Chain of Command

ABSTRACT Patron-client relations created strong socio-political bonds in Democratic Kampuchea (DK). These relations were even stronger and more stable when members of the networks were related, as occurs in the Southwest Zone, where cadres were mostly related to Zone Secretary Chhit Choeun aka Mok either directly or indirectly. Every citizen, both cadres and ordinary people, were aware that life during DK was fragile, and was even more in the later stage of the regime, and this caused people to have stronger ties to powerful persons. In the DK administrative systems, the cadres from each hierarchically administrative unit were closely interrelated and orders were strictly implemented by chain of administrative command in a top- down hierarchical system. Orders were issued from the closest higher echelon and from higher to lower-ranking cadres within each unit. For instance, districts issued orders to sub-districts and within districts orders were issued from secretary to deputy. Orders were followed without fail. Cadres of higher and lower echelons respected each other’s decisions. In the beginning of the regime, when there were many former Lon Nol officials, soldiers and other obvious “enemies,” and it was clear that there were orders from the top to eliminate them, cadres at all levels of the structure made the decisions to kill these enemies. As the regime proceeded, fears among the cadre increased and the number of obvious targets decreased; therefore, cadres were more submissive to their patrons and orders were implemented more strictly. Before late 1976 or early 1977, power was based in the village level where village committees controlled everything in the villages. During this period, village committees played a very important role in reporting suspected enemies up the chain of command. But then from 1977 until the regime collapsed in 1979, village committees were less powerful as power was shifted to sub-district committees, who played important roles to oversee people and report enemies’ activities up to district committees. Orders to kill people were then implemented by sub-district militia units. Starting from 1977, accused persons were checked in order to look for other strings of networks before they were executed. Therefore, low-ranking cadres were reluctant to get rid of those accused and preferred reporting alleged enemies up the chain of command. This thesis documents this change over time in the Southwest Zone, exploring the process whereby people lived or died based upon their ties or “strings” to particular patrons. The thesis elaborates on who were considered “insiders” and “outsiders” by the regime, and how trust between patrons and loyal clients are keys to understanding the culture of terror inside the DK regime. i NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY DEMOCRATIC KAMPUCHEA: CHAIN OF COMMAND AND SOCIOPOLITICAL STRUCTURE OF THE SOUTHWEST ZONE A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE MASTER OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY BY SOCHEAT NHEAN DEKALB, ILLINOIS MAY 2010 Committee Members: Judy Ledgerwood, Susan Russell and Kenton Clymer ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am indebted to support, encouragement and advice from both institutions and individuals. This thesis would not have been possible without that support and encouragement. As I think back to two and a half years ago when I started my days at Northern Illinois University, many names and faces appear in my mind. In the first place, I wish to express my deep and sincere gratitude to my professor and academic supervisor, Dr. Judy Ledgerwood, who has kindly helped and devotedly guided me from the beginning of my study in anthropology in 2003 in Phnom Penh and at NIU. She has patiently taught and instructed me on how to be a better student at this American university. Also, I am indebted to her husband, Dr. Kheang Un, for his openness and hospitality during my stay in DeKalb, which is thousands of miles from home. Another person to whom I owe gratitude is my director, Youk Chhang, who partly provided financial assistance to cover my expenses for this study and who has taught me a great deal since I started working at the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) in May 2004. I would like to thank my committee members, Dr. Kenton Clymer and Dr. Susan Russell, who helped me with their insightful ideas and invaluable knowledge. I also thank the staff at the Department of Anthropology, Kathleen Truman, Ruth Chaplin, Rachel Pierce and my professors for their warm welcome, hospitality and help in academic matters. My thanks also go to the Cataloguing Department of Founders Library who taught me and offered me a job for my last year at NIU. iii I also convey my thanks to Dr. David Chandler, Dr. Alex Hinton, Dr. Tom La Ponte and Dr. Nela Navarro for their advice, support and comments on my thesis and research. Also thanks to Sedara Kim for his advice dating back to 2002 when I first met him. I also owe thanks to many individuals who made my time at NIU pleasant, enjoyable and comfortable. My thanks go to Kheang Leang and his family, Ann Wright-Parsons, Ashleigh Boyd, Sovatha Ann, Vicheth Hoy, Sokbunthoeun So, Soveacha Ros, Pisith Phlong, Sangha Seng, Russell and Erika Bishop, Sochetra Chhuon, Sowath Rana and other classmates in the anthropology department. My thanks goes to my colleagues, especially the magazine team, at the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam), who created a wonderful atmosphere for me to write and to focus on the thesis. They encouraged me to work harder so that I could finish my thesis quickly in order to return to DC-Cam to work with them again. Thanks to Terith Chy, Sopheak Sim, Bunthorn Som and Yin Chhay for their help in searching for documents and for accompanying me to the field. Also thanks to Phalla Chea for her help and support in this thesis. I am greatly thankful to all my informants in Takeo province, who kindly devoted time and effort to share their horrible experiences with me. My questions would remind them of their terrible past, of things that happened to them more than three decades ago. They sobbed as they spoke out about their past, but hopefully this thesis will serve as a guide for the children of the new generation to learn about their iv experiences. By speaking out, they could release their anger and suffering from their minds. Finally, my gratitude goes to my father, Mech Nhean, and my mother, Oum Samith, as well as my sister and her family and my brother and his family for their support and motivation. Although my brother wed back home without my presence, from a distance, I could see their happiness and joyfulness. Through this research, I could learn about the conditions of life during the horrible period of Democratic Kampuchea, which allowed me to feel more sympathy towards my parents as well as other Cambodians who lived under this regime. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abbreviations and Terms………………………………………………………….......ix Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………....1 Research Goals ...................................................................................... 2 Theoretical Framework ......................................................................... 5 Patron-Clientelism Defined ....................................................... 6 Clusters and Pyramids ............................................................... 8 Entourages and Circles ............................................................ 11 The Concept of Trust ............................................................... 12 Unconditional Loyalty ............................................................. 14 In-Groups and Out-Groups ...................................................... 15 Insiders and Outsiders ............................................................. 15 Literature Review ................................................................................ 17 The organization of the thesis and findings ............................. 22 2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY……………..……………………………25 Study Site Information .................................................................................... 28 Ethnographic Location ........................................................................ 28 A Brief History of the Area ................................................................. 29 vi Chapter Page 3. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND………………….…………..…………..31 The Early Stages of the Revolution ..................................................... 31 Early Armed Struggle .......................................................................... 36 Turning point: Coup d’état .................................................................. 39 Administrative Organization ............................................................... 42 Joining the Party ................................................................................. 45 Yuvakak .................................................................................... 45 Sakok ........................................................................................ 46 Sanokob ................................................................................... 46 Recruiting and Screening .................................................................... 48 Small-Scale Cooperatives .................................................................... 52 Victory ................................................................................................. 55 Greeting Enemies ...............................................................................

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