potential impact of the introduction of 800 jobs in a Centre-town in a time span from 2010 to 2020.

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 177 While the jobs are off ered in one of the centre towns among the best trained and most skilled persons, leav- both the lack of qualifi cations and available persons ing both towns and villages with voids in these fi elds, leads to an infl ux of persons from other towns and vil- which it may be extremely diffi cult to compensate for lages. Th e lowest numbers of people will come from the because these places may be much less able to attract villages in the Centre region because the job opportu- replacements from other towns and villages. nities in the Centre towns have already been exploited, Th e potential long term consequences mentioned in leaving the Centre villages either with a lack of people the above example have been generated by means of the in the relevant age groups because they already have model; and the results are shown on the graph. Th e di- moved, or the villages are in such a strong position job- rect eff ects of the introduction of the new activity are wise that only a limited number of persons will be seen just before and aft er the introduction date. But it tempted by the new opportunities. is quite clear that the long term consequences are much Th e situation is much diff erent when it comes to more substantial than the immediate eff ects. While the what are characterized as “periphery towns”. Th ese introduction of a new group of young well-qualifi ed towns have marked limitations in what kind of jobs are workers in the Centre town has a continuous positive off ered, so a substantial number of persons will make multiplication eff ect throughout the whole period; and use of the new opportunities and choose to move. A eventually it results in a situation where 600 jobs bring similar situation characterizes the villages in the pe- about a population increase of around 1200 persons. riphery. So from these regions a substantial number of Th e exact opposite process has been the result in the persons would also choose to move. case with both towns and villages in the periphery. A Th e moving of several hundred persons from towns continued state of fl ux and decline in the population in in the periphery and around a hundred or so persons both settings has been the consequences; and embed- from the peripheral village is in itself a problem for ded in these changes is at the same time a general loss these places. What is the most challenging problem, of qualifi cation in the population due to the attraction however, is the fact that those choosing the option of qualifi ed persons away from these places. of moving will be the part of the population who are 7.2 An alternative to the micro-simulation – lessons learned from “The Black Angel”

Figure 2: Development in employment at the Black Angel mine from 1973 to 1990.

178 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Lessons learned about “The Black Angel” mine in A relatively larger proportion – almost 12 % – came Uummannaq, which was active from 1972 to 1990 are from Aasiaat, but also a somewhat higher figure – al- interesting in this context. First because it was the first most 7 % – came from Nuuk and Ilulissat respectively. major private mine which employed Greenlanders, and The adaptation of the Greenlandic labour force to secondly because analyses (Rasmussen 2000) made it work in “The Black Angel” was in many ways quite suc- possible to identify which persons from Greenland cessful. The salaries from the jobs at the mine became were involved, and what impact they had on the com- an important augmentation to the household econo- munities in Greenland during and after the mining ac- mies, and also to the development of a more efficient tivities took place. The analysis has been based on reg- fishing fleet in the settlements. When the mine closed istries since 1977 which have made it possible to one consequence was a marked decline in average in- establish a comprehensive list of persons who have come for the people who were involved, as shown in been registered residents in the mining area. Firure 4: Figure 2 show the development in employment in the mine and at the headquarters in Copenhagen from Indexed Number of Average 1973 till production ceased in 1990. Year values, persons Income In the construction phase, all construction work was 1988=100 based on imported workers and encompassed around 1988 308 259.174 100 400 persons. After the involvement of Greenlandic em- 1989 286 317.867 123 ployees in the early 1970s there was a gradually increas- ing involvement of Greenlanders in the mine. Figure 3 1990 254 301.113 116 shows the birthplace of the Greenlandic workers who 1991 138 202.822 78 were employed by the mine. 1992 129 182.984 71 1993 122 179.733 69 Place of birth in the unici- palities (prior to the reform Percent 1994 120 194.277 75 in 2009) 1995 117 216.825 84 Uummannaq 51,3 1996 115 223.328 86 Aasiaat 11,8 1997 111 242.131 93 Nuuk 6,7 Figure 4: Average income level among employees in the mine Ilulissat 6,7 before and after the mine was closed. The personal incomes Unknown 5,0 have been traced for the 308 workers identified in 1988 and the following years up till 1997. The decline in the number of Qaqortoq 3,4 employees is due to permanent or temporary out-migration, Maniitsoq 3,4 death and other reasons that no longer were noted in the registry. Qeqertarsuaq 3,4 Narssaq 2,5 Average income while the mine was active clearly was Sisimiut 2,5 higher than after the mine was closed. Immediately af- Qasigiannguit 0,8 ter the mine was closed, there was a fall in the average income to a level that was less than 2/3 of the previous Avanersuaq 0,8 level; and this lower level seems to have continued for Tasiilaq 0,8 several years, after which the general income increases Ittoqqortoormiit 0,8 took off again. Part of the explanation for the decline is Total 100,0 partly due to the fact that the former miners have had difficulty finding jobs in their area of qualifications. Figure 3: Overview of the place of birth of the Greenlandic Another part of the explanation has to do with the gen- workers involved in the mining activities. erally higher wages in mining and production, among other things, on the basis of a greater number of hours As shown, a considerable proportion – over 50 % of the worked. total group – came from Uummannaq municipality. Then after a couple of years a slow rise in income lev- The remaining half came, with a relatively even pro- els appears again, however, without reaching the level portion, from a large number of other municipalities. it was at when the mine was active. The last increase is

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 179 partly due to the general wage and price increases, but fisheries, and the world market price is constantly de- this cannot explain the whole increase. According to clining. reports from a survey conducted among former miners The examples may serve as illustrations of potential an important part of the explanation was that almost consequences, and they may be used as an inspiration- all of them have returned to the type of job they had be- al basis for further analyses. But it is important to keep fore they started working in the mine; and in that con- in mind that such examples are time specific, and only nection they used some of their surplus income as in- to a limited extent able to cast light on the present and vestment capital in better boat and fisheries equipment. future situation: Only a few have made it a career to work in mines and sought employment in this industry after the closure  Increasing mobility has become an issue of both po- of the mine. But the general impression is that the tra- litical and economic importance. It generally raises the jectory that was established initially was followed, and questions of reasons why some people move while oth- that working in the mine has been just a short or pro- ers choose to stay. longed interruption of another business career.  Concerning to economic development and urbanisa- Virtually all respondents to a survey, which was tion focusing on new types of industrial activities conducted after the mine closed, were positive about opens up the important question of who may be inter- getting an equivalent job or going back if the mine reo- ested in participating in these activities, and of what pened. Working in the mine was remembered not only the geographical implications are of people moving in as a means to earn a good salary and financing major order to look for new opportunities. purchases such as fishing boats, but also remembered  Even such opportunities do not necessarily lead to as an interesting experience. permanent relocation, as migrant workers come in var- ious forms, for instance 2-4 weeks on the job followed by a corresponding number of weeks at home from 7.3 And what could be foreseen? which it nevertheless has impact on both the receiving community and the community the migrants origi- … when looking at the present situation in Greenland. nate. Probably none of the above examples!  A key issue has furthermore been what would be The micro simulation reflects the present on-going considered a “good life” – types of work, wages, em- demographic changes combined with the population’s ployment options for accompanying family members, choices as the situation is today. When reflecting on quality in terms of types of housing, social infrastruc- future situations it is important also to include the vi- ture, environment, offers of public facilities, etc., and sions that have been central in the discourse in Green- how these considerations would have significant im- land during the last decade. This also implies adding pact on tendencies in relation to both mobility and de- large scale mining activities as a factor affecting future mographic characteristics in the near future. mobility. This may cause changes in overall mobility patterns within a relatively short period of time. Simi- The above analyses have been initiated because of the larly the political focus may shift when negotiations possible intentions of establishing an aluminium with a company about such things as salaries, royalties, smelter in West Greenland. The survey was conducted use of local versus foreign labour etc. in order to get a more in-depth understanding of the Taking an example from the 1970ies and 1980ies potential regional consequences of such an activity. It where important positive impacts have been identified was focused on clarifying the possible regional conse- should not lure the reader into believing that history quences of changes in business structures as a result of might be repeated. The period during which the Black the introduction of new activities, looking into atti- Angel mine provided jobs was also characterised by a tudes to mobility in relation to employment and the major increase in fisheries where small boats and vil- like. At the same time it was aiming at providing data lage based fisheries was an important contributor to in relation to gender, age and qualification structures an advance in the Greenlandic economy. Neither small in different settlement types, and furthermore the sur- boats nor small scale fisheries are major players in the vey was also contributing responses to the respondent’s fisheries “game” anymore, so private investments in reflections on other forms of employment, including boats and equipment which is fundable by excess in- the possibility of staying with the family and then comes from mining activities can no longer be consid- working as a migrant, what arrangements could be ered a major push towards competitive fisheries invest- considered, as well as questions of what would be at- ments when the competitor is the large scale offshore tractive work and workplaces, what would be of inter-

180 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 est etc. in relation to wages, housing, transportation, Hansen, Klaus Georg, Freia Lund Sørensen and Steen R. social activities, etc. Jeppson, 2009: “Decision processes, communication and It is obvious that such surveys and analyses provide democracy; The aluminium smelter project in Greenland” in Janne Hukkinen, Klaus Georg Hansen et al. Knowledge- not only a concerned but also an educated basis for the based tools for sustainable governance of energy and upcoming discussions that are going to help shape the climate adaptation in the Nordic periphery. Nordic Research future of Greenland. But it should also be emphasized Programme 2005-2008, Report No 7, Nordregio, Stockholm. that such mappings and surveys have to be repeated pp 57-84. frequently in order make it possible to reflect on the new challenges that are due to the pace of the on-going Hoff & Overgaard, 1979: Aluminiumsindustri ved Godthåb og Sisimiut [Aluminium Industry at Godthåb and Holsteinsborg]. changes! Report produced by Hoff & Overgaard A/S. May 1979.

Huskey, L. and C. Southcott, 2010: Migration in the Circum- 8.0 References polar North: Issues and Contexts. Occasional Publication Series Vol. 64, Canadian Circumpolar Institute.

Jensen, K. and R.O. Rasmussen, 1998: Konsekvenser af Ashatu, H., 2009: “The use of Triangulation in Social Science storskala råstof- og energiproduktion i Arktis. Projektbeskriv- Research: Can Qualitative and Quantitative Methods be else. Råstofdirektoratet, Grønlands Hjemmestyre. Combined?” in Journal of Comparative Social Work, Number 1. Jensen, K, 1998: Effekter af storskala råstofprojekter i Grønland - med speciel vægt på de beskæftigelsesmæssige Berlingske, 2012: “Kampen om Arktis”, a serious of back- forhold. Rapport om Arbejdsmarkedsforhold nr. 2, Direk- ground articles in different sections of the Danish newspaper toratet for Sociale Anliggender, Arbejdsmarked og Offentlige th st nd Berlingske on the following dates – 17 June, 21 June, 22 Arbejder. June, 23rd June and 2nd July 2012. Jonsson, B. and M. Wiestner, 2013: “Power upgrade of Isal Bryman, A., 2004: Social Research Methods. Oxford Univer- Potlines 1-3” in International Journal for Industry, Research sity Press. and Application, Special: Aluminium Smelting Industry, vol. 89:1-2, January 2013, pp 61-63. Canada – Nova Scotia Offshore Petroleum Board, 1999: Annual Report 1998-1999. Canada – Nova Scotia Offshore Keskitalo, C., 2008: Climate Change and Globalization in the Petroelum Bard, 1791 Barrington Street, Halifax Arctic. An Integrated Approach to Vulnerability Assessment. Earthscan, London. Creswell, J.W., 2003: Research Design: Qualitative, Quanti- tative, and Mixed Methods Approaches. Sage, London. Landsvirkjun, 2007: Búrfell hydropower station. July 2007. Landsvirkjun. Department of Industry Trade and Technology, 1998: Indus- trial Benefits Summary: Offshore Petroleum Activities in New- Ministry for the Environment, 2002: Welfare for the Future. foundland and Labrador, report prepared by the Industrial Iceland’s National Strategy for Sustainable Development Benefits Division, St. John’s, NF. 2002-2020. August 2002. Reykjavik. The Ministry for the Environment. GA & SIK, 2012: Kommentarer til storskalaredegørelsen. Hearing process response from Grønlands Arbejdsgiver- NIRAS, 2010: Aluminiumsprojektets økonomiske betydning. forening and SIK. Dated 13. March 2012. (http://www.ga.gl/ Greenland Development A/S, Nuuk. LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=Yfs%2brjlFhew%3d&tabid=1721&la nguage=da-DK). Rasmussen, R.O. 2003: “Labor Market Perspectives on Resource Development. The labor market consequences of Government of Greenland, 2008: Beslutningsgrundlag for large scale resource development in the Arctic” in R.O. Ras- etablering af en aluminiumssmelter i Grønland. Departe- mussen and N.E. Koroleva (eds.), Social and Environmental mentet for Erhverv, Arbejdsmarked og Erhvervsuddannelser. Impacts in the North, pp 303-317. Kluwer Academic Publish- February 2008. ers, The Netherlands.

