Maya Medicine*
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AND FOREIGN SIGNS in MAYA WRITING Erik Boot
LOANWORDS, “FOREIGN WORDS,” AND FOREIGN SIGNS IN MAYA WRITING Erik Boot Introduction The script now generally referred to as Maya writing had its origin in southeastern Mesoamerica, in an area encompassing the present coun- tries of Mexico (the states of Chiapas, Tabasco, Campeche, Yucatan, and Quintano Roo), Belize, Guatemala, and the western parts of Honduras and El Salvador. The earliest now known example of Maya writing dates from circa the fourth to second century bce and was discovered in April of 2005 at the site of San Bartolo, Guatemala (Saturno et al. 2006). Classic Maya writing (circa 250–1000 ce) represented the different Classic Mayan languages through a mixed writing system or script that contained both syllabograms and logograms, i.e., signs that rep- resented syllables (e.g., ’a, ba, ma) and complete words (e.g., K’IN, TUN, YOPAT).1 In total some 650 to 700 signs were developed. In 1 In this essay the following orthography will be employed: ’, a, b, ch, ch’, e, h, j, i, k, k’, l, m, n, o, p, p’, s, t, t’, tz, tz’, u, w, x, and y. In this orthography the /h/ represents a glottal aspirate or glottal voiced fricative (/h/ as in English “house”), while /j/ represents a velar aspirate or velar voiced fricative (/j/ as in Spanish “joya”) (Grube 2004a). In this essay there is no reconstruction of complex vowels based on disharmonic spellings (compare to Houston, Stuart & Robertson 1998 [2004] and Lacadena & Wichmann 2004, n.d.; for counter proposals see Kaufman 2003 and Boot 2004, 2005a). In the transcription of Maya hieroglyphic signs uppercase bold type face letters indicate logograms (e.g., TUN), while lowercase bold type face letters indicate syllabic signs (e.g., ba). -
The Toltec Invasion and Chichen Itza
Other titles of interest published by Thames & Hudson include: Breaking the Maya Code Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs Angkor and the Khmer Civilization India: A Short History The Incas The Aztecs See our websites www.thamesandhudson.com www.thamesandhudsonusa.com 7 THE POSTCLASSIC By the close of the tenth century AD the destiny of the once proud and independent Maya had, at least in northern Yucatan, fallen into the hands of grim warriors from the highlands of central Mexico, where a new order of men had replaced the supposedly more intellectual rulers of Classic times. We know a good deal about the events that led to the conquest of Yucatan by these foreigners, and the subsequent replacement of their state by a resurgent but already decadent Maya culture, for we have entered into a kind of history, albeit far more shaky than that which was recorded on the monuments of the Classic Period. The traditional annals of the peoples of Yucatan, and also of the Guatemalan highlanders, transcribed into Spanish letters early in Colonial times, apparently reach back as far as the beginning of the Postclassic era and are very important sources. But such annals should be used with much caution, whether they come to us from Bishop Landa himself, from statements made by the native nobility, or from native lawsuits and land claims. These are often confused and often self-contradictory, not least because native lineages seem to have deliberately falsified their own histories for political reasons. Our richest (and most treacherous) sources are the K’atun Prophecies of Yucatan, contained in the “Books of Chilam Balam,” which derive their name from a Maya savant said to have predicted the arrival of the Spaniards from the east. -
Bibliography
Bibliography Many books were read and researched in the compilation of Binford, L. R, 1983, Working at Archaeology. Academic Press, The Encyclopedic Dictionary of Archaeology: New York. Binford, L. R, and Binford, S. R (eds.), 1968, New Perspectives in American Museum of Natural History, 1993, The First Humans. Archaeology. Aldine, Chicago. HarperSanFrancisco, San Francisco. Braidwood, R 1.,1960, Archaeologists and What They Do. Franklin American Museum of Natural History, 1993, People of the Stone Watts, New York. Age. HarperSanFrancisco, San Francisco. Branigan, Keith (ed.), 1982, The Atlas ofArchaeology. St. Martin's, American Museum of Natural History, 1994, New World and Pacific New