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Chichen Itza Coordinates: 20°40ʹ58.44ʺN 88°34ʹ7.14ʺW from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Chichen Itza Coordinates: 20°40ʹ58.44ʺN 88°34ʹ7.14ʺW From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Chichen Itza ( /tʃiːˈtʃɛn iːˈtsɑː/;[1] from Yucatec Pre-Hispanic City of Chichen-Itza* Maya: Chi'ch'èen Ìitsha',[2] "at the mouth of the well UNESCO World Heritage Site of the Itza") is a large pre-Columbian archaeological site built by the Maya civilization located in the northern center of the Yucatán Peninsula, in the Municipality of Tinúm, Yucatán state, present-day Mexico. Chichen Itza was a major focal point in the northern Maya lowlands from the Late Classic through the Terminal Classic and into the early portion of the Early Postclassic period. The site exhibits a multitude of architectural styles, from what is called “In the Mexican Origin” and reminiscent of styles seen in central Mexico to the Puuc style found among the Country Mexico Puuc Maya of the northern lowlands. The presence of Type Cultural central Mexican styles was once thought to have been Criteria i, ii, iii representative of direct migration or even conquest from central Mexico, but most contemporary Reference 483 (http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/483) interpretations view the presence of these non-Maya Region** Latin America and the Caribbean styles more as the result of cultural diffusion. Inscription history The ruins of Chichen Itza are federal property, and the Inscription 1988 (12th Session) site’s stewardship is maintained by Mexico’s Instituto * Name as inscribed on World Heritage List. Nacional de Antropología e Historia (National (http://whc.unesco.org/en/list) Institute of Anthropology and History, INAH). The ** Region as classified by UNESCO. -
The Toltec Invasion and Chichen Itza
Other titles of interest published by Thames & Hudson include: Breaking the Maya Code Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs Angkor and the Khmer Civilization India: A Short History The Incas The Aztecs See our websites www.thamesandhudson.com www.thamesandhudsonusa.com 7 THE POSTCLASSIC By the close of the tenth century AD the destiny of the once proud and independent Maya had, at least in northern Yucatan, fallen into the hands of grim warriors from the highlands of central Mexico, where a new order of men had replaced the supposedly more intellectual rulers of Classic times. We know a good deal about the events that led to the conquest of Yucatan by these foreigners, and the subsequent replacement of their state by a resurgent but already decadent Maya culture, for we have entered into a kind of history, albeit far more shaky than that which was recorded on the monuments of the Classic Period. The traditional annals of the peoples of Yucatan, and also of the Guatemalan highlanders, transcribed into Spanish letters early in Colonial times, apparently reach back as far as the beginning of the Postclassic era and are very important sources. But such annals should be used with much caution, whether they come to us from Bishop Landa himself, from statements made by the native nobility, or from native lawsuits and land claims. These are often confused and often self-contradictory, not least because native lineages seem to have deliberately falsified their own histories for political reasons. Our richest (and most treacherous) sources are the K’atun Prophecies of Yucatan, contained in the “Books of Chilam Balam,” which derive their name from a Maya savant said to have predicted the arrival of the Spaniards from the east. -
3569 A. Cucina 29 42.Qxd