Hamilton, L.C., B.C. Brown and R.O. Rasmussen, 2003: Rasmussen, R.O., 2000: Langtidskonsekvenser af Greenex “West Greenland’s cod-to-shrimp transition: local dimensions minen ved Maarmorilik, Uummannaq Kommune. Del 1: His- of climatic change” in Arctic, vol 56, no. 3, Sept. 2003, pp torik, Beskæftigelse og Mobilitet. Roskilde Universitetscenter. 271-282. Rasmussen, R.O., 2009: Mobilitet i Grønland - Den kompara- Hansen, Klaus Georg (forthcoming): “West Nordic perspec- tive analyse, sammenfattende analyse. Nordregio, Stock- tives on oil and gas development – The shift in public prepar- holm. edness for oil and gas exploration in Greenland”. Forthcom- ing article. Rasmussen, R.O., 2010: Mobilitet i Grønland. Sammenfat-

NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 181 tende analyse. Nordregio, Stockholm. University of Iceland, Institute of Social Sciences, & Gallup, 2003: Attitudes Toward an Aluminium Plant in Reydarfjördur Rasmussen, R. O., 2011: Megatrends. Danish Ministry of and the Kárahnjúkar Hydroelectric Project. Foreign Affairs in collaboration with the Nordic Council of Ministers. TemaNord 2011:527. US Department of Interior, Mineral Management Services, 1995: An Investigation of the Sociocultural Consequences of Råstofforvaltningen, 1983: Oversigt over reporter m.m. Outer Continental Shelf Development in Alaska. Anchorage. vedrørende vandkraftundersøgelser i Grønland pr. 30. juni 1983. J.nr. 1474-03-16. Råstofforvaltningen for Grønland. Winther, G., 2000: “The Dutch Disease Phenomenon in a Juni 1983. Greenland Perspective” in Proceedings of the Fifth CASS Field Course, Alaska 2000. Vol. 1 Fairbanks, USA, Dept. Storey, K. and L.C. Hamilton, 2003: “Planning for the impacts of Alaska Native and Rural Development, College of rural of megaprojects: Two North American examples”, in R.O. Alaska, University of Alaska, 2001. pp 89-96. Rasmussen and N.E. Koroleva (eds.), Social and Environ- mental Impacts in the North, pp 281-302. Kluwer Academic Young, O.R., 2002: The Institutional Dimensions of Environ- Publishers, The Netherlands. mental Change - Fit, Interplay, and Scale. The MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass.

182 NORDREGIO WORKING PAPER 2013:6 Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

Artikel 6

The aluminium smelter project in Greenland – New aspects of an industrialisation process?

Hansen (2013a). I Klaus Georg Hansen, Søren Bitsch and Lyudmila Zalkind (editors), Urbanization and the role of housing in the present development process in the Arctic. Nordregio Report, 2013:3. Stockholm 2013. pp 85-101.

141 Bilag 6 til Fra passiv iagttager til aktiv deltager

142 The aluminium smelter project in Greenland – New aspects of an industrialisation process?27

Klaus Georg Hansen, Ilisimatusarfi k, University of Greenland, Greenland [email protected]

Introduction Greenland is today in a situation where important de- mental assessment related to the aluminium project. cisions have to be made. Th e demography is changing, It inevitably leads to a discussion on the planning of the economy is challenged, and the settlement struc- housing and infrastructure related to the aluminium ture is exposed to both internal and external processes smelter project in Maniitsoq, which is a former cen- of change. Furthermore the option to become less de- tre for fi sheries. It has now been selected as the future pendent on transfers from Denmark has become an centre for Alcoa’s planned aluminium production in important issue in the political discourse. Greenland. Th e overarching question in this connection is fi rst An important issue in relation to the on-going pro- of all what should be done in order to meet the upcom- cesses of change is the question of legitimacy and dem- ing challenges over the coming years and as a part of ocratic potentials, where Greenland clearly is a brand this question it is important to look into what impact new player on the playground of global economy. In the may be generated fi rst and foremost in relation to the general context, it is clear that in relation to many of settlement and housing structure. the challenges Greenland is facing the fear of not being Besides showing diff erences of livelihoods, social or- prepared to bite on spoons with the large international ders and social conditions, the major changes through- industrial players. Th at should on the other hand not out the history of Greenland materializes across the lead to a political isolation because - as it will be argued diff erent eras of occupational structures and resource - the best possible political perspective for Greenland exploitation to a large extend through changes in set- as a developing as nation is further international in- tlements structures and housing conditions. volvement and better preparations. An overview of the historical background showing the diff erent eras of occupational structures is impor- Background tant to have in order to understand the present and especially the future dilemmas. Regarding the present Greenland gained Home Rule in 1979. It was an agree- situation, it goes not the least for the marked changes ment between Denmark and Greenland to establish a caused by a shift from dependency on living renew- Greenlandic parliament and gradually transfer areas of able resources to an expected increased dependency responsibility to the new Greenlandic administration. on mineral and energy resources as well as on related Greenland remained an integrated part of the King- large-scale industries. dom of Denmark, which is constituted by the country One of the potential options in this connection has of Denmark and the self-governing areas of the Faroe been a proposal for an aluminium smelter project by Islands and Greenland. Alcoa that in turn has raised the question of the expan- By 2009, a new agreement gave Greenland Self-Gov- sion of hydropower plants. Furthermore, it has resulted ernment. Th e 2009 agreement expands signifi cantly in a discussion on the very special situation when it the possibilities for Greenland to take over new areas comes to the two set of environmental legislation and of responsibility but still within the realm of the King- further on to a discussion of the strategic environ- dom of Denmark. With the 2009 agreement, it is in the

27 A draft version of this article has been reviewed for the Remote Regions Session on 10 February 2012 at the 2012 WRSA meetings 8-11 February 2012 in Koloa, Kauai Hawaii, USA.

NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 85 hands of Greenland to decide if and when Greenland dicates that the fi shing industry never will be able to wishes full independency from Denmark. An impor- generate enough wealth to give Greenland a fi nancial tant diff erence between the 1979 and the 2009 agree- independency (Rasmussen 2007, Larsen 2010). Th e ments is the economy. With the fi rst agreement in 1979, mining industry still does not generate much to the an annual block grant compensated Greenland for ar- Greenland economy. During the last couple of years, eas of responsibility transferred to Greenland, and the the exploratory drilling for oil has yet not shown any sum was negotiated each year. From 2009 the block oil resources of commercial interest and because of the grant became a fi xed amount of money, which is about lack of success in the exploratory off shore drillings in 3.5 billion DKK (about 620 million USD) annually. Th e the west of Greenland, there were no new drillings in 1979 agreement stated the subsurface as commonly 2012 and in 2013. owned amongst Denmark and Greenland. In the 2009 Because of the broad political aspiration for more agreement it is recognised as Greenlandic property. political independency from Denmark and as eco- Because of the new conditions, the economic ration- nomic independency is an essential precondition to ality in Greenland has changed signifi cantly. Th e new political independency the politicians are searching for structure has animated Greenland to act much more alternative ways to generate revenues for the country. proactively for attract the international mining and oil Th at must be seen in combination with the necessary companies to Greenland. Th e explicit reason for that response to the prospect of Greenland that is not be- is, the Greenlandic strong political desire to expand its ing able to generate enough wealth from the traditional Self-Government and eventually gain full independ- sources such as fi shing let alone tourism and not even ence. At the same time there is a broad understand- from mining and – on the short lane – even oil. Th ere- ing among the political parties that the actual political fore, in order to keep the existing wealth in Greenland independence from Denmark primarily is a question and in order to gain economic independence from of fi nancial independence – together with a growing Denmark, the country is forced to try to fi nd new ways recognition of the importance of independency when of revenues for the national economy within the next it comes to the question of being able to provide the few years. necessary number of people with the educational skills In this context, a new perspective revealed itself in needed in the society. 2006 in the shape of the international aluminium pro- Th e Greenlandic economy is today highly depend- ducing company Alcoa. Th e politicians took the op- ent on two sources of income. For the fi rst, it is the portunity and it did not take much time for the politi- fi shing sector and for the second, it is the annual block cians to look for inspiration in Greenland’s neighbour transfer from the Danish Government. For decades, to the east, Iceland. Iceland has more than forty years Greenland’s own economy has been based on exports of experience with large-scale industrial projects. Forty by the fi shing industry. Th e effi ciency and the catches years of the phase shift between Iceland and Greenland have been expanding almost from every year to the in relation to large-scale industrial projects provides next, but the world market prices have in the same both challenges and advantages for Greenland when period declined even more. It is specially the case for looking for inspiration in Iceland. shrimp fi shing where aquaculture production of large warm water shrimp has impacted the price setting of Eras of occupational structure cold water shrimp, and when the export of shrimp is about 90 % of the export from Greenland it has had a In order to fully understand the epochal changes the signifi cantly negative impact on the Greenland econo- enquiry by Alcoa in 2006 created, it has been necessary my (Rasmussen 2007, Garcia et al. 2006). for Greenland to sketch out an overview of the eras of Th e development in the fi shing industry with the re- occupational structure in Greenland. For Greenland, source exploited to its maximum as well as the bleak the eras of industrialisation can be divided into four prognosis on future revenues from fi shing clearly in- eras.

86 NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 Table 1: The four eras of occupational structure in Greenland.

Time Primary Primary Era period external contact resource exploitation From earliest cultures Nomadic hunting Almost none till second part of Seal, fi sh and fi shing Peripherally the Norse the 17th century From second part of Early Denmark-Norway Seal, whales, fi sh, prawns the 17th century industrialisation as colonisers plus minerals till around 1950 From around 1950 Denmark National industrialisation Fish, prawns plus minerals till around 1979 as developer From around 1979 Global The global market Minerals, gas and energy still in force industrialisation as business partners resources plus fi sh, prawns

Th e earliest era of occupational structure in Greenland Around 1950, several fundamental changes hit was the Inuit era, covering the period from the fi rst Greenland. Th e era of the national industrialisation cultures to settle in Greenland for about 4,500 years had begun. One of the visible factors was the moderni- ago up till the fi rst contact with the European whalers sation of the societal infrastructure and the physical in the second part of the 17th century. Th is era was living conditions. Th e economy developed into a ser- characterised by nomadic hunting, fi shing and gather- vice economy, with the Nordic welfare state as its mod- ing in cultures primarily using wood, skin, stone and el. To a large extent, the economy was based on transfer bone to provide the artefacts they used. of a block grand from Denmark. Slowly the export of A short intermezzo happened during the Norse fi sh and shrimp developed and contributed to the na- setlements in Greenland from 982 to around year 1500. tional economy. Th is era did not leave much eff ect on the earliest era of On the political scene, a movement for more direct occupational structure, as these two cultures only were involvement in the political decisions aff ecting Green- peripherally in contact with each other during the last land grew from the beginning of the 1960s. It resulted century of the Norse settlement era. in the introduction of Home Rule by 1st May 1979, It was not until the second part of the 17th century which can be seen as the fi rst step into the fourth era, the fi rst Europeans again began to travel on regular ba- the era of global industrialisation. sis in the waters surrounding Greenland. During this In the beginning, the era of global industrialisation period the European whalers had sporadic contact with in Greenland developed separately from the Home the Inuit. Later, by starting his mission in ‘Old Green- Rule administration, as it primarily developed within land’ in 1721, Hans Egede opened for an intensifi cation the frame of the extraction industry, i.e. mining and of the era of early industrialisation in Greenland. Den- exploration for oil and gas, which had its own admin- mark and Norway set up the mission and trade colonies istration. It will be explained further in a following along the south-western part of the coast of Greenland. chapter Th e Inuit were in closer contact with the Europeans, As part of the economic crises, Greenland was for the missionaries converted them into Christianity and the fi rst time in the end of 1980s exposed to the condi- they were engaged in trading with the trading compa- tions on the global fi nance market (Westerlund 1988). ny, den Kongelige Grønlandske Handel (KGH) – the In august 1988, the Prime Minister of Denmark set Royal Greenland Trading Company. up a permanent Advisory Commission on the Green- During this era, the economy was based on hunt- landic Economy (“Det rådgivende udvalg vedrørende ing and whaling and later on small-scale fi shing. Some Grønlands økonomi”). It was active from 1988 to 2009. small-scale mining took place (i.e. cryolite and coal), In 2009, the Danish commission was replaced with and in 1921 the fi rst fi sh processing plant opened in Si- the permanent Greenlandic commission “Grønlands simiut. During the 1920s, most of the abundant fi sh re- Økonomiske Råd”, which was set up by the Greenland sources following the substantial temperature increase government (Naalakkersuisut), (Grønlands Økono- in the Greenlandic waters were however captured by miske Råd 2012), but it is still an advisory board based foreign boats. It was therefore not until aft er the Sec- on Danish expertise. ond World War, that Greenland experienced a major In spite of Greenland experiencing its fi rst contact new development in the industrialisation process. with the global fi nance market in 1988, it did not fun-

NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 87 damentally change the legislative logic in most parts of throwaway houses”, as they would normally only be the Home Rule administration. One of the reasons for used for one winter due to the nomadic lifestyle of the that might be the fact that it was Denmark that took the Inuit. initiative to set up the fi rst commission on the Green- Th is pattern changed quite quickly aft er the fi rst landic economy and not the Greenland Home Rule. It permanent colonial settlement in the 18th century, is thus just another example of the Danish lead devel- which identifi es the intensifi cation of the era of the era opment of Greenland which characterised the era of of early industrialisation in Greenland. Drawings from national industrialisation. the mid-19th century indicate that the traditional one- Th us, the era of global industrialisation did not winter-only peat houses had been turned into more evolved dramatically as an integrated part of the permanent dwellings, always in close proximity to the Greenlandic political and administrative realm, un- colonies of the missionaries and the trading company. til 25 years aft er the introduction of Home Rule. Th e From this housing point of view, it is of interest to see change is symbolised by the inquiry in the beginning on Illustration 1 from around 1850 that several of the of 2006 by the aluminium company Alcoa. peat houses were constructed with a permanent roof with attic. Besides that almost all the peat houses were Settlement structure and equipped with a chimney and – logically – also a stove. Th ese peat houses were therefore permanent dwellings. housing conditions Th roughout the 19th century and during the fi rst Besides showing diff erences in livelihoods, the division half of the 20th century, the traditional peat houses of the history of Greenland materializes into four phase were gradually transformed into small wooden houses. of industrialisation to a large extended through the A standard house for the Inuit family at the beginning changes in settlements and housing. of the 20th century was a single-roomed, single-storey For centuries, the normal dwelling in Greenland house with a layer of wooden boards, which acted as was a skin tent during summer and a peat house dur- walls and with an inclined roof, which created room ing winter. Th e peat houses were in principle “use-and- for storage. For insulation, these houses had a thick

Illustration 1: This is a drawing made by the little-known Greenlandic artist Henriette Bolette Jørgensen (1825-1909). The drawing shows the colony of Holsteinsborg (today Sisimiut). The drawing is undated. The three-storey building in the middle of the picture is from 1846. The drawing is probably from around 1850 and defi nitely earlier than the more well-known drawings by Andreas Kornerup, who travelled in Greenland in 1876-1879. (The drawing belongs to Sisimiut Museum).