York. Civilizations. HarperSanFrancisco, San Francisco. Bray, w., and Tump, D., 1972, Penguin Dictionary ofArchaeology. American Museum of Natural History, 1994, Old World Civiliza Penguin, New York. tions. HarperSanFrancisco, San Francisco. Brennan, L., 1973, Beginner's Guide to Archaeology. Stackpole Ashmore, w., and Sharer, R. J., 1988, Discovering Our Past: A Brief Books, Harrisburg, PA. Introduction to Archaeology. Mayfield, Mountain View, CA. Broderick, M., and Morton, A. A., 1924, A Concise Dictionary of Atkinson, R J. C., 1985, Field Archaeology, 2d ed. Hyperion, New Egyptian Archaeology. Ares Publishers, Chicago. York. Brothwell, D., 1963, Digging Up Bones: The Excavation, Treatment Bacon, E. (ed.), 1976, The Great Archaeologists. Bobbs-Merrill, and Study ofHuman Skeletal Remains. British Museum, London. New York. Brothwell, D., and Higgs, E. (eds.), 1969, Science in Archaeology, Bahn, P., 1993, Collins Dictionary of Archaeology. ABC-CLIO, 2d ed. Thames and Hudson, London. Santa Barbara, CA. Budge, E. A. Wallis, 1929, The Rosetta Stone. Dover, New York. Bahn, P. -
Centeredness As a Cultural and Grammatical Theme in Maya-Mam
CENTEREDNESS AS A CULTURAL AND GRAMMATICAL THEME IN MAYA-MAM DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Wesley M. Collins, B.S., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2005 Dissertation Examination Committee: Approved by Professor Donald Winford, Advisor Professor Scott Schwenter Advisor Professor Amy Zaharlick Department of Linguistics Copyright by Wesley Miller Collins 2005 ABSTRACT In this dissertation, I look at selected Maya-Mam anthropological and linguistic data and suggest that they provide evidence that there exist overlapping cultural and grammatical themes that are salient to Mam speakers. The data used in this study were gathered largely via ethnographic methods based on participant observation over my twenty-five year relationship with the Mam people of Comitancillo, a town of 60,000 in Guatemala’s Western Highlands. For twelve of those years, my family and I lived among the Mam, participating with them in the cultural milieu of daily life. In order to help shed light on the general relationship between language and culture, I discuss the key Mayan cultural value of centeredness and I show how this value is a pervasive organizing principle in Mayan thought, cosmology, and daily living, a value called upon by the Mam in their daily lives to regulate and explain behavior. Indeed, I suggest that centeredness is a cultural theme, a recurring cultural value which supersedes social differences, and which is defined for cultural groups as a whole (England, 1978). I show how the Mam understanding of issues as disparate as homestead construction, the town central plaza, historical Mayan religious practice, Christian conversion, health concerns, the importance of the numbers two and four, the notions of agreement and forgiveness, child discipline, and moral stance are all instantiations of this basic underlying principle. -
The Mayan Gods: an Explanation from the Structures of Thought
Journal of Historical Archaeology & Anthropological Sciences Review Article Open Access The Mayan gods: an explanation from the structures of thought Abstract Volume 3 Issue 1 - 2018 This article explains the existence of the Classic and Post-classic Mayan gods through Laura Ibarra García the cognitive structure through which the Maya perceived and interpreted their world. Universidad de Guadalajara, Mexico This structure is none other than that built by every member of the human species during its early ontogenesis to interact with the outer world: the structure of action. Correspondence: Laura Ibarra García, Centro Universitario When this scheme is applied to the world’s interpretation, the phenomena in it and de Ciencias Sociales, Mexico, Tel 523336404456, the world as a whole appears as manifestations of a force that lies behind or within Email [email protected] all of them and which are perceived similarly to human subjects. This scheme, which finds application in the Mayan worldview, helps to understand the personality and Received: August 30, 2017 | Published: February 09, 2018 character of figures such as the solar god, the rain god, the sky god, the jaguar god and the gods of Venus. The application of the cognitive schema as driving logic also helps to understand the Maya established relationships between some animals, such as the jaguar and the rattlesnake and the highest deities. The study is part of the pioneering work that seeks to integrate the study of cognition development throughout history to the understanding of the historical and cultural manifestations of our country, especially of the Pre-Hispanic cultures. -