JASs Invited Reviews Journal of Anthropological Sciences Vol. 83 (2005), pp. 29-42 Past, present and future itineraries in Maya bioarchaeology Andrea Cucina & Vera Tiesler Facultad de Ciencias Antropológicas, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, km 1 Carretera Merida-Tizimin, 97305 Merida, Yucatán, Mexico; e-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Summary – During the first half of the last century, studies of Maya skeletal remains gave emphasis mainly to head shaping and dental decoration, while little or no attention was bestowed to the ancient Maya’s skeletal biology and bioarchaeology. It was not until the late 1960’s and early 1970’s that more comprehensive approaches started visualizing this ancient society from its biological and cultural aspects by perceiving skeletal remains as a direct indicator of past cultural interactions. The recent growth in skeletal studies was also a natural consequence of the emergence of “bioarchaeology” as a specific discipline. From then on, increasing numbers of studies have been carried out, applying more and more sophisticated and modern techniques to the ancient Maya skeletal remains. This works attempts to briefly review the research history on Maya skeletal remains, from the pioneering works in the 1960’s to the development of more conscientious approaches based on theoretical, methodological and practical concepts in which the individual is the basic unit of biocultural analysis. Although, ecological issues and the biological evidence of social status differences still remain central cores in Maya bioarchaeology, new methodologically and topically oriented approaches have proliferated in the last years. They contribute to the development of a more complete, wide-angled view of the intermingled biological and cultural dynamics of a population that has not disappeared in the past and that continues to raise the interest of scholars and the public in general. -
Bibliography
Bibliography Many books were read and researched in the compilation of Binford, L. R, 1983, Working at Archaeology. Academic Press, The Encyclopedic Dictionary of Archaeology: New York. Binford, L. R, and Binford, S. R (eds.), 1968, New Perspectives in American Museum of Natural History, 1993, The First Humans. Archaeology. Aldine, Chicago. HarperSanFrancisco, San Francisco. Braidwood, R 1.,1960, Archaeologists and What They Do. Franklin American Museum of Natural History, 1993, People of the Stone Watts, New York. Age. HarperSanFrancisco, San Francisco. Branigan, Keith (ed.), 1982, The Atlas ofArchaeology. St. Martin's, American Museum of Natural History, 1994, New World and Pacific New York. Civilizations. HarperSanFrancisco, San Francisco. Bray, w., and Tump, D., 1972, Penguin Dictionary ofArchaeology. American Museum of Natural History, 1994, Old World Civiliza Penguin, New York. tions. HarperSanFrancisco, San Francisco. Brennan, L., 1973, Beginner's Guide to Archaeology. Stackpole Ashmore, w., and Sharer, R. J., 1988, Discovering Our Past: A Brief Books, Harrisburg, PA. Introduction to Archaeology. Mayfield, Mountain View, CA. Broderick, M., and Morton, A. A., 1924, A Concise Dictionary of Atkinson, R J. C., 1985, Field Archaeology, 2d ed. Hyperion, New Egyptian Archaeology. Ares Publishers, Chicago. York. Brothwell, D., 1963, Digging Up Bones: The Excavation, Treatment Bacon, E. (ed.), 1976, The Great Archaeologists. Bobbs-Merrill, and Study ofHuman Skeletal Remains. British Museum, London. New York. Brothwell, D., and Higgs, E. (eds.), 1969, Science in Archaeology, Bahn, P., 1993, Collins Dictionary of Archaeology. ABC-CLIO, 2d ed. Thames and Hudson, London. Santa Barbara, CA. Budge, E. A. Wallis, 1929, The Rosetta Stone. Dover, New York. Bahn, P. -
Centeredness As a Cultural and Grammatical Theme in Maya-Mam
CENTEREDNESS AS A CULTURAL AND GRAMMATICAL THEME IN MAYA-MAM DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Wesley M. Collins, B.S., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2005 Dissertation Examination Committee: Approved by Professor Donald Winford, Advisor Professor Scott Schwenter Advisor Professor Amy Zaharlick Department of Linguistics Copyright by Wesley Miller Collins 2005 ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I look at selected Maya-Mam anthropological and linguistic data and suggest that they provide evidence that there exist overlapping cultural and grammatical themes that are salient to Mam speakers. The data used in this study were gathered largely via ethnographic methods based on participant observation over my twenty-five year relationship with the Mam people of Comitancillo, a town of 60,000 in Guatemala’s Western Highlands. For twelve of those years, my family and I lived among the Mam, participating with them in the cultural milieu of daily life. In order to help shed light on the general relationship between language and culture, I discuss the key Mayan cultural value of centeredness