88 NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 outer wall made in the traditional way with layers of a market based rent. peat and fl at stones. Th e introduction of Home Rule in 1979 did not im- Until the start of the era of national industrialisa- mediately change the housing market. Th e responsibil- tion which is identifi ed by the intensive modernisa- ity for the housing was transferred to the Greenlandic tion period in the 1950s, the Inuit housing was almost Home Rule administration in January 1987. It was at exclusively a ‘do-it-yourself’ initiative, but this was that time clear that there was a lack of maintenance of soon to change dramatically. Th e age of modernisa- the public housing stock. Th e Home Rule did not have tion emerged aft er 1950 with the Danish Government’s the long-term economic capacity to maintain the pub- formation of the public authority Grønlands Tekniske lic housing stock. Organisation (GTO) – Greenland’s Technical Organi- A strategy to encourage the tenants in the pub- sation. At that time, Greenland was still almost 100 lic housing stock to become owners of their dwelling % administrated from Copenhagen. Th e GTO was in was initiated. Th e goal was a higher degree of privately charge of the orchestration of the transformations of owned houses and fl ats in the towns of Greenland. the Greenlandic infrastructure from an archaic, colo- In 1991 the fi rst legislation was introduced (Landst- nial museum into a modern and streamlined society. ingsforordning 1991). Since then, several legislative in- Very important here was, the decision to create up-to- itiatives have been taken (Landstingsforordning 1998, date housing. Th is was to be developed in two parts. 2002, 2005, 2007a, 2007b and 2008). For the approximately 75 smaller settlements, the Th e legislation has primarily focus on the possibil- GTO constructed a set of standard houses with proper ity of having cooperative housing and the possibility of insulations, wooden fl oors and windows (Rosendahl going from renting to owning private dwelling. Some 1988). Th is was a huge step forward. Th e people, whom very attractive mortgage options were introduced. Best these houses were meant for, were however unable to know is the 10-40-50 mortgage option – an option that provide any fi nancing on their own. Th erefore, loans, was later changed into 20-40-40. One of the slogans in- which did not need to be repaid for thirty years were troduced by the authorities has been “from tenant to introduced. Although the system had seemed to work owner” (Sermersooq [2013], Fleischer-Lyberth 2008). well for decades, it was ultimately concluded that those Th e numbers; 10 (later 20) indicate that the owner who were unable to pay the loan at establishment, were must provide 10 % (later 20 %) fi nancing of the con- unlikely to be able to pay it thirty years later. Subse- struction costs. Th e municipality and the Home Rule quently most of these loans were simply written off . (later Self-Government) jointly provide 50 % (later For most of the 19 towns, the strategy was somewhat 40 %) fi nancing free of reimbursement and interest diff erent. A town was defi ned as the major inhabited for typically 30 years. Th e remaining 40 % has to be a area in each municipality. All other inhabited places normal mortgage loan from a bank, a building society within the municipalities were defi ned as settlements. or a mortgage credit institution. Th ese very attractive Th e number of municipalities has changed a little over possibilities have resulted in a growing number of pri- the years. In the towns blocks of fl ats with running wa- vately owned houses in the larger towns. ter and modern toilet facilities were built during the During the same decades, Greenland has experi- 1950s and the 1960s. enced a steady growing urbanisation (Rasmussen and Th rough this, the majority of the inhabitants in the Hansen 2013). So the era of international industrialisa- towns became tenants, in the state-owned modern tion has on the housing market been characterized by housing developments. Rents were kept artifi cially low, growing private ownership of dwellings and a marked as a majority of tenants would simply not be able to pay increase of the urbanisation process.

NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 89 Housing in Nuuk. towns (Qaqortoq, Nuuk, Sisimiut and Ilulissat), and most During the fi rst years of Home Rule and through the visibly in the capital, Nuuk. In Nuuk for the fi rst time a 1980s, a small group gained a huge wealth. The group whole area, Qinngorput, was established with only pri- consisted of Danish private business directors and vately owned houses and fl ats operating more or less members of some of the Greenlandic upper class clan on market terms. families. Some of this wealth was put into large, private The process of developing a growing housing market houses of some 200 square metres, which constitutes a operating more or less on market terms, which could be luxury house in Greenland. expected to be replicated in the three other new ‘admin- In all of Greenland’s towns, specifi c areas are domi- istrative’ towns (Qaqortoq, Sisimiut and Ilulissat), one nated by a few such houses in the smaller towns, and in in each of the municipalities created by the municipal number up to fi fty plus in the town of Nuuk. Ever since reform in 2009. the 1950s, there has been and indeed there remains a The world economic crises in 2008 did not affect small and stable market for these luxury houses. Supply Greenland much, as Greenland is partly immune to fl uc- and demand for them has more or less been in balance tuations in the global economy as consequence of the since the early 2000s. stable yearly block grant from Denmark. Especially in People living in these houses include successful Nuuk, the house prices have been relatively stable since entrepreneurs, trawler owners, directors in the public 2000. Compared to the rest of Greenland, Nuuk has de- owned organisations, top civil servants, and politicians. veloped a house price bubble. At this point of time, it is Thus, their wealth comes from very different sources, impossible to say whether or not the house price bubble and this group of citizens with high incomes does not in Greenland will burst. share much except their taste for more luxurious sur- Since the late 1980, a large group of high middle roundings in their everyday lives. class families have moved from tenant to owner. During At the end of the 1980s, a new economic reality be- these years there has been a stable growth in percent- gan to emerge. Previously the Danish state and the Hole age of house owners in the group of high middle class Rule owned almost 90 % of all houses on the transfera- families. The tenant/owner ratio is about to stabilise ble housing market aimed at the middle-income groups. now. The houses sold to this segment of buyers, have As already described, the system has however proved for years typically been in the area between 2.6 and 3.2 to be simply too expensive to maintain and had to be million DKK. changed. A new group of potential new house owners is the The new system had focus on the housing co-op- lower middleclass. This group will be able to buy houses erative and on privately owned houses. Here, the mid- in the prize between 1.8 and 2.6 million DKK. Not many dle-income group could become house owners – with houses have been sold to that prize, but as a number of a little help from Home Rule and the municipality. Of the privately owned houses are getting 25-30 years old. paramount importance here to the former public owners The expected lower prizes of these houses might begin was, the fact that building maintenance was no longer to appeal to families in the lower middleclass. the responsibility of the public administration. The Home The description here does not refl ect any expected Rule and the municipality supported the establishment impact on the housing market, especially in Nuuk when of cooperative ownership with up to 50 % of the costs the fi rst large-scale global economy rooted projects are fi nanced through special loans. being realized. It will almost certainly create a new kind At the beginning of the new millennium, a new and of impact on the housing market in Nuuk and in other fi nancially stronger middle-income group began to domi- places in Greenland that are directly in contact with nate the housing market primarily in the four largest these new projects.

The aluminium project liminary surveys with the objectives of assessing the potentials for establishing an aluminium smelter at the As previously described, the inquiry by Alcoa in 2006 coast somewhere in the central parts of West Green- can be seen as the ultimate introduction of the era of land, in the area between Sisimiut to the North and global industrialisation to the Greenlandic society. It is Nuuk to the South. therefore worthwhile to have a closer look at the pro- As the aluminium project is potentially the most cess which the inquiry by Alcoa in 2006 started and extensive industrial project ever to have been under- thus the creation of the aluminium project that is still taken in Greenland, it will obviously potentially have going on. a huge impact on the Greenland society. Th e proposed Th e aluminium project that currently is being de- aluminium project is also the fi rst real major interna- veloped in Greenland has – as already mentioned – its tional industrial project in Greenland. Almost all min- genesis in the beginning of 2006, at which time Alcoa, ing activity has so far been isolated projects and oft en a USA based Aluminium Company, contacted the far away from the inhabited places in Greenland. Th e Greenlandic authorities. Alcoa wished to initiate pre- only exception from that might be the coal mine in

90 NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 Table 2: Milestones for the project on the fi rst aluminium smelter in Greenland.

Spring 2006 First enquiry by Alcoa

July 2006 Joint Action Plan (JAP) between Greenland and Alcoa

April 2007 First open political decision in the Parliament regarding the project (Go on)

May 2007 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Greenland and Alcoa

May 2008 Open political decision in the Parliament on placement (Maniitsoq chosen)

2014 (exp.) Open political decision in the Parliament on ownership (partner/concession)

2014 (exp.) Final political decision in the Parliament on the project (start/not start)

2020 (exp.) Earliest possible commencement of production (if project is approved)

Qullissat until the town was closed down by the au- land can serve as an illustration for the development of thorities in 1972 (Rasmussen 2004; Rasmussen 2009; the business and industry sector in Greenland since the Haagen 1977). beginning of the 1950s. Th e most signifi cant project milestones in the on- In spite of the rapidly growing fi shing industry in going aluminium project are listed in Table 2. the fi rst part of the 20th century, it was not until aft er Th e Greenlandic parliament, Inatsisartut, is expected the Second World War the Danish authorities launched in 2014 to make decisions on whether or not to give the a massive modernization process for the Greenlan- fi nal approval for the aluminium project to be realised. dic society. Th us the fi rst public power station was not In the initial stages of the project, it was planned that started in Nuuk until October 1949. the fi nal decisions would be made as early as in 2008, Within an almost entirely technical-economical but the scheduling of the fi nal decision has been post- driven development frame with rolling fi ve years of poned several times. planning, GTO decided in the early stages of the mod- Th e MoU does not have an expire-date for the fulfi l- ernization process to create a one-string energy solu- ment of each of the phases described in the MoU. Dur- tion, which was based on oil. Th e provision of energy ing the summer of 2013, the Government of Greenland for heating and electricity was thus based on oil based and Alcoa had still not reached a fi nal agreement. One facilities. Th is 100 % oil based energy production was of the main disagreements at this stage is probably the maintained for 40 years. model for the fi nancing of the housing and the infra- Th e political responsibility for developing the in- structure in Maniitsoq – see Box 2. frastructure was transferred to Greenland in 1979. But it was in the beginning still the same employees in Development of hydropower GTO who were responsible for decisions and actions. It took some years to restructure the organization to the When Alcoa in 2006 contacted the Greenland authori- changed political reality. ties, Greenland was not prepared for such an industrial Th e fi rst preliminary fi eld studies for Greenland’s megaproject outside of the realm of the mining and pe- fi rst hydropower station started in 1981, 40 km south troleum industry. Th e Danish and Greenlandic mining of Nuuk. Th is fi rst major hydropower station began and petroleum sector in Greenland had since the early to supply Nuuk with energy in 1993. During the fol- days of the Home Rule been working with large mining lowing 20 years, Greenland has gradually increased its companies, but the same development had not been production of energy from hydropower plants. seen in the business and industry sector. Th e important Since 2012 when the Ilulissat hydropower station division between these two sectors will be discussed in started, has 70 % of the energy production for the the next chapter. households in Greenland been produced by the hydro- If the aluminium project is realised it will be the power. Th e potential for even an higher percentage of largest industrial project in Greenland so far. Taking energy production that comes from the hydropower that into consideration, it makes sense that the on-go- is documented. It is only waiting for a political deci- ing aluminium project has caused many new actions to sion to start new projects. Th e Aasiaat/Qasigiannguit be taken by the authorities. hydropower plant is expected to be the next non-indus- Th e development of the hydropower sector in Green- trial hydropower plant that is to be built.

NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 91 Table 3: Public hydropower stations in Greenland. The estimated “Cumulated share” is the hydropower; generated energy share of the total consumption of energy in Greenland by domestic housing and smaller industries. The Aasiaat/Qasigiannguit hydropower station is not yet politically decided upon. The preparatory work has been going on since app. 2010. * = estimated. The utilisation rate is calculated on the basis of: (X GWh x 100) / (Y MW x 8,760 hours) = Z %.