Adoring Our Wounds: Suicide, Prevention, and the Maya in Yucatán, México
Adoring Our Wounds: Suicide, Prevention, and the Maya in Yucatán, México By Beatriz Mireya Reyes-Cortes A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Professor Stanley Brandes, Chair Professor William F. Hanks Professor Lawrence Cohen Professor William B. Taylor Spring 2011 Adoring our Wounds: Suicide, Prevention, and the Maya in Yucatán, México Copyright 2011 by Beatriz Mireya Reyes-Cortes Abstract Adoring Our Wounds: Suicide, Prevention, and the Maya in Yucatán, México By Beatriz Mireya Reyes-Cortes Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology University of California, Berkeley Professor Stanley S. Brandes The first decade of the 21st century has seen a transformation in national and regional Mexican politics and society. In the state of Yucatán, this transformation has taken the shape of a newfound interest in indigenous Maya culture coupled with increasing involvement by the state in public health efforts. Suicide, which in Yucatán more than doubles the national average, has captured the attention of local newspaper media, public health authorities, and the general public; it has become a symbol of indigenous Maya culture due to an often cited association with Ixtab, an ancient Maya ―suicide goddess‖. My thesis investigates suicide as a socially produced cultural artifact. It is a study of how suicide is understood by many social actors and institutions and of how upon a close examination, suicide can be seen as a trope that illuminates the complexity of class, ethnicity, and inequality in Yucatán. In particular, my dissertation –based on extensive ethnographic and archival research in Valladolid and Mérida, Yucatán, México— is a study of both suicide and suicide prevention efforts. -
Mayan Medicine: Rituals and Plant Use by Mayan Ah-Men
MAYAN MEDICINE: RITUALS AND PLANT USE BY MAYAN AH-MEN by Kaylee Doemel Submitted to the Faculty of The Archaeological Studies Program Department of Sociology and Archaeology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science University of Wisconsin-La Crosse 2013 Copyright © 2013 by Kaylee Doemel All rights reserved II MAYAN MEDICINE: RITUALS AND PLANT USE BY MAYAN AH-MEN Kaylee Doemel, B.S. University of Wisconsin-La Crosse, 2013 Mayan civilization is a great example of a culture that was able to live off of the land and thrive using the resources around them. This paper looks at ah-men healers in Classic Mayan societies. It examines the plants and rituals used when curing illnesses and how we can observe this in the archaeological record. Classic Mayan ideology is also looked at in regards to its connection to ah-men and medicine, looking at ah-men's position in society due to the knowledge that they possessed. This paper also examines modern Mayans today and the ancient healing techniques that they practice. With this information, looking at what seemed to work and not work for curing different illnesses in Classic Mayan societies, modern medicine may become more natural, using plants and other resources available to cure illnesses. III ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to say a special thanks to my thesis advisor Dr. David A. Anderson and my reader Dr. Timothy McAndrews for all the help and encouragement in this process. I would also like to thank my writing group members Brittany Viviani and Kristine Fitzpatrick for all of their help and input while writing this paper. -
A Teacher's Guide to the Ancient MAYA