and I show how this value is a pervasive organizing principle in Mayan thought, cosmology, and daily living, a value called upon by the Mam in their daily lives to regulate and explain behavior. Indeed, I suggest that centeredness is a cultural theme, a recurring cultural value which supersedes social differences, and which is defined for cultural groups as a whole (England, 1978). I show how the Mam understanding of issues as disparate as homestead construction, the town central plaza, historical Mayan religious practice, Christian conversion, health concerns, the importance of the numbers two and four, the notions of agreement and forgiveness, child discipline, and moral stance are all instantiations of this basic underlying principle. -
Maya Medicine*
MAYA MEDICINE* by FRANCISCO GUERRA THE traditional dependence of the European historian on cultural patterns developed by Mediterranean civilizations tends to disregard pre-Columbian achievements in the New World. Our main cultural stream had its source around the 3rd millennium B.C. in the Nile, Euphrates and Indus valleys, when the oldest civilizations developed an agriculture based on artificial irrigation. Egyptians and Hindus worked metals, used beasts of burden and the plough, and established a system of writing; the Sumerians added to all these technical achievements the principle of the wheel. New World Civilizations In that far-off age the American Indians were still migrating southwards and establishing themselves in territories where domestication of maize became possible. To the three great American civilizations-Maya, Aztec and Inca- the wheel, the plough, iron implements, and the use of beasts of burden remained unknown until the arrival of the Europeans, although the Inca made limited use of the llama. A true system of writing going beyond pictographic representation was attained only by the Maya, but the Aztec reached the greatest military and political power without any such advances. Despite these technical limitations the pre-Columbian Americans could claim in a few instances some intellectual superiority over the Old World. The Maya possessed a philosophical outlook on life, a sense of balance, of architectural perfection and an unquestioned mathematical accomplishment which made them, so to speak, the Greeks of the New World. In the same way, the political enterprises of the Aztecs may be compared with those of the Romans; and carrying the simile a step farther we could find a parallel of agressiveness between Incas and Carthaginians. -
Adoring Our Wounds: Suicide, Prevention, and the Maya in Yucatán, México
Adoring Our Wounds: Suicide, Prevention, and the Maya in Yucatán, México By Beatriz Mireya Reyes-Cortes A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Professor Stanley Brandes, Chair Professor William F. Hanks Professor Lawrence Cohen Professor William B. Taylor Spring 2011 Adoring our Wounds: Suicide, Prevention, and the Maya in Yucatán, México Copyright 2011 by Beatriz Mireya Reyes-Cortes Abstract Adoring Our Wounds: Suicide, Prevention, and the Maya in Yucatán, México By Beatriz Mireya Reyes-Cortes Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology University of California, Berkeley Professor Stanley S. Brandes The first decade of the 21st century has seen a transformation in national and regional Mexican politics and society. In the state of Yucatán, this transformation has taken the shape of a newfound interest in indigenous Maya culture coupled with increasing involvement by the state in public health efforts. Suicide, which in Yucatán more than doubles the national average, has captured the attention of local newspaper media, public health authorities, and the general public; it has become a symbol of indigenous Maya culture due to an often cited association with Ixtab, an ancient Maya ―suicide goddess‖. My thesis investigates suicide as a socially produced cultural artifact. It is a study of how suicide is understood by many social actors and institutions and of how upon a close examination, suicide can be seen as a trope that illuminates the complexity of class, ethnicity, and inequality in Yucatán. In particular, my dissertation –based on extensive ethnographic and archival research in Valladolid and Mérida, Yucatán, México— is a study of both suicide and suicide prevention efforts. -