Start Cumulated Town MW GWh Utilisation rate year share Nuuk 45.0 MW 192 GWh 48.7 % 1993 39 %

Tasiilaq 1.2 MW 6 GWh 57.1 % 2005 41 %

Qaqortoq/Narsaq 7.2 MW 27 GWh 42.8 % 2007 46 %

Sisimiut 15.0 MW 52 GWh 39.6 % 2010 57 %

Ilulissat 22.5 MW 65 GWh 33.0 % 2013 70 %

Aasiaat/Qasigiannguit 13.0 MW *45 GWh 39.5 % 20?? *88 %

Total 103.9 MW 387 GWh

Th e plans in Greenland on shift ing from 100 % de- consumption of the energy potentials. But in isolated pendency on oil as fuel to as much hydropower as pos- places with huge unutilized energy-potentials with a sible was until the aluminium project was born in 2006 small population, these companies are not exposed to by the inquiry from Alcoa solely focused on production the same type of competition on the consumption of of electricity for domestic housing and smaller indus- the energy. tries. Th e production of hydropower electricity for huge energy intensive industries has not been part of Two separate sets of legislation the previous plans to be realised for constructing the existing hydropower plants. When planning the hy- on the environment dropower plant for Nuuk in the 1980s, it was consid- Th e 1979 regulation about the Home Rule in Green- ered that the hydropower plant also might be able to land operated with three categories of legislation. First, produce energy for an energy intensive industry. A there was the legislation covering the Kingdom of Den- Zinc processing plant was part of the discussions, but mark (Denmark, the Faroe Islands and Greenland) and the project in Nuuk has never had the capacity to pro- with the Danish Parliament, Folketinget, as the sole duce energy for both the households in Nuuk and an legislative body where Greenland and the Faroe Islands energy intensive industry. each are represented by two out of the 179 members. Th e proposed aluminium smelter will be placed 20 Th e legislation within this category is called “rigsan- km north of the town of Maniitsoq. It will be a mid- liggender” – “matters for Danish parliament alone”. It dle size smelter with a capacity of producing around included the currency, the monarchy, the foreign poli- 400,000 tons of aluminium per year when the smelter cy, the armed forces and other areas. is at full production capacity. Th e aluminium project Secondly, there was the legislation covering areas operates with two industrial hydropower stations. Th ey for which the legislative powers could be transferred are to be placed in the inland north east and south east to the Greenland Home Parliament, Landstinget. Th e of Maniitsoq close to the inland ice cap. Th e projected legislation within this category is called “hjemmesty- total capacity for the two industrial hydropower sta- reanliggender” – “matters for Greenlandic parliament tions is 700 MW or 3,000 GWh (utilisation rate of 48.9 alone”. It included areas are like environmental protec- %). As it can be seen from Table 3, it is almost ten times tion, education, social care, health etc. more than the total capacity of all the fi ve existing hy- Finally, there was a very specifi c area of legislation dropower stations in Greenland for households and where the legislative body was the Danish Parliament small industries. but with a Danish Greenlandic commission (“Udvalget Th e proportions that are described here is also an vedrørende mineralske råstoff er i Grønland”) where illustration of why places like Greenland and Iceland both parties had the right of veto. Th e legislation with- are of interest on a global market to these giant inter- in this category is called “fællesanliggender” – “matters national companies with energy intensive productions. for Danish parliament but both parties have the right Almost everywhere in the world, these companies of veto”. It covered the activities in relation to petrole- must compete with the surrounding societies on the um and minerals including environmental protection

92 NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 related to these activities. Th e commission was in the Government of Greenland. In several cases, the nec- beginning placed in Denmark but was moved to the essary procedures have been invented on the run. On Bureau of Minerals and Petroleum (BMP) in Green- the one hand, it illustrates the fl exibility and innova- land in1998. tiveness in a relatively small administration which the Th e historical reason for the third category administration of the Government of Greenland in fact (“fællesanliggender”) was a Danish unwillingness to is with about 600 civil servants all together in the cen- let Greenland get full authority over the petroleum and tral administration. On the other hand, a sever conse- mineral resources in the Greenland subsoil. quence has been that the huge international industrial Because of this division, two set of separate legis- company, Alcoa, in many cases has had an easy play. lation on environmental protection had to be imple- Th ere were in the beginning of the process examples of mented, one within the second category (“hjemmesty- Alcoa directly pointing at which kind of requests they reanliggender”) and one within the third category have been met with in other parts of the world. Just to (“fællesanliggender”). During the 1980s the 1990s and help the administration of the Government of Green- the 2000s, the commission and its administration were land handling Alcoa’s own inquiries. very active attracting foreign oil drilling and mineral At a specifi c public meeting in Nuuk, Alcoa directly mining companies to start operating in Greenland. asked for the NGOs to play a more active role. Natu- Th ey therefore had to develop their own legislation on rally, Alcoa did not request the NGOs to be more ac- environmental protection in relation to the oil drilling tive solely to be a well behaving company. It has from and mineral mining activities. the beginning been in the interest of Alcoa to be pre- Within the second category, the Home Rule imple- pared for as many as possible of the diff erent kinds of mented legislation on environmental protection for all public obstacles the project might run into during the other activities in the society including industry and improvement process. business. However, this Home Rule implemented leg- It has been characteristic for the whole process that islation was not prepared for any major foreign indus- Greenland almost all the time has been tacking behind trial activity in Greenland. as the process has progressed – for good and for bad. When Alcoa in 2006 announced its interest in es- Th e implementation of the strategic environmental as- tablishing an aluminium smelter in Greenland the sessment (SEA) illustrates well both the fl exibility in authorities realised it had to be defi ned as an industry the administration and the fact that the administration within the second category and not as a mining activity has tacked behind. within the third category. At that point, it became clear that Greenland in its Strategic Environmental legislation in the second category was not prepared for that kind of international mega industrial activity. It Assessment applied not only to the legislation regarding the envi- Alcoa’s fi rst contact came in the early spring of 2006. ronmental issues; almost none of the Greenland Home Alcoa made its fi rst preliminary fi eldwork in summer Rule sections were prepared for such major foreign in- 2006. At that initial state, only a few people in the en- dustrial activities in its legislation. tire administration was involved in maturing the con- In consequence of the Greenlandic interest in the tact into a more formal project. Not until the last part realisation of the aluminium project since 2006, huge of 2006, more departments became involved. eff orts have been made in the Greenlandic administra- I December 2006 the Ministry of Environment and tion to modernize and globalise the second category of Planning was assigned to present a preliminary white legislation and bring it up to date and make it capable paper on the possible environmental and societal con- of managing major foreign industrial activities. Th is is sequences of an aluminium smelter in central West a still on-going process. Greenland. Th e white paper was presented for the Par- Th e legislative unpreparedness from the Greenlan- liament in April 2007. One of the main recommenda- dic side towards the introduction of a major foreign tions in the white paper was to conduct a full-scale of industrial activity has permeated the way Greenland strategic environmental assessment (SEA). Th e Parlia- has handled the aluminium project since its very be- ment adopted the white paper, and a SEA process got ginning in 2006. It has been refl ected in a numerous of started right away. ways in the diff erent parts of the administration of the

NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 93 Table 4: The SEA process from 2007 to 2010.

May 2007 SEA start August 2007 Prior public consultations December 2007 Draft SEA in public hearing March 2008 Presentation of fi rst version of the SEA 2008-2009 Further research, data collection analysis January 2010 Final public meetings June 2010 Final version of the SEA

When the SEA process is presented, as it is in Table 4, it Housing and infrastructure looks like it has been planned like that from the very beginning, but that was not the case. On the contrary! Another example of an ad hoc process Greenland has Th e timetable was expanded several times during these experienced during the fi rst years of being seriously ex- three years. At fi rst, the deadline for the fi nal SEA was posed to the global economy is in the fi eld of spatial in spring 2008. As the project matured, not only the planning and specifi cally when it comes to the plan- SEA had to apply for more time and resources. ning of housing and infrastructure in Maniitsoq as Already when the white paper with the recom- part of the aluminium project process. mendation of the SEA was presented, it was clear that Early in the negotiations between Greenland and Greenland had no formal regulation regarding a SEA Alcoa, the question of the fi nancing of the infrastruc- process for industrial projects. In spite of that, the Par- tural development of the town of Maniitsoq came up. liament sanctioned the SEA process to start. At fi rst, Th ese negotiations were placed in the hands of the 100 the SEA budget was around one million DKK. Several % Greenlandic Home Rule owned company Greenland times more resources were allocated and in the end, the Development (GD). GD was created in 2006 with the SEA had had a total budget of 15 million DKK. Th is is only purpose to handle the contact between Alcoa and only to illustrate the dynamics in the SEA process and Greenland. During the aluminium project process, the to show how unprepared the administrative and the construction of GD was changed several times and in political system was for such a task. 2011, GD was terminated as a company. Th e fi nal SEA came up with a series of areas, which With the aluminium smelter established, Maniitsoq potentially will be impact if an aluminium smelter is is estimated to grow with at least 1,000 new inhabit- established. As shown in Table 5, the SEA focused on ants. Housing for these newcomers has to be provided. the environment in a broad sense. Individual and private building and fi nancing would Th e fi nal SEA also recommends a serious screening not be an option in Maniitsoq in the way it had partly and monitoring programs for the following ten years to been in East Iceland in relation to the opening of the be initiated, even before the aluminium smelter would aluminium smelter at Reydarfj ordur. be up and running. Th e recommended screening and In 2008 a commission was established with the task monitoring programs were focused on wild life and to analyse the scale and the planning of the infrastruc- game, on public health, and on regional development. tural development in Maniitsoq. In the commission, None of these programs recommended by SEA seem there were representatives from the Home Rule admin- to have been realised. It might lead to a conclusion that istration and from the municipality, Qeqqata Kommu- the SEA had no eff ect, but that would be too simplifi ed nia (covering the former Sisimiut Kommune and Ma- to conclude. niitsoq Kommune). Anne Merrild Hansen points out in her PhD thesis When the Maniitsoq housing and infrastructure that one of the most important results of the SEA seems commission was set up it became clear that during the to be the illustration of the need to include strategic early negotiations the Greenland negotiating partner, decision making tools “at both the project, programme Greenland Development had accepted the fi nancing and plan levels of decision-making in Greenland to of the infrastructural development of the town of Ma- promote sustainable development” (Hansen 2010,83). niitsoq would be undertaken by the Greenland Home Again, it is visible that Greenland is learning its fi rst Rule. lessons in the fi eld of being integrated in the global In its mandate, the commission was among other economy. elements asked to analyse the total economic conse- quences of the infrastructural development of the town

94 NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 Table 5: The SEA’s list of areas potentially affected by an aluminium smelter (Hansen 2010, 25).

of Maniitsoq. At no point, a possibility of fi nancing by Th is disproportion in the public expense and income Alcoa of the infrastructural development of the town created a concern on the Greenlandic side, but Alcoa of Maniitsoq is mentioned. referred only to the agreement that it already had made Among the work in the commission there were cal- with Greenland Development. Th e commission did not culations showing that the expected public investments reach a fi nal conclusion on how to solve this dispropor- cost for the infrastructural development of the town of tion in the public expense and income in relation to the Maniitsoq would be around two billion DKK during infrastructural development of the town of Maniitsoq. 3-5 years of construction prior to the opening of the al- Th e General Manager (CEO) in Grønlandsbanken uminium smelter. At the same time, the estimated tax Martin Kviesgaard discussed the question of fi nancing revenues from wages related to the aluminium smelter of infrastructural development of the town of Mani- during the period of construction would be about 0.5 itsoq at a conference arranged by Grønlands Økono- billion DKK. miske Råd in January 2013. Here, Martin Kviesgaard

NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 95 Housing and infrastructure in Maniitsoq will include kindergartens for 100 kids, a school for 200 kids, a swimming pool, a cultural centre with a cinema, Early in the process of aluminium project, the work was a football fi eld etc. The possibility of Alcoa fi nancing the done of creating a vision about the new housing and infra- general infrastructure and the housing directly related to structure, which will be needed in the town of Maniitsoq in the aluminium production is not discussed in any of the the operational phase if the aluminium smelter project is reports looking at the need for housing and infrastructure realised. The operational phase is expected to be at least in Maniitsoq. 50 years and may even continue up to 100 years. Neither the vision from 2008 (for good reasons) nor During the operational phase, about 650 permanent the report from 2010 include the results from the mobility jobs are expected at the aluminium smelter and at the study (Rasmussen 2010) which points at interest among hydropower stations. Besides that, another 500 or 600 people to have distance work and to commute between jobs are expected to be created in direct or indirect a home town or settlement and Maniitsoq. 30 % of the relation to the aluminium smelter. It gives all together respondents in the mobility of the study replied that they around 1,200 new jobs (Aluminium 2010; Departementet would be interested in the town they live in now and 2010,6). The needs and challenges during the construc- could commute to and from Maniitsoq if they had a job at tion phase are not discussed here. the aluminium smelter. The possibility of migrant workers In January 2008, two architects Niels Bennetzen and is not discussed in any of the reports looking at the need Anders Lonka delivered a report to Greenland Develop- for housing and infrastructure in Maniitsoq. ment of the infrastructure and housing consequences In the report (redegørelse) to the Greenland Parlia- if the aluminium smelter is realised (Bennetzen and ment, Inatsisartut, in autumn 2010 it is mentioned that in Lonka 2008). In its approach to housing the report has the beginning of the operational phase of the aluminium a traditional smelter and local community integration smelter it is estimated that 50 % of the employed will be scenario – a scenario for building a new town for the new workers from outside of Greenland. The implications of permanent citizens. The visionary parts of the report are this for the planning of housing and infrastructure are not found in the vision of a sustainable new town in harmony discussed in any of the reports looking at the need for with the landscape and the climate and being considered housing and infrastructure in Maniitsoq. as a pioneering example on sustainable spatial planning Today Maniitsoq has a relative big numerical imbal- in Greenland and in the Arctic (Bennetzen and Lonka ance between the sexes with more male than female 2008,51). inhabitants. The challenge with an even larger numerical It is estimated that 40 % of the newcomers will be imbalance than today between men and women when single persons and 60 % will be families. In 2008, an the aluminium smelter is in operation is not discussed in average family is set to 1.72 economically active persons any of the reports looking at the need for housing and (Bennetzen and Lonka 2008,31) whereas it in 2010 is set infrastructure in Maniitsoq. to 1,5 (Departementet 2010,15). As these examples indicate, the visions for the hous- In both reports, the estimate is that the need for ing and infrastructure strategy for the new town in Maniit- new houses in Maniitsoq with the aluminium smelter soq are not much more that qualifi ed and wishful visions in operation is around 450-470 houses. Greenland for a possible growth of Maniitsoq if the aluminium Development has in 2010 estimated the total cost for smelter will be realized at some point in the future. needed infrastructure and housing will be about 2.3 bil- lion. DDK (Aluminium 2010). Besides the houses, that made it clear that it is not realistic to expect public fi - question came up of supplying the town of Maniitsoq nancing of infrastructural development projects in di- with electricity from the industrial hydropower plants rect relation to large-scale industrial projects such as which will be produced electricity for the aluminium Alcoa’s aluminium smelter in Maniitsoq (Kviesgaard production, many in the administration were surprised 2013). to learn that Alcoa could not see any natural logic in Th e shift from early in the project when Greenland providing electricity for the town. Th e amount in ques- Development promised Alcoa a 100 % public fi nancing tion is less than 1 % of the production of the electricity, of the infrastructural development in the town of Ma- but for Alcoa it counted as 1 % lesser production of alu- niitsoq in direct relation to the aluminium smelter, to minium, and Alcoa demanded full compensation for the General Manager (CEO) in Grønlandsbanken is in that loss in the production. 2013 pointing at the impossibility for the Government ‘Normally’ – that means under the logic of the pre- in Greenland to engage in such a huge infrastructural global industrialisation era (the national industrialisa- investment, is just one more example of the fact that tion era) – it would be considered as a natural gesture Greenland even some years into the project process to ensure environmental friendly electricity for the was not fully prepared to deal with an international town, as almost all activities in Greenland during the company as Alcoa and its large-scale industrial project. era of national industrialisation would have the society An equivalent example is that at one point when the of Greenland as its realm of reference.

96 NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 Th is is not necessarily the case when projects are de- of view irrelevant. Th ere is still no fi nal agreement be- veloped during the era of the global industrialisation. tween Greenland and Denmark on the CO2 emission Again, Greenland was not properly prepared for that form a potential aluminium smelter in Greenland. type of challenges when it crystallised in the dialogue Another project related to the SEA is the mobility with Alcoa. study (Rasmussen 2010). Th is study was not planned from the beginning of the process but it became obvi- Chaos or just a dynamic process? ous that Greenland had an acute need for more specifi c knowledge about the past, present and possible future Th e SEA process and the housing and infrastructure mobility trends in Greenland plus in and out of Green- process are only two examples of many, which basically land. illustrate the same; legislation and administrative pro- Th e mobility study revealed new aspects of the mo- cesses were not prepared for such an international in- bility of people in Greenland and of Greenlanders in dustrial project such as the aluminium project. Th e Denmark, which has infl uenced the discussions on mandates were developed as the project progressed and who to expect to be interested and actually be willing to the uncertainty about the division of resort responsi- move to Maniitsoq to work in the aluminium smelter. bility was obvious just to mention a few aspects. It ap- Th e two SEA related studies discussed above point at plied to the Home Rule (later the Self-Government) ad hoc decisions, which have dominated the process in owned external administrative body, Greenland Devel- the aluminium smelter project. Th ere were no general opment. It applied to the internal body in the ministe- plans to relay on from the beginning of the process. rial administration, Den Administrative Koordin- Greenland had to invent the rules of the process along- eringsgruppe (AKG) – the Administrative Coordination side with the progress of the project itself. Group. It applied to the administrative cooperation between the Home Rule (later the Self-Government) and Qeqqata Kommunia (the municipality where the Lack of legitimacy and of aluminium smelter will be placed), and it applied to democratic processes? other initiatives. Th e two SEA related projects mentioned above – the Here, the SEA can serve as an illustration of the LCA and the mobility study – can also throw light on consequences of a missing general plan. Th e mandate another aspect of the aluminium project; the demo- for the SEA was changed at least three times. Another cratic public involvement in the conducted studies and kind of adaption to the developing aluminium project surveys and the political decisions and thus the legiti- was the several related fact fi nding projects, which were macy of the project. launched alongside with the SEA. As indicated in Table 2 four important political deci- One of these related projects was the conducting of sions in the Parliament are involved in the aluminium a life cycle analysis (LCA) (Schmidt and Th rane 2009). project. In April 2007, the fi rst political decision was to Th e conclusions from the LCA fuelled the discussions approve a Memorandum of Understanding with Alcoa. between Greenland and Denmark on the question of Th e second political decision was in April 2008 when it CO2 emissions from the aluminium smelter. Th ese dis- was decided the aluminium smelter will be placed in cussions revealed that there in some aspects still exists Maniitsoq. Th e last two political decisions in the Par- a strong dependency between Denmark and Green- liament about the aluminium smelter will take place at land. In the case of CO2 emission, the offi cial Danish the earliest in spring 2014. It is expected that the Parlia- level of emission, which Denmark has to report to the ment in 2014 will make three important decisions. Th e UN, includes the emissions in Greenland, so Denmark fi rst decision will be about the economic constructions has a very strong opinion on weather or not Greenland around the aluminium smelter and the two hydropow- should increase its CO2 emission with about 100 %. er plants. Th e second decision will be whether Green- In the Danish CO2 budget, Greenland only counts for land will be partner in the smelter and the hydropower about 1 %, but with an ambitious CO2 reduction plan plants or Alcoa will be the sole owner. Th e last decision even 1 % counts for Denmark. will be on the question of giving the fi nal approval to Greenland has – with reference to the LCA – argued the start of the construction of the aluminium smelter. from a global point of view that an aluminium smelter Prior to the fi rst decision in April 2007, there were in Greenland based on hydropower, globally seen, is a no public discussions at all. It was diff erent prior to the much better investment than an aluminium smelter second decision in May 2008. Several stakeholders took in for example China which has its production based part in the public discussions. In spring 2012, the pro- on energy from a coal plant. Denmark fi nds this point

NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 97 ject was again debated in the public media but it led not in Greenland. In that discussion it is oft en neglected to any fi nal political decision, though the fi nal politi- that the present day situation in Iceland is based on cal decision actually at that time was expected to take more than forty years of interaction with international place in 2012. Th ere is obviously reluctance amongst mega industrial projects. many of the politicians to proceed to the fi nal deci- As a fi nal illustration of the segregation between sions. It is diffi cult to point at one specifi c and common “hjemmestyreanliggender” og “fællesanliggender” can reason for this reluctance. be mentioned that during the late 1990 the Bureau of In a study on the decision-making process in spring Minerals and Petroleum (BMP) completed a number 2008 it is concluded, that the timing of the public de- investigations and reports on the impact on the society bate did not correspond with the actual time of the of large-scale industrial activity in Greenland (Jensen real political decision in the Government but was only 1998, Udvalget 1997). But all that did never include any focused on the timing of formal political decision in kind of a broader public hearing or other kinds of pub- the Parliament. Th at created a democratic defi cit com- lic involvement. Th e activities within the framework of pared to how the process could have been with a public BMP did at that time never involve the public. In that debate prior to the reel political decision in the Gov- sense, BMP acted more like an independent and not ernment (Hansen 2009). integrated part of the Greenlandic society, which it ac- Following the ongoing public debate in the early tually also was. spring 2012, it was a similar situation to the public When analysed, the public debate in Greenland in debate in spring 2008. In the public debates, there is some aspects can still be characterised as immature, at still no focus on and no awareness of when the political least concerning the frequency of mutual discussions decisions really are being taken in the Government in based on agreeable facts. Th e discussions are typically relation to when the public debates are going on. In the based on a narrow position pro or against the establish- public there is no awareness of the fact that the de facto ment of the aluminium smelter. political decisions oft en are taken prior to the public Some of the reason for this discussion atmosphere debates on a specifi c subject. must be subscribed to the fact it is the fi rst time such a Here the conclusion must be that the still relatively huge and complex project has been discussed during a fragile culture of public debating in Greenland will number of years. In that respect, it is directly concern- need to be strengthened if a real democratic process is ing that in the latest survey about the general knowl- intended in relation to crucial political discussions and edge about a view on the aluminium project shows that decisions like the aluminium smelter project. Again, it in the fall 2011 only 37 % considered that they well in- can be pointed at the fact that it is the fi rst time the formed about the aluminium project through the me- country is trying to discuss the societal consequences dia. Th at is 1 % less then compared to the fi rst time the of such a huge international industrial project. same question was asked in the same type of survey in At no time in the public discussion, any of the stake- 2007 (HS Analyse 2011). Surely, the press has an im- holders have shown any capability in a constructive portant role to play in the democratic process but in and engaging way to make references to situations else- relation to Greenland a question that might have to be where in similar societies with a limited population in asked is whether the Greenland press has the means to huge sparsely populated areas and a harsh climate. carry out investigative journalism. One example of such a reference could be to the northern parts of Australia. Th e most striking diff er- Future perspectives ence between Northern Australia and Greenland is the average temperatures with Australia being tropical In this paper it has been argued that a number of indi- and Greenland being arctic. Lessons learned from alu- cators point at that Greenland was not fully prepared minium projects in northern Australia might possibly for its fi rst experience with a foreign mega industrial be helpful in the Greenlandic case. In a recent article project when it began in 2006. Th e studies primarily Andrew Taylor et al. are pointing at the fact that al- pointing at that relevant legislation and administrative most none of the local population has maintained a procedures were missing and that the public hearing permanent job in the aluminium industry (Taylor et processes can be improved from a democratic point of al. 2011,17). view. Th e most frequent reference in the public debate is Pointing at these missing elements does not lead to made to the history of the aluminium industry in Ice- a conclusion that Greenland should not inter more in- land. Comparisons are made between the present day tensively into the global industrial market. It is gener- situation in Iceland and the expected coming situation ally conceived as not being a realistic political option in

98 NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 Greenland today. If Greenland is to develop as a modern society there On the other hand, it must be pointed out that still is basically no alternative to entering the global econ- much can be done in order to be better prepared for omy in one way or another. It is the unpreparedness the societal eff ects of the more intensive involvement in in itself politically, administratively and publically that the global industrial market in order for Greenland to attracts most concern from a social science point of be better suited for survival as a unique Arctic sparsely view. populated society.

NORDREGIO REPORT 2013:3 99 References

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Grønlands Økonomiske Råd (2012). Økonomisk Råds Rap- Kviesgaard, Martin (2013). Finansieringsmuligheder og -begræn- port 2012 – naturressourcer som vækststrategi. September sninger. PowerPoint presetation at Grønlands Økonomiske Råds 2012. Grønlands Økonomiske Råd. Miniseminar, Hotel Hans Egede, Nuuk, 19. januar 2013. http://dk.vintage.nanoq.gl/Emner/Landsstyre/Departementer/De- Haagen, Birte (1977). Qutdligssat. En Kulmine i Grønland. partement_for_fi nans_indenrigs/~/media/Naalakkersuisut/Finans/ Om nedlæggelsen af kulbruddet og byen. BH-forlag, eget Okonomisk_Raad/Seminar_19_jan_2013/Martin%20Kviesgaard. tryk. ashx. (Visited July 2013). Hansen, Anne Merrild (2010). SEA effectiveness and power Landstingsforordning (1991). Landstingsforordning nr. 1 af 31. in decision-making. – A casestudy of aluminium production oktober 1991 om andelsboliger. Grønlands Hjemmestyre. in Greenland. Doctoral Thesis. Aalborg 2010. The Danish Centre for Environmental Assessment. Aalborg University. Landstingsforordning (1998). Landstingsforordning nr. 4 af 30. oktober 1998 om bolig-fi nansiering. Grønlands Hjemmestyre. Hansen, Klaus Georg (2006). “Siulliit / De første / The First”, in Carla Rosing Olsen and Samuel Olsen (eds.) Sisimiut 250 Landstingsforordning (2002). Landstingsforordning nr. 5 af 21. 1756-2006 : Ukiuni 250-ini, I 250 år, In 250 years. Sisimiut maj 2002 om omdannelse af Hjemmestyrets og kommunernes Kommune. pp 45-54. udlejningsboliger til ejerboliger. Grønlands Hjemmestyre.

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Artikel 7

Greenlandic perspectives on offshore oil and gas activities – An illustration of changes in the legitimacy related to the democratic decision processes

Hansen (2014a). I Journal of Rural and Community Development, 2014, 9:1, pp 134-154.

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162 Journal of Rural and Community Development Journal of Rural and Community Development

Greenlandic Perspectives on Offshore Oil and Gas Activities – An Illustration of Changes in Legitimacy Related to Democratic Decision Processes

Author: Klaus Georg Hansen

Citation: Hansen, K. G. (2014). Greenlandic perspectives on offshore oil and gas activities – an illustration of changes in legitimacy related to democratic decision processes. Journal of Rural and Community Development, 9(1), 134-154.