DIGGING DEEPER: A TEACHER’S GUIDE TO THE ANCIENT MAYA Lesson Plans for Grades 6–8 CONTENTS The information on the following pages is intended to support the Digging Deeper Lesson Plans, with particular reference to the Maya Civilization/City States Unit. HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY 3 PEOPLE AND SOCIETY 5 ART AND TECHNOLOGY 7 RITUAL AND BELIEF 9 MAJOR CITY-STATES: 11 CHICHEN ITZA 13 COPAN 15 CARACOL 17 PALENQUE 19 TIKAL 21 CALAKMUL 23 UXMAL 25 TULUM 27 RESEARCH GUIDE 29 Digging Deeper Lesson Plans © J&P Voelkel 2014. Not to be reproduced for sale or profit. www.jaguarstones.com A TEACHER’S GUIDE TO THE ANCIENT MAYA 3 HISTOry AND GEOgraphy The ancient Maya civilization was an advanced pre-Columbian society, which began on the Yucatan peninsula sometime before 1500 B.C. It entered its Classic period around 250 CE, when the Maya adopted a hierarchical system of government and established a patchwork of city-states across what is now Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, Honduras and El Salvador. Each city-state operated as an independent feudal fiefdom, with its own ceremonial center, urban areas and rural farming community. Over the course of the next 800 years, individual city-states rose and fell as they constantly warred with one another over territory, resources, and political influence. Building on the accomplishments of earlier civilizations such as the Olmec, the Maya set about bringing high culture to the teeming jungles of Mesoamerica. They constructed palaces, observatories and dizzying pyramids that soared above the rainforest canopy. In major cities like Tikal, there were as many as 10,000 individual structures ranging from ornately decorated temples to thatched huts – all built without metal tools, wheels or beasts of burden. -
Newsletter Issue #11, February 2016
THE ICCA CONSORTIUM NEWSLETTER ISSUE #11 – FEBRUARY 2016 EDITORIAL By Grazia Borrini-Feyerabend, ICCA Consortium Global Coordinator Dear colleagues in the ICCA Consortium, This is a short editorial because I have offered an article for this Newsletter that is long enough to tax your patience…! I will just recall a few initiatives and perspectives for the Consortium that emerged in the last months and are Planning meeting of South America and Central America staff and unfolding. Among those: the Solidarity Steering Committee members of the ICCA Consortium in Olon (Ecuador), Action and Fund for the Defenders of the 8 December 2016 © Lorena Arce Commons and ICCAs (SAFE for short), which is still in gestation but promises to be an important element of our work (see the dedicated article on the subject) and the Global Call to Action on Indigenous and Community Land Rights—an important attempt at creating a critical mass for change towards securing collective land rights. About the latter, the organisations Members of the Consortium may wish to go to the campaign site, read the call, think it through, and possibly sign-up for the campaign individually. The Consortium as an association is still under discussion with the ILC Secretariat to see what our best role can be and how we should proceed. We are considering providing a focus to link collective rights and conservation results, and to stress solidarity with the defenders of the commons and ICCAs. In fact, let me explicitly ask for your advice: shall we join the Call to Action? Are the mentioned issues the appropriate ones to stress? A meeting to take further steps on the initiative will take place in Bern (Switzerland) in conjunction with the European Regional Meeting of the International Society for the Study of the Commons (IASC) on 10-13 May, 2016. -
The PARI Journal Vol. XVI, No. 2
ThePARIJournal A quarterly publication of the Ancient Cultures Institute Volume XVI, No. 2, Fall 2015 In This Issue: For Love of the Game: For Love of the The Ballplayer Panels of Tipan Chen Uitz Game: The Ballplayer Panels of in Light of Late Classic Athletic Hegemony Tipan Chen Uitz in Light of Late Classic CHRISTOPHE HELMKE Athletic Hegemony University of Copenhagen by CHRISTOPHER R. ANDRES Christophe Helmke Michigan State University Christopher R. Andres Shawn G. Morton and SHAWN G. MORTON University of Calgary Gabriel D. Wrobel PAGES 1-30 GABRIEL D. WROBEL Michigan State University • The Maya Goddess One of the principal motifs of ancient Maya ballplayers are found preferentially at of Painting, iconography concerns the ballgame that sites that show some kind of interconnec- Writing, and was practiced both locally and through- tion and a greater degree of affinity to the Decorated Textiles out Mesoamerica. The pervasiveness of kings of the Snake-head dynasty that had ballgame iconography in the Maya area its seat at Calakmul in the