Mayan Medicine: Rituals and Plant Use by Mayan Ah-Men
MAYAN MEDICINE: RITUALS AND PLANT USE BY MAYAN AH-MEN by Kaylee Doemel Submitted to the Faculty of The Archaeological Studies Program Department of Sociology and Archaeology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science University of Wisconsin-La Crosse 2013 Copyright © 2013 by Kaylee Doemel All rights reserved II MAYAN MEDICINE: RITUALS AND PLANT USE BY MAYAN AH-MEN Kaylee Doemel, B.S. University of Wisconsin-La Crosse, 2013 Mayan civilization is a great example of a culture that was able to live off of the land and thrive using the resources around them. This paper looks at ah-men healers in Classic Mayan societies. It examines the plants and rituals used when curing illnesses and how we can observe this in the archaeological record. Classic Mayan ideology is also looked at in regards to its connection to ah-men and medicine, looking at ah-men's position in society due to the knowledge that they possessed. This paper also examines modern Mayans today and the ancient healing techniques that they practice. With this information, looking at what seemed to work and not work for curing different illnesses in Classic Mayan societies, modern medicine may become more natural, using plants and other resources available to cure illnesses. III ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to say a special thanks to my thesis advisor Dr. David A. Anderson and my reader Dr. Timothy McAndrews for all the help and encouragement in this process. I would also like to thank my writing group members Brittany Viviani and Kristine Fitzpatrick for all of their help and input while writing this paper. -
The PARI Journal Vol. XVI, No. 2
ThePARIJournal A quarterly publication of the Ancient Cultures Institute Volume XVI, No. 2, Fall 2015 In This Issue: For Love of the Game: For Love of the The Ballplayer Panels of Tipan Chen Uitz Game: The Ballplayer Panels of in Light of Late Classic Athletic Hegemony Tipan Chen Uitz in Light of Late Classic CHRISTOPHE HELMKE Athletic Hegemony University of Copenhagen by CHRISTOPHER R. ANDRES Christophe Helmke Michigan State University Christopher R. Andres Shawn G. Morton and SHAWN G. MORTON University of Calgary Gabriel D. Wrobel PAGES 1-30 GABRIEL D. WROBEL Michigan State University • The Maya Goddess One of the principal motifs of ancient Maya ballplayers are found preferentially at of Painting, iconography concerns the ballgame that sites that show some kind of interconnec- Writing, and was practiced both locally and through- tion and a greater degree of affinity to the Decorated Textiles out Mesoamerica. The pervasiveness of kings of the Snake-head dynasty that had ballgame iconography in the Maya area its seat at Calakmul in the Late Classic (see by has been recognized for some time and Martin 2005). This then is the idea that is Timothy W. Knowlton has been the subject of several pioneering proposed in this paper, and by reviewing PAGES 31-41 and insightful studies, including those some salient examples from a selection • of Stephen Houston (1983), Linda Schele of sites in the Maya lowlands, we hope The Further and Mary Miller (1986:241-264), Nicholas to make it clear that the commemoration Adventures of Merle Hellmuth (1987), Mary Miller and Stephen of ballgame engagements wherein local (continued) Houston (1987; see also Miller 1989), rulers confront their overlord are charac- by Marvin Cohodas (1991), Linda Schele and teristic of the political rhetoric that was Merle Greene David Freidel (1991; see also Freidel et al. -
“Sin Fuego”: Caso Parque Nacional Lagunas De
doi.org/10.21640/ns.v12i25.2414 Ciencias Humanas y Sociales El nacimiento de los “Sin fuego”: caso Parque Nacional Lagunas de Montebello, Chiapas, México The birth of the "Sin fuego" people: a case study in Lagunas de Montebello National Park, Chiapas, Mexico Laura Patricia Ponce Calderón1 Guadalupe del Carmen Álvarez Gordillo1 Gabriela Vera Cortés1 Iokiñe Rodríguez Fernández2 Dante Arturo Rodríguez Trejo3 José Villanueva Díaz4 1 El Colegio de la Frontera Sur, Departamento de Sociedad y Cultura, México 2 Universidad de East Anglia, Escuela de Desarrollo Internacional, Norwich, Inglaterra 3 Universidad Autónoma Chapingo, División de Ciencias Forestales, Estado