Publisher: Rural Development Institute, Brandon University.

Editor: Dr. Doug Ramsey

Open Access Policy: This journal provides open access to all of its content on the principle that making research freely available to the public supports a greater global exchange of knowledge. Such access is associated with increased readership and increased citation of an author's work.

ISSN: 1712-8277 © Journal of Rural and Community Development www.jrcd.ca Journal of Rural and Community Development

Greenlandic perspectives on offshore oil and gas activities – An illustration of changes in legitimacy related to democratic decision processes

Klaus Georg Hansen Head of Institute, Ilimmarfik Institute Ilisimatusarfik, University of Greenland Nuuk, Greenland [email protected]

Abstract Greenland is a young democracy. Home Rule was obtained in 1979 and Self Rule was introduced in 2009. The three eras covering before, during and after Home Rule have had each a set of formal and factual legitimacy related to democratic decision processes. Three campaigns of offshore oil exploration have been conducted, one during each of the three eras. This paper describes and analyses the changes in the legislation about the subsurface in relation to the three campaigns of offshore oil exploration and other significant industrial activities during the three eras. The aim is to further understanding of 1) the shifting conditions for democratic processes and how these shifts have created changes in the legitimacy of the execution of the democratic processes and 2) how pubic legitimacy changes in relation to the industrial activities from era to era. Keywords: Legitimacy, legislation about subsurface, offshore oil exploration, Greenland

1.0 Introduction In his New Year’s speech on 1 January 2013, Greenland’s then Prime Minister Kuupik V. Kleist defined 2012 as a special landmark year for Greenland with direct reference to the two laws on regulation of large scale extraction and industrial activities in Greenland adopted by Inatsisartut (the Greenlandic Parliament) on 7 December 2012 (Greenlandic Law #25, 2012; Greenlandic Law #26, 2012). Since the 1930s Greenland has undergone several major shifts in regards to the execution of democratic processes. This paper describes and analyses the changing conditions for democratic processes which led to Prime Minister Kleist’s statement in 2013.

2.0 Theoretical and Methodological Approach One of the important questions to be asked in relation to shifting conditions for democratic processes is if and how these shifts have created changes in the legitimacy of the execution of the democratic processes. As a theoretical frame, an operationalization of the concept of democracy will be developed. The concept of legitimacy will also be elaborated in order to be used as the measuring instrument to describe the character of the changes in the democratic processes.

ISSN: 1712-8277 © Journal of Rural and Community Development www.jrcd.ca Hansen Journal of Rural and Community Development 9, 1 (2014) 134-154 135

The history of the three eras of changes in legislation about the subsurface of Greenland, together with the three campaigns of offshore oil and gas exploratory drillings west of Greenland, will be used to illustrate the changes in the democratic process. Further, political decision processes about other industrial and planning activities during the three eras will serve as additional illustrations of the changes.

2.1 Democratisation Waves Greenland is one of the newcomers on the list of democratic countries. Huntington (1991) defines three historical waves of democratisation from early 19th century to 1990 (see Table 1).

Table 1. Huntington's Three Waves of Democratisation.

Wave Period Number of Examples democratic countries 1st democratisation wave 1820-1926 29 United Kingdom, USA, France, Denmark 1st reverse wave 1922-1942 12 2nd democratisation wave 1942-1962 36 West Germany, India, Japan 2nd reverse wave 1960-1975 30 3rd democratisation wave 1974-1990 60 Spain, Kenya, Greece, Brazil, Poland, Greenland 3rd reverse wave 1990-? 58

Source: Table adapted by author from Huntington (1991).

Denmark introduced democracy in 1849 and it was thus one of the countries in the first wave to gain democracy. At that time the democratisation process did not include Greenland, which was a Danish colony in the 19th century. Formally, democracy was expanded remarkably in Greenland in 1953 with Greenland being included in the Constitution for the Kingdom of Denmark, but a genuine internal political democratisation process did not begin until the introduction of Home Rule in 1979. Therefore, the democratisation process in Greenland can be seen as a part of the third wave, together with other former colonies.

2.2 Polyarchy In this paper democracy is seen as a form of government in a country which is implemented on several levels in the society. The concept of democracy has been developed over the last 2,500 years. It is only within the last 100 years that democracy has been defined as involving all, or almost all, adult citizens with permanent residence in a country (Dahl, 1999). According to Dahl, a political scientist and leading theorist on modern democracy, it is impossible for a country to exercise a fully ideal democracy. As such, democracy is a theoretical utopia (Dahl, 1989).

Hansen Journal of Rural and Community Development 9, 1 (2014) 134-154 136

From a few basic assumptions regarding democratic political order like autonomy, equality, and fairness, Dahl defines five criteria to be met for a democracy (Dahl, 1989, pp. 107ff): . Effective Participation. Throughout the process of making binding decisions, citizens ought to have an adequate opportunity, and an equal opportunity, for expressing their preferences as to the final outcome. They must have adequate and equal opportunities for placing questions on the agenda and for expressing reasons for endorsing one outcome rather than another (p. 109). . Voting Equality at the Decisive Stage. At the decisive stage of collective decisions, each citizen must be ensured an equal opportunity to express a choice that will be counted as equal in weight to the choice expressed by any other citizen. In determining outcomes at the decisive stage, these choices, and only these choices, must be taken into account (p. 109). . Enlightened Understanding … Each citizen ought to have adequate and equal opportunities for discovering and validating (within the time permitted by the need for a decision) the choice on the matter to be decided that would best serve the citizen’s interest (pp. 111-112). . Control of the Agenda … The demos [people] must have the exclusive opportunity to decide how matters are to be placed on the agenda of issues that are to be decided by means of the democratic process (pp. 112-113). . A justification for inclusiveness … The demos [people] must include all adult members of the association except transients and those proven to be mentally defective (p. 129). As full democracy in the real world according to Dahl, is impossible, he will not talk about countries as democratic. Instead, Dahl (1999) calls a democratically advanced country a polyarchy or a polyarchistic democracy. Dahl distinguishes between “Democracy” as the theoretically ideal democracy, and “Polyarchy” as the real life experienced democracy. The concept of polyarchy was introduced by Dahl and others as early as in 1953 (Dahl & Lindblom, 1953). A polyarchy is defined as a modern political system which is based on six modern political institutions: . Elected officials; . Free, fair, and frequent elections; . Freedom of expression; . Alternative sources of information; . Associational autonomy; and . Inclusive citizenship (Dahl, 1999, p. 85). The degree of the polyarchistic democracy a country's political system has must be measured by how close the country is to the five ideal criteria of a democracy, and by how well the six political institutions are operating.

2.3 Legitimacy In order to qualitatively measure the degree of democracy in the political decision processes in Greenland the level of legitimacy will be analysed as an expression of the closeness to the five ideal criteria and the functioning of six political institutions.

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Legitimacy is here defined as democratic legitimacy. While the concept of democracy has many aspects, the concept of legitimacy also has many aspects. For the analysis of the changes in Greenland, the divisions made by Gammeltoft- Hansen (2013) of democratic legitimacy will be used. In relation to policy making, Gammeltoft-Hansen (2013) defines three different levels of legitimacy: . The level of formal legitimacy; . The level of factual legitimacy; and . The level of public legitimacy. Formal legitimacy refers to whether the political decisions have been performed in accordance with the formal legal rules on the issues and on the decision- making processes. According to the rules, this means that it is the competent bodies which have taken decisions and that the rules governing the process are respected. The rules may be about providing notice on content in an appropriate timeframe, the number of committee discussions to be held, voting, and so on. Formal legitimacy is about whether the decisions taken are lawful or not. This is the hard core part of the concept of legitimacy (Gammeltoft-Hansen, 2013). Factual legitimacy is a little less tangible, but usually it is not without a substantive core. That core is that the factual basis of any policy decision must be well-informed for politicians before they make the decision. Often it is the administration that must ensure that the factual basis is provided. At the same time the policy makers (the politicians) are responsible for asking the civil service for the necessary information and for ensuring that it has been provided. It often involves a process with public consultation or hearings. The politicians are responsible for listening to the information provided and for taking it into account in the final policy decisions (Gammeltoft-Hansen, 2013). Popular legitimacy is the least tangible, but it is far from the least important. Popular legitimacy is about the experiences and reactions of individuals who are affected by political decisions. These decisions may apply locally or within the nation as a whole. It is particularly in this part of the concept of legitimacy that the issues of disclosure, openness, and transparency play an important role. Popular legitimacy of political decisions should not be confused with a clear consensus about the contents of the decisions. A person can, for many reasons, disagree with a policy decision but at the same time recognise that the decision is fully legitimate. When there is disagreement, not only about the content but also about the decision process, popular legitimacy bursts. The legitimacy fails when a citizen cannot see how a decision-making process has advanced, when a citizen is far from certain that it has been a fair process, or when a citizen has a feeling that not all stakeholders and interests have been consulted and taken into account. When the process has not been open or sufficiently open it fails, at which point citizens begin to distrust the process. The result is that the citizens cannot accept the process outcomes, results, resolutions, or votes. It is this case where a political process lacks popular legitimacy. The popular legitimacy is in this sense very closely associated with disclosure, openness, and transparency (Gammeltoft-Hansen, 2013). It is here considered a precondition that the higher degree of formal and factual legitimacy the citizens experience, the higher level of public legitimacy we will typically see. This precondition is based on the assumption that citizens, who might disagree with a given decision which is made, will be more willing to recognise it when they feel they have been properly involved in the debate and

Hansen Journal of Rural and Community Development 9, 1 (2014) 134-154 138 the public process prior to the decision and, that they at least have had their opinions heard and recognised.

3.0 Greenland's Current Major Challenge As pointed out, democracy in Greenland is relatively new. After years of negotiation, Home Rule was introduced in Greenland on 1 May 1979. Thirty years later new negotiations between Greenland and Denmark resulted in Self Rule, which was introduced on 21 June 2009. Greenland is now finding its own place in the Arctic and in the world (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Greenland from an Arctic Perspective.

Source: Hansen et al., 2012, p. 2.

Administratively, Greenland has undergone tremendous changes during the last 35 years. On the national level, a new governmental administration has been created to serve all areas of authority Greenland has taken over from Denmark: infrastructure, education, health, social welfare, trade, and industry, to mention only some of the major areas. On the municipal level, the most significant change has been the reform taking effect since the beginning of 2009. Eighteen municipalities were merged into just four, in combination with a decentralisation of authority. One area of responsibility transferred to the new municipalities was the management of land and planning for every corner of the municipality which, in principle, also includes the huge parts of the Inland Ice. These changes have influenced the performance of the political institutions. Most clearly it has had an effect on the execution of factual legitimacy. Due to the constant transfer of new areas of responsibility from Denmark to Greenland,

Hansen Journal of Rural and Community Development 9, 1 (2014) 134-154 139 it has been difficult from time to time to keep a high level of performance in public administration and to constantly ensure good performance within factual legitimacy. Figure 2 shows the borders for the municipalities in Greenland as from 2009. The 17 red dots on the map of Greenland indicate the main towns in the former municipalities. Only the small former municipality of Ivittuut is not indicated on the map. The administrative restructuring on the municipal level in 2009 was mainly a result of a wish to create a more professional administration and thus a better execution of factual legitimacy. That has been met, but at the same time unexpected heavy criticism has been voiced with reference to a parallel loss in the performance within popular legitimacy.

Figure 2. The Borders for the Municipalities in Greenland as from 2009.

Source: Screen dump from en.nunagis.gl . © Asiaq, © KMS.

In general terms, the economic frames for Greenland have also changed; first with the introduction of Home Rule and most recently with the introduction of Self Rule. During the Home Rule era, the transfer from Denmark was negotiated yearly. The principle was that when Greenland took over responsibility, money followed with the transfer of responsibility. That principle changed in 2009 with

Hansen Journal of Rural and Community Development 9, 1 (2014) 134-154 140 the introduction of Self Rule. Now the block grant is no longer negotiated. The amount is specified by the law on Self Rule. The current principle is that no extra money will follow any transfer of responsibility. A consequence of that change is that growing expenditures (e.g., in relation to the ageing population) must be financed in ways other than increasing the block grant from Denmark. This has put Greenland in a totally new economic situation. Figure 3 illustrates the fiscal challenge for Greenland over the coming 30 years if no changes are introduced. It has forced the country to actively promote new areas of national income in order to counter the projected growth in the public expenditure over the coming years. It is this need for new public revenues which is one of the major parameters on the current political agenda. In response to the need, politicians turned much of their focus to potential new public revenues from development of the extraction industry. To be able to understand the changes of public legitimacy in the process of developing the extraction industry, it is necessary first to understand the changes in the formal legitimacy of the extraction industry in Greenland.

Figure 3. The Fiscal Challenge for Greenland Public Revenue and Expenditure.

Source: GØR, 2012, p. 23 – Author’s translation from Danish.

4.0 Formal Legitimacy Related to the Extraction Industry The first law on onshore and offshore industrial extraction in Denmark was passed in 1932 (Danish Law #27, 1932). As Greenland was a colony of Denmark at that time, the Danish legislation did not automatically apply to Greenland. One way to enforce laws in Greenland was to pass a Royal Decree, and in 1935 such a Royal Decree expanded the 1932 law on industrial extraction to apply to Greenland (Danish Law #153, 1935). In the Royal Decree it was stated as the first sentence in § 1: “Resources in Greenland soil belong to the Danish state” (Minelovskommission, 1963, p. 57 – author's translation from Danish). When the Danish law on industrial extraction was modified in 1950 (Danish Law #181, 1950), it was due to the Royal Decree of 1935 being automatically applicable to Greenland.