Late Classic (see by has been recognized for some time and Martin 2005). This then is the idea that is Timothy W. Knowlton has been the subject of several pioneering proposed in this paper, and by reviewing PAGES 31-41 and insightful studies, including those some salient examples from a selection • of Stephen Houston (1983), Linda Schele of sites in the Maya lowlands, we hope The Further and Mary Miller (1986:241-264), Nicholas to make it clear that the commemoration Adventures of Merle Hellmuth (1987), Mary Miller and Stephen of ballgame engagements wherein local (continued) Houston (1987; see also Miller 1989), rulers confront their overlord are charac- by Marvin Cohodas (1991), Linda Schele and teristic of the political rhetoric that was Merle Greene David Freidel (1991; see also Freidel et al. -
Recycling and Reconfiguring: Metalwork of Maya Communities at Lamanai and Tipu, Belize
Ancient Mesoamerica, 28 (2017), 157–181 Copyright © Cambridge University Press, 2017 doi:10.1017/S0956536116000365 RECYCLING AND RECONFIGURING: METALWORK OF MAYA COMMUNITIES AT LAMANAI AND TIPU, BELIZE Bryan R. Cockrella and Scott E. Simmonsb aThe Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1000 5th Ave., New York, New York 10028 bUniversity of North Carolina Wilmington, Department of Anthropology, 601 S. College Road, Wilmington, North Carolina 28403 Abstract Analysis of the two largest southern Maya lowland metal assemblages, from Lamanai (n = 187) and Tipu (n = 99), Belize reveals that Mesoamerican and European technologies were negotiated through the processes of recycling objects to create new forms and juxtaposing objects of different provenances for bodily ornamentation. Lamanai’s occupants began acquiring metal as early as a.d. 1100 and then engaged in on-site metallurgy as early as a.d. 1450, continuing into the early seventeenth century. Tipu was a nexus for metals between the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. At both sites, metal objects were recovered primarily from human burials and midden deposits. A program of typological study and compositional analysis revealed forms shared between the sites but evidence of on-site metallurgy is supported only at Lamanai. Metals from these Maya communities, both centers of Spanish reducción, demonstrate that the southern Maya lowlands was by no means a “refuge” from Spanish aggression. INTRODUCTION understanding of Maya life in the southern lowlands at the time of Spanish contact and beyond (Graham 1991, 2004; Graham et al. In the Maya area, studies of material culture have often focused on 1989; Jones 1989, 1998; Pendergast 1981, 1985, 1986, 1993). -
The History of Latin America (930L)
EBSCOhost Page 1 of 3 Record: 1 Title: The History of Latin America. Authors: Goldman, Phyllis Barkas Source: Monkeyshines on Central & South America; 1995, p4-5, 2p, 1 map, 2 bw Document Type: Article Subject Terms: CIVILIZATION, Hispanic ETHNOLOGY -- America CIVILIZATION -- Indian influences CIVILIZATION -- History CULTURE IMPERIALISM Geographic Terms: LATIN America Abstract: The history of Latin America starts with three of the greatest Indian civilizations that have ever existed: the Maya, the Inca, and the Aztec empires. The Mayan civilization inhabited Guatemala and the Yucatan Peninsula during the 4th to the 11th centuries A.D. The Mayans developed a great empire composed of cities and temples. The Mayan culture is present today in their legacy of amazing sculptures, hieroglyphic writing, and pottery found in pyramids and temples around Central America. The Incans are a sophisticated pre-Columbian tribe of Peruvian Indians found in the Andes. Lexile: 930 Full Text Word Count:605 ISBN: 0-9620900-9-3 Accession Number: 12545559 Database: MAS Ultra - School Edition The History of Latin America The history of Latin America starts with three of the greatest Indian civilizations that have ever existed: the Maya, the Inca, and the Aztec empires. Mayas The Mayan civilization inhabited Guatemala and the Yucatan Peninsula during the 4th to the 11th centuries A.D. The Mayans developed a great empire composed of cities and temples. In the temple of Chichen Itza, people worshipped the Mayan gods of corn, bean, rain, wind, and cotton. The Mayans burned tobacco in their temples, because they believed that the smell would please their gods.