de México, México 4 INIFAP CENID-RASPA, Laboratorio de Dendrocronología, Gómez Palacio, Durango Autora para correspondencia: Laura Patricia Ponce Calderón, E-mail: [email protected] Resumen Introducción: El objetivo de esta investigación es comprender los cambios en las prácticas de uso del fuego en dos comunidades indígenas del Parque Nacional Lagunas de Montebello, Chiapas, México, donde a raíz de la implementación de políticas públicas sobre la supresión del uso del fuego, se han presentado repercusiones sociales y ecológicas. El incendio de 1998 ha sido considerado como el punto de quiebre para los cambios y tensiones que están ocurriendo actualmente en la región. Método: Se realizaron 66 entrevistas semiestructuradas y a profundidad a pobladores de dos comunidades indígenas ubicadas dentro (Tziscao) y fuera (Antelá) del Parque. Los temas tratados fueron: las experiencias durante el incendio de 1998; las políticas públicas en torno al uso del fuego; y la voz de la comunidad para comprender quiénes son, dónde y cómo se ha producido el nacimiento de los “Sin fuego”. -
STORIES TOLD in BONE Trained in Both Medicine and Archaeology, Vera Tiesler Has Revealed Unknown Sides of Life in the Maya World
STORIES TOLD IN BONE Trained in both medicine and archaeology, Vera Tiesler has revealed unknown sides of life in the Maya world. BY ERIK VANCE 168 | NATURE | VOL 566 | 14 FEBRUARY 2019©2019 Spri nger Nature Li mited. All ri ghts reserved. ©2019 Spri nger Nature Li mited. All ri ghts reserved. FEATURE NEWS he Autonomous University of the Yucatán, in the Mexican neglected to inform her parents, who eventually called Interpol in a panic. city of Mérida, holds one of the most comprehensive libraries “I saw Mexico in a way that I fell in love with,” she says. on Earth. But few books line the shelves on the bottom floor They made plans to get married, but her fiancé died suddenly in 1987 of the anthropological sciences building. Instead, boxes are while Tiesler was in Germany studying medicine. She vowed to go to stacked from floor to ceiling in almost every corner of the Mexico and do what he always wished he could — become an archae- Tlaboratory, with labels naming Calakmul, Pomuch or Xcambo and other ologist. Against the wishes of her family, she enrolled at the National ancient Maya ruins. Inside every box is a set of human bones. Polytechnic Institute in Mexico City and has lived in Mexico ever since. Bodies from some 2,000 burials are stored here, with another 10,000 Tiesler finished her medical degree in Mexico and later earned her records of others in a database. The remains of some of the most famous doctorate in anthropology from the National Autonomous University of Maya kings have passed through this room at the university. -
De Ixchiguán, San Marcos, Guatemala
Ciencia, Tecnología y Salud ISSN: 2409-3459 Vol. 4 Num. 2 jul/dic 2017 Directorio / Board-Staff Dennis Guerra-Centeno Director de la revista Facultad de Medicina Veterinaria y Zootecnia, Usac, Guatemala Gerardo Leonel Arroyo Catalán Hugo Roberto Muñoz Roldan Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Facultad de Odontología, Usac, Guatemala Editor en jefe Oscar Federico Nave Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Gerardo Leonel Arroyo Catalán Hilda Elena Valencia Marroquín de Abril Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Editor Adjunto Patricia Velez-Möller Facultad de Ciencias Médicas, Usac, Guatemala Armando Cáceres Estrada Consejo Editorial Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Mary Almanzar Santos Editor invitado de este número Universidad Autonoma de Santo Domingo, Dario A. Navarrete Gutiérrez República Dominicana Laboratorio de Análisis de Información Geográfica y Carolina Arévalo Valdéz Estadística, El Colegio de la Frontera Sur, México Instituto Guatemalteco de Seguridad Social, Guatemala Byron Calgua Co-editores y Asistente Naciones Unidas, Suiza Augusto Saúl Guerra Gutiérrez Silvia Duran Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Universidad Autonoma de Nicaragua (Unan-Leon), Nicaragua María del Rosario Godínez y Godínez Sistema de Estudios de Postgrado, Usac, Guatemala Fenrando García-Santamaría Andrea Eunice Rodas Morán Universidad de Costa Rica (UCR), Costa Rica Dirección General de Investigación, Usac, Guatemala Cristian