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In January 1960 the Ministry for Greenland appointed a commission to prepare a specific law on mineral resources in Greenland. The work of the commission resulted in a law on mineral resources in Greenland in 1965 (Danish Law #166, 1965). The intention of the 1965 law was to create interest in extraction activities in Greenland by foreign mining and oil companies. However, as indicated in Figure 4, not much activity took place during the first years after the introduction of the law. In 1967, the Danish-Canadian company Greenex presented some demands to the Danish authorities before it would start any extraction from the lead and zinc deposits at Maarmorilik near Uummannaq in North Greenland (Dahl, 1986, pp. 27-28). The Danish authorities met the demands which resulted in a revision, in 1969, of the law on mineral resources in Greenland (Danish Law #203, 1969). The primary change was a new clause 3 in Section 17 saying that the concession holder can be granted exemption from tax on earnings from the mining activities (Beretninger, 1968, p. 389). As seen in Figure 4, that small change suited the mining companies well. Figure 4 also shows a significant drop in the large private companies’ interest in Greenland towards the end of the 1970s. The drop can be seen as a combination on one hand, of a natural consequence of the expiring of the exploration permits issued in the first part of the 1970s, and on the other hand, a reluctance among the companies either to extend their existing permits or to apply for new permits.

Figure 4. Number of active private mining and oil companies in Greenland 1966-1980.

Source: Nielsen, 1980, p. 74.

This reluctance among the companies to initiate new activities at the end of the 1970s might have at least two explanations. During more than ten years of exploration, none of the companies succeeded in finding minerals, oil or gas in quantities sufficient to open a mine or an oilfield. The results were disappointing and the companies might have changed their priorities and consequently looked away from Greenland. Another element which probably also played a role in the second part of the 1970s, was the uncertainty about the future political atmosphere in Greenland. In 1975 Denmark had started negotiations with Greenland regarding the constitutional future for Greenland. These negotiations ended with the introduction of Home Rule in Greenland on 1 May 1979. It is likely that the companies anticipated a more politically unstable Greenland or a more unpredictable Greenland. If there is one thing extraction companies try to

Hansen Journal of Rural and Community Development 9, 1 (2014) 134-154 142 avoid, it is instability in the areas where they plan to invest millions of dollars. This scenario with an uncertain political environment in Greenland might have played an important role in the companies’ lack of interest in Greenland towards the end of the 1970s. During the negotiations between Denmark and Greenland in the Commission on Home Rule for Greenland from 1975 to 1978, the question of ownership of minerals and petroleum in the subsoil of Greenland was discussed. Greenland put forward the question of ownership of its subsoil, but Denmark was not willing to include the regulation of the minerals and petroleum in the subsoil of Greenland in the home rule negotiations. As a consequence, two sets of legislation were created to keep the subsoil of Greenland separate from other activities in Greenland. The Danish parliament passed a new law on minerals in Greenland (Danish Law #585, 1978) less than three months before passing the law on home rule in Greenland (Danish Law #56, 1979; Hansen, 2013). The home rule law distinguishes between ‘home rule affairs’ (hjemmestyreanliggender) which were areas of administration that could be transferred to the Greenland Home Rule authorities, and ‘national affairs’ (rigsanliggender) which were areas of administration that could not be transferred to Greenland Home Rule authorities (such as foreign policy, the armed forces, currency, and the Crown). The administration of minerals in Greenland was placed in neither of those two categories. A third and unique category had to be created. This category was called ‘joint affairs’ (fællesanliggender) and the only area of administration in that category was the administration of the subsoil of Greenland. The 1978 law on minerals in Greenland defined how this joint administration of the subsoil of Greenland should be formed and thus introduced a new and unique concept for administration. A committee of an equal number of Greenlandic and Danish parliamentarians was to make decisions on new permits to companies who wished to start operations in Greenland related to extraction of minerals and petroleum. The administration was placed in Denmark and referred to the Danish Minister for Greenland (Nielsen and Larsen, 1985). In 1988, the Danish law #585, passes in 1978 was adjusted for the first time (Danish Law #844, 1988). The principles of sharing any revenues between Denmark and Greenland were changed in favour of Greenland, and the joint Greenlandic-Danish company, Nunaoil A/S (formed in January 1985), was strengthened. In 1991, minor changes were added (Danish Law #335, 1991). Among the changes was an introduction of requirements for providing more information to the public in Greenland about the activities covered by the law on minerals. Again in 1993 (Danish Law #1074, 1993), changes were passed. This time, administrative power related to hydropower activities was moved from joint affairs to home rule affairs. No additional major changes were made to the 1978 law until 1998. In this revision of the law, a fundamental shift in principles was introduced (Danish Law #317, 1998). The administration of the joint affairs was moved from Denmark and a Danish minister, to Greenland and a Greenlandic minister. To take care of this new task in Greenland, the Bureau of Minerals and Petroleum (BMP) was established in 1998 by the Home Rule Government (BMP, 2013). The latest major change in the legislation on minerals in Greenland was passed by the Greenlandic parliament in 2009 (Greenlandic Law #7, 2009), coming into force in 2010. This was the very first time the Greenlandic parliament passed a law regarding the subsoil of Greenland. It had become possible only because of the Self Rule which had come into effect on 21 June 2009 (Danish Law #473,

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2009). In section 2 of that law, it is stated that the Government of Greenland can decide to take over areas of administration mentioned in the appendix to the law. In list II in the appendix, raw materials (råstoffer) is mentioned. In section 98 of the law on minerals in Greenland, it is stated that the existing law regarding minerals in Greenland hereby was terminated (Greenlandic Law #7, 2009). The existing law was the law from 1998 passed by the Danish parliament (Danish Law #317, 1998). This change in Section 98 marked the first time a law passed in the Greenlandic parliament stated that a law passed in the Danish Parliament was terminated; this is one of the main reasons why the law on minerals passed by the Greenlandic parliament in 2009 is epochal. Another reason for the epochal status of the law is that it actually implemented what the then Danish Prime Minister, Anker Jørgensen, had described in November 1976 as a scenario which was impossible and could “not be diced about” (Sørensen, 1983, p. 237 – author’s translation from Danish). The law on minerals in Greenland from 2009 (Greenlandic Law #7, 2009) was merely a law allowing Greenland to take over the full responsibility for the subsurface from Denmark beginning 1 January 2010. It was not until December 2010 that this frame was filled out with operational content. This was accomplished by the creation of two laws on regulation of large scale extraction and industrial activities in Greenland, adopted by Inatsisartut (the Greenlandic Parliament) on 7 December 2012 (Greenlandic Law #25, 2012; Greenlandic Law #26, 2012). The 2009 law (Greenlandic Law #7, 2009) was epochal in the sense that Greenland formally took over the responsibility for minerals. The 2010 laws (Greenlandic Law #25, 2012; Greenlandic Law #26, 2012) were epochal in that the legal right for Greenland to rule over its subsurface finally became possible in praxis. It was not until 2010 that it became possible to start the actual planning for ensuring public revenues from the extraction industries. This is why in his New Year’s speech on the 1 January 2013, Greenland’s then Prime Minister, Kuupik V. Kleist, defined the laws adopted in December 2012 as representing such a special landmark for Greenland. It was only with the adoption of these laws that Greenland was truly in charge of the potential values in the subsurface of Greenland. This process is continuing as the Greenlandic Parliament in spring 2014 will discuss some changes in the Greenlandic Law #26 (2012) (Greenlandic Law #xx, 2013). Summing up, the description of the legislation on extraction industries in Greenland from the first regulation in 1935 to the present has shown a gradual shift from full Danish political control until 1979, after which there were several stages of shared or common political control among Denmark and Greenland in the Joint Committee on Mineral Resources in Greenland (1979-2010), to full Greenlandic political control beginning in 2010. From an economic perspective, there has been a similar shift from a solely Danish economic advantage through several stages of shared economic advantage. Initially, during the years of Home Rule, Denmark received most of the advantage. With the introduction of Self Rule, Greenland now has more advantage.

5.0 Three Eras of Formal Legitimacy The political process within the three eras of formal legitimacy identified above can be illustrated through the industrial extraction activities over the years. Here the focus will be on the three offshore oil and gas exploration campaigns and four other significant activities – the concession for Maamorilik, the closing of Qullissat, the onshore oil drilling, and the inquiry by Alcoa.

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In Greenland, industrial activities related to minerals for export have existed at least since 1856 when the Danish state issued the first concession for extraction of cryolite in Ivittuut, south of Paamiut, on the west coast of Greenland. Another early concession for extraction of minerals in Greenland was issued to the Danish businessman, Julius Bernburg, in 1902. He opened his first mine, a copper and lead mine, in 1904 (Bro, 1991). Fossil fuels (coal, gas, and oil) were also extracted. The coal deposits on the island of Disco and the peninsula, Nuussuaq, in West-Central Greenland, were utilised during the period 1778-1972. No concessions were issued as the colonial authorities were responsible for the coal mining. Through the years 1905-1924, coal mining took place at Qaassuarsuk. Mining operations were then moved to Qullissat, which had an active coal mine from 1924 to 1972 (Fægteborg, 2013, p. 71). The coal mines served as a local source of secure energy in Greenland. In the beginning of the 1970s, the Danish authorities considered the coal mine in Qullissat to be outdated and in 1972 they closed the mine and the town (Haagen, 1977). The Maarmorilik mining operation close to Uummannaq in North Greenland is an interesting case. Since 1933, five different companies have received an exploration license (see Table 2).

Table 2. Companies which have owned the Maarmorilik Mine. Date Company Product Notes mines 1933-1940 The Danish state Marble moved from Appat to Maarmorilik in 1936 1966-1971 Greenland Stone A/S Marble 1972-1990 Greenex (owned by Zinc and lead Cominco and from 1986 by Boliden) 1997-1998 Platinova Zinc and lead No production 2007- Angus & Ross Zinc and lead No production present (Angel Mining) Suspended 2013

Source: Author.

It was not until Greenex started production in 1972 that the extraction activities had more than a peripheral influence on Greenlandic society (Rasmussen, 2010, p. 165; Dahl, 1977). The presence of crude oil in Greenland had been noticed earlier by the Inuit and by colonial authorities. Crude oil was seeping from the rocks on the Nuussuaq peninsula. Historically, the local Inuit made some use of it in their households. In 1993 a test drilling was made by the state, but there has never been any real commercial interest in these natural oil leaks (Christiansen, 1999). Only one year after the closing down of the coal mine in Qullissat in 1973, the "oil price shock" hit the world. It led the Danish authorities to intensify their efforts in attracting international oil companies and in 1975, the Danish authorities issued six permits for offshore oil exploratory drillings west of Sisimiut. That was the first campaign of offshore exploratory drillings for oil and gas west of central Greenland. During 1976-1977, five exploratory drillings were completed. In 2000, a second campaign of offshore exploratory drillings

Hansen Journal of Rural and Community Development 9, 1 (2014) 134-154 145 hit the west coast of Greenland. It resulted in only one offshore exploratory drilling. A third – and until now the latest – campaign of offshore exploratory drillings for oil and gas west of central Greenland resulted in eight exploratory drillings during 2010-2011 (see Figure 5). None of these fourteen exploratory drillings which took place west of Greenland from 1976 to 2011 have, however, resulted in any oil findings of commercial interest.

Figure 5. Some of Greenland's Oil Exploration Areas in 2010-2011, West of Disko Island.

Source: Saunders, 2010 – originally: Financial Times.

The cases of mining in Maarmorilik and Qullissat and the onshore drilling in Nuussuaq have been mentioned above. They represent industrial activities other than offshore drilling during the 50 year period analysed here. One more case not related to offshore drilling must be included. In spring 2006 American aluminium producing company, Alcoa, approached the Greenland Home Rule administration. Alcoa was interested in starting a negotiation process with the Greenland administration and its politicians to develop an aluminium smelting industry in Greenland. The process is still going on, and as of 10 April 2014 no final decision on initiating the construction of an aluminium smelter has been made by the politicians. This process has been epochal in relation to designing the disclosure, openness, and transparency so crucial to fulfilling public legitimacy. Legislation has been developed alongside the progress in the negotiations. The administration has gradually been introduced to more and more aspects of this kind of industrial development – global industrial development. For almost all levels of Greenland society, this has been the first learning experience with the large scale industrial global market (Hansen, 2013; Hansen and Rasmussen, 2013).

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Table 3 summarizes the relationship between industrial activities and formal legitimacy, with a focus on the last 50 years of industrial activities.

Table 3. The Three Eras of Formal Legitimacy Related to the Extraction Industry.

Primary political reference Offshore Other Law Era oil industrial (Year & no) Campaigns activities Denmark Common Greenland

D 1932 #27 1971 Externally D 1935 #157 Maarmorilik 1976-1977 ruled D 1950 #181  5 drillings -1979 D 1965 #166 1972 D 1969 #203 Qullissat D 1978 #585  D 1979 #56 1993 Home Rule 2000 D 1988 #844 1 onshore 1979-2010 1 drilling D 1991 #335 drilling D 1993 #1074  D 1998 #317 D 2009 #473 G 2009 #7 Self Rule G 2012 #25  2010-2011 2006 2010-present G 2012 #26 8 drillings Alcoa G 2013 #xx

Source: Author.

6.0 Public Legitimacy Related to the Three Eras The level of public legitimacy is related partly to formal legitimacy (legislation), the form of the democratic decision process. Public legitimacy is also partly related to factual legitimacy (well-informed and inclusive politicians, consultations and hearings with the public, contracts and concessions to the companies, etc.), the content of the legislation, and the way it is conducted. Here, public legitimacy will be analysed within the frame of the three eras of formal legitimacy. The analysis will be illustrated with the empirical cases which have been discussed.

6.1 Public Legitimacy During the Externally Ruled Era In 1976-1977, when the first offshore oil exploration campaign hit Greenland, legislation from 1969 was in force. The administration of the industrial interests in the subsoil of Greenland was purely a Danish domain. The law passed in 1965 (Danish Law #166, 1965) was the first law directly focused on the mineral and petroleum extraction industries in Greenland. It had granted the Greenlandic parliament, the Landsrådet, a right to be consulted on matters included within the law. When the draft of the Danish law was in consultation in the Landsrådet in 1964, the Landsrådet only suggested some minor changes to the draft. Not even the first sentence in the first section stating “All minerals in Greenland belong to the state” (Beretninger, 1964, p. 89 – author’s translation from Danish) was mentioned by the Landsrådet. There was no debate in the Landsrådet about the law. It was unanimously adopted and there was no public involvement by the authorities during the decision process.

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When the draft of the law to be passed by the Danish parliament in 1969 (Danish Law #203, 1969) was put forward in the Landsrådet in 1968, there was very little discussion about the draft. It was clear that the only change compared to the 1965 law was that a new section stated that the concession holder could be granted exemption from paying tax on earnings from the mining activities. A member of the Landsrådet, Jørgen F.C. Olsen, suggested that the Landsrådet stressed it agreed to the intentions stated in the note from Denmark that any net profit should be taxed 50 % “because the former mineral extraction industries in Greenland had been of too little benefit to Greenland” (Beretninger, 1968, p. 151 – author’s translation from Danish). Mr. Olsen was the only one who dared giving his opinion on the subject. It is clear from the minutes of the meeting that the Danish representative at the meeting was very eager to get the approval from the Landsrådet and that the Landsrådet was basically in favour of some development within the extraction industry. The Danish authorities did not involve the public in any way during the 1968-1969 decision process. In the Greenlandic newspapers during the 1960s, no major debate concerning either of the two laws nor the content of the laws took place. The public did not show much interest in the subject at the time. From the beginning of the 1970s the political landscape in Greenland changed. One of the earliest indications of a changing political landscape was the election of Moses Olsen as one of the two Greenlandic members of the Danish parliament in the 1971 election. In the same year, there was also an election for the Greenlandic parliament, the Landsrådet, and at this election new political icons like Jonathan Motzfeldt and Lars Emil Johansen were elected for the first time. In 1972, the political scene in Greenland was first marked by the closing down, by the Danish authorities of the coal mine and the town of Qullissat (see Haagen, 1977). Furthermore, on 2 October 1972, Denmark voted on membership into the European Union. The Kingdom of Denmark voted yes, and as Greenland was an integrated part of the Kingdom of Denmark it also became part of the European Union. This was despite the fact that 70.2 % of the vote casts in Greenland were “no” votes (Dahl, 1986). On the other hand, the opening of the Maarmorilik mine in western Greenland in 1972 which occurred without any formal public involvement in the decision process, was not met with massive protests. When the Danish authorities in 1975 issued six permits for offshore oil exploratory drillings west of Sisimiut, it created a massive wave of protests from the public as well as from the Greenlandic parliament. On 19 March 1975, young Greenlanders living in Copenhagen occupied the Ministry for Greenland as a direct protest against the political process for permitting. There had not been any organised public debate by the Danish authorities prior to the issuing of the permits. The permits were put forward by the Danish authorities to the outgoing Landsrådet in March 1975, just one month before a new election. In an atmosphere of promises and threats from the Danish authorities, the outgoing Landsrådet ended by accepting the permits (Dahl, 1986, p. 65). The young Greenlanders living in Copenhagen protested that the Danish authorities would not wait for the approval from the Landsrådet until after the election to be held 10 April 1975 (Dahl, 1986, p. 65). There were also protests in Greenland. For example, in Sisimiut a demonstration against the exploratory drillings west of Sisimiut was organised. Figure 6 shows some examples of protest posters from a protest demonstration in Sisimiut in 1975. The texts are in Greenlandic and in Danish. The English translations are:

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“Save our people! NO to the oil base”, “Welcome you obedient servant of the imperialists!”, “Do you still have to use the colonialists’ dictatorial methods?” and “No oil activities on our fishing banks!”

Figure 6. Examples of Protest Posters from a Protest Demonstration in Sisimiut in 1975.

Source: © Sisimiut Museum, Greenland.

The many public protests against the exploratory drillings were followed up by action by the Landsrådet. In the autumn of 1975 the Landsrådet adopted a resolution saying “the Greenlandic subsoil and its wealth belong to the resident population” (Dahl, 1986, p. 67 – author’s translation from Danish). During 1976, the disagreements between Denmark and Greenland regarding the ownership of the subsoil of Greenland became even clearer. At the political summer conference in Aasivik in 1976, a resolution was adopted demanding a free and independent Greenland (Jûlut, 1976, p. 26). In October and November 1976, the Danish Prime Minister, Anker Jørgensen, visited Greenland. He met with much frustration from the Greenlanders and in an interview broadcast on the news on the national radio, Kalaallit Nunaata Radioa (KNR), Jørgensen felt it necessary to make his opinion very clear by saying: “There is nothing to be diced about. If you demand the ownership to the subsoil in Greenland then you also have to say you wish to cut the ties to Denmark” (KNR, 1976 – author’s translation from Danish). In November 1977, the Greenlandic mining workers at Maarmorilik went on strike demanding equal wage for equal work. Because of the introduction of the "birth criteria", it had been normal to pay a lower wage to people 'born in Greenland' compared to people 'born outside of Greenland'. The strike was widely supported by the Greenlandic elite regardless of their own political preferences (Dahl, 1986, p. 38), and it resulted in equal wages at the Maarmorilik mine. Sinding (1993, p. 148) defines legal legitimacy in the period before the legislation in 1965 (Danish Law #166, 1965) as a "regulatory vacuum".

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Symptomatically, during the early part of the first era we see an almost non- existent public legitimacy. It changes dramatically in the 1970s with the development of public involvement, primarily through the new political parties. They were facing a frame for factual legitimacy with almost no guidelines for formal involvement of the public in the decision making process to ensure at least a minimum of consultation for the purpose of incorporating other opinions into the process. In the 1970s the Greenlandic involvement is characterised by protesting. In the beginning, the opinions included all kinds of arguments which were not too well- structured. Eventually, the protests developed into the creation of the first political parties with broad support from the population (see Dahl, 1986).

6.2 Public Legitimacy During the Home Rule Era When the second campaign of offshore oil exploration reached Greenland in 2000 the legislation and political atmosphere was very much different from how it had been 24 years earlier. The law from 1976 had been revised four times (in Danish Law #844, 1988; Danish Law #335, 1991; Danish Law #1074, 1993; Danish Law #317, 1998). The administration of the subsoil of Greenland was now categorized as a joint affair (fællesanliggende). The most significant revision was in the 1998 law (Danish Law #317, 1998) which had moved the administration from Denmark to Greenland. Shortly thereafter, the Bureau of Minerals and Petroleum (BMP) was established as a consequence of the changes. In 1998 a new, second round of offshore exploratory drillings was issued. In the Greenlandic parliament, the application for issuing the licences prompted some discussions, but the parliament authorised BMP to proceed and sign the contracts. There was some coverage of the issue in the press, but it did not generate that much attention. The exploratory drillings did not create much activity on land in the Greenlandic harbours, nor much attention in general. The legislation did not require any formal involvement of the public in the decision process and no consultation or hearing of any kind took place. Formal legitimacy was met, but public legitimacy was not. Because of the way the decision process was handled, it created no public ownership to the issued permits for offshore exploration. The same picture can be seen with the onshore oil exploration activities in 1993 on the peninsula of Nuussuaq. The first decades of the Home Rule era can be described as a period of transition in which the political actors had to adjust their political discussion from focusing on an external authority, in the shape of the Danish colonial authorities, to focusing on an internal authority. During the first decades of Home Rule the political party in power, Siumut, partly succeeded in addressing political disagreements as a question of being pro or against the Greenlandic Home Rule. The rhetoric 'either you are with us or you are against us' had huge influence on the factual legitimacy in the way that public debates did not develop into an elaborated and inclusive democratic decision process. As in the first era, public involvement changed towards the end of the era. During the Home Rule era, the trigger was the inquiry by Alcoa in 2006. I have earlier argued that the inquiry by Alcoa in 2006 can be seen as the ultimate introduction of the principles of global industrialisation to the Greenlandic society (Hansen, 2013). The political decision process in relation to the aluminium smelter project changes dramatically from 2006 until 2010. In a remarkable way the basic frame for developing a modern factual legitimacy in Greenland was created. A single

Hansen Journal of Rural and Community Development 9, 1 (2014) 134-154 150 example is provided: Despite having no legislative basis for a Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA), the parliament decided that a SEA would be conducted in relation to the aluminium smelter project (see Hansen, 2010). Parallel to the development of factual legitimacy and with the intention of supporting public legitimacy in society, public opinion became much more broadly organised through the creation of NGOs.

6.3 Public Legitimacy During the Self Rule Era The third campaign of offshore activities started just after the 2009 law (Danish Law #473, 2009) had come into force. Obviously, most of the negotiations and preparations had taken place under the old regime, but the activities did not begin until 2010. In 2010 and 2011, the atmosphere surrounding the offshore activities was very different from the past in relation to the political attitude, public opinion, and the activities of the companies involved. This time, Greenlanders were hired as workers and given relevant further education through special courses. The companies also placed activities onshore, which the town of Aasiaat especially welcomed and, benefited from. Offshore activities have been followed closely by politicians, NGO’s, the public and the press. The companies involved have created headlines in the Greenlandic press on their activities elsewhere in the world. Since around 2005, public legitimacy seems to have changed in its attitude. NGOs in Greenland have become stronger and some have been opposing the municipalities’ interests in attracting new activities to their areas with the prospect of creating new jobs. The political parties do not always agree on how to react to issues related to offshore activities such as deep water drilling, the risk of a major environmental disaster, and so on. In 2013 we are still in the early stages of the Self Rule era. What we see within the formal and factual legitimacy is a further development of the principles of disclosure, openness, and transparency (see i.e. Hansen et al. 2009; Aaen, 2012). This can be illustrated by the draft of the suggested changes to the law from 2010 (Greenlandic Law #26, 2012) which was sent in public consultation in December 2013. The suggested changes are setting up frames for public involvement in the political decision processes. In the area of public legitimacy, we now see a consolidation of the NGO's operating in Greenland. For example, Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC) created a strategic partnership with World Wildlife Fund in Denmark and in 2013, a number of NGOs joined forces during the consultation and hearings covering a possible mine closure of Narsaq in South Greenland. Olsen and Hansen (2014) have analysed public participation in 2012 in preparation for a possible forth campaign of offshore activities northwest of Greenland. They show that NGOs, to a higher degree than the general public, emphasise a need for public participation to influence decision-making (Olsen and Hansen, 2014). This supports the findings that NGOs are becoming better organised compared to just a few years earlier. The characteristics for three eras of legal legitimacy in Greenland are summed up in Table 4.

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Table 4. The Three Eras of Formal Legitimacy Related to Changes in Public Legitimacy. Character of Content of Level of Era formal factual legitimacy public legitimacy legitimacy No regulations Non-existent. Externally on disclosure, In the 1970s ruled External authority openness, and organised through -1979 transparency political parties Weak regulations Low involvement. Home Rule Common on disclosure, From 2006 a 1979-2010 authority openness, and professionalization transparency of NGOs Developing Self Rule regulations on Broad involvement. 2010- Internal authority disclosure, NGOs better present openness, and organised. transparency

Source: Author.

7.0 Conclusions The analysis of three eras with different frames for legal legitimacy has shown that the political decision processes during the past 50 years have changed dramatically. The process has grown from an uninvolved Greenlandic population, through a period of protest from a publically and politically active Greenlandic population with no formal influence, to a current Greenlandic population with full control over the subsurface of Greenland and a protesting external Danish public and political opinion with no formal influence. This is the essence of why former Prime Minister Kleist, in his New Year’s speech on 1 January 2013, defined 2012 as a special landmark year for Greenland. Finally, this study suggests that a growing formal political influence on a certain issue in a postcolonial context might create space for an increasing number of voices and a diversity of positions in public debates and in decision making processes. The requirement for more disclosure, openness, and transparency in democratic processes is one of the key issues raised in this paper. Public legitimacy is still not very strong in Greenland. It is obvious that this does not appear by itself with the passage of laws. The point here is that a growing formal political influence can facilitate larger public awareness and thus a more elaborate public debate and hopefully, a much stronger public legitimacy. This does not necessarily go together though. The general political atmosphere has to be open to the basic democratic values – autonomy, equality, and fairness – otherwise, growing formal political influence might result in the development of a society with weaker public legitimacy.

References Aaen, S. B. (2012). Democratic legitimacy in consultation processes associated with large-scale projects in Greenland – mini-report. Nuuk, Greenland: The Employers’ Association of Greenland.

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