August 11, 1967 Notes on Yugoslav-Egyption Talks
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The John F. Kennedy National Security Files, 1961–1963
A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of National Security Files General Editor George C. Herring The John F. Kennedy National Security Files, 1961–1963 Middle East First Supplement A UPA Collection from Cover: Map of the Middle East. Illustration courtesy of the Central Intelligence Agency, World Factbook. National Security Files General Editor George C. Herring The John F. Kennedy National Security Files, 1961–1963 Middle East First Supplement Microfilmed from the Holdings of The John F. Kennedy Library, Boston, Massachusetts Guide by Dan Elasky A UPA Collection from 7500 Old Georgetown Road ● Bethesda, MD 20814-6126 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The John F. Kennedy national security files, 1961–1963. Middle East, First supplement [microform] / project coordinator, Robert E. Lester. microfilm reels. –– (National security files) “Microfilmed from the John F. Kennedy Library, Boston, Massachusetts.” Accompanied by a printed guide compiled by Dan Elasky, entitled: A guide to the microfilm edition of the John F. Kennedy national security files, 1961–1963. Middle East, First supplement. ISBN 1-55655-925-9 1. Middle East––Politics and government––1945–1979––Sources. 2. United States–– Foreign relations––Middle East. 3. Middle East––Foreign relations––United States. 4. John F. Kennedy Library––Archives. I. Title: Guide to the microfilm edition of the John F. Kennedy national security files, 1961–1963. Middle East, First supplement. II. Series. DS63.1 956.04––dc22 2007061516 Copyright © 2007 LexisNexis, a division of Reed Elsevier -
After the Accords Anwar Sadat
WMHSMUN XXXIV After the Accords: Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet Background Guide “Unprecedented committees. Unparalleled debate. Unmatched fun.” Letters From the Directors Dear Delegates, Welcome to WMHSMUN XXXIV! My name is Hank Hermens and I am excited to be the in-room Director for Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet. I’m a junior at the College double majoring in International Relations and History. I have done model UN since my sophomore year of high school, and since then I have become increasingly involved. I compete as part of W&M’s travel team, staff our conferences, and have served as the Director of Media for our college level conference, &MUN. Right now, I’m a member of our Conference Team, planning travel and training delegates. Outside of MUN, I play trumpet in the Wind Ensemble, do research with AidData and for a professor, looking at the influence of Islamic institutions on electoral outcomes in Tunisia. In my admittedly limited free time, I enjoy reading, running, and hanging out with my friends around campus. As members of Anwar Sadat’s cabinet, you’ll have to deal with the fallout of Egypt’s recent peace with Israel, in Egypt, the greater Middle East and North Africa, and the world. You’ll also meet economic challenges, rising national political tensions, and more. Some of the problems you come up against will be easily solved, with only short-term solutions necessary. Others will require complex, long term solutions, or risk the possibility of further crises arising. No matter what, we will favor creative, outside-the-box ideas as well as collaboration and diplomacy. -
Download Date 01/10/2021 20:02:43
Why has the Arab League failed as a regional security organisation? An analysis of the Arab League¿s conditions of emergence, characteristics and the internal and external challenges that defined and redefined its regional security role. Item Type Thesis Authors Abusidu-Al-Ghoul, Fady Y. Rights <a rel="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/3.0/"><img alt="Creative Commons License" style="border-width:0" src="http://i.creativecommons.org/l/by- nc-nd/3.0/88x31.png" /></a><br />The University of Bradford theses are licenced under a <a rel="license" href="http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/">Creative Commons Licence</a>. Download date 01/10/2021 20:02:43 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6333 University of Bradford eThesis This thesis is hosted in Bradford Scholars – The University of Bradford Open Access repository. Visit the repository for full metadata or to contact the repository team © University of Bradford. This work is licenced for reuse under a Creative Commons Licence. WHY HAS THE ARAB LEAGUE FAILED AS A REGIONAL SECURITY ORGANISATION? An analysis of the Arab League’s conditions of emergence, characteristics and the internal and external challenges that defined and redefined its regional security role Fady Y. ABUSIDUALGHOUL submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Peace Studies School of Social and International Studies University of Bradford 2012 Fady Y. ABUSIDUALGHOUL Title: Why has the Arab League failed as a Regional Security Organisation? Keywords: Arab League, Regional Security, Regional Organisations, Middle East security, Arab Relations, Middle East conflicts ABSTRACT This study presents a detailed examination of the Arab League’s history, development, structure and roles in an effort to understand the cause of its failure as a regional security organisation. -
THE RUSSIANS ARE GOING: SADAT, NIXON and the SOVIET PRESENCE in EGYPT, 1970-1971 by Craig A
THE RUSSIANS ARE GOING: SADAT, NIXON AND THE SOVIET PRESENCE IN EGYPT, 1970-1971 By Craig A. Daigle* New evidence reveals that the United States was well aware of Sadat's intention to remove the Soviet military presence from Egypt and took steps over the summer of 1971 to ensure this end. We now know that President Nixon's decision to suspend the supply of aircrafts to Israel at the end of June and his decision to press for reopening the Suez Canal as part of an interim agreement between Egypt and Israel had as much to do with getting Soviets out of Egypt as it did with finding a peace agreement between Egypt and Israel. The decision by Egyptian President Anwar hurried a letter to Leonid Brezhnev, al-Sadat to remove the Soviet military claiming the United States had "no presence from his country during the advanced knowledge of the recent events in summer of 1972 has often been viewed as Egypt," and assured the Soviet Premier that the first step on the road to the October the United States would "take no unilateral War the following year. By removing the actions in the Middle East" as a result of Soviet presence, it has been argued, Sadat the recent developments.(5) was also removing the major obstacle Early scholarly treatment of Sadat's preventing him from engaging in another decision to remove the Soviet military war with Israel.(1) Though Sadat insisted at presence has generally fallen in line with the time that the expulsion of the Soviets this official account. -
The Interface of Religious and Political Conflict in Egyptian Theatre
The Interface of Religious and Political Conflict in Egyptian Theatre Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Amany Youssef Seleem, Stage Directing Diploma Graduate Program in Theatre The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Lesley Ferris, Advisor Nena Couch Beth Kattelman Copyright by Amany Seleem 2013 Abstract Using religion to achieve political power is a thematic subject used by a number of Egyptian playwrights. This dissertation documents and analyzes eleven plays by five prominent Egyptian playwrights: Tawfiq Al-Hakim (1898- 1987), Ali Ahmed Bakathir (1910- 1969), Samir Sarhan (1938- 2006), Mohamed Abul Ela Al-Salamouni (1941- ), and Mohamed Salmawi (1945- ). Through their plays they call attention to the dangers of blind obedience. The primary methodological approach will be a close literary analysis grounded in historical considerations underscored by a chronology of Egyptian leadership. Thus the interface of religious conflict and politics is linked to the four heads of government under which the playwrights wrote their works: the eras of King Farouk I (1920-1965), President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1918-1970), President Anwar Sadat (1918-1981), and President Hosni Mubarak (1928- ). While this study ends with Mubarak’s regime, it briefly considers the way in which such conflict ended in the recent reunion between religion and politics with the election of Mohamed Morsi, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, as president following the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. This research also investigates how these scripts were written— particularly in terms of their adaptation from existing canonical work or historical events and the use of metaphor—and how they were staged. -
Middle Eastern Politics & Culture
Middle Eastern Politics & Culture: TODAY & YESTERDAY By Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective origins.osu.edu Table of Contents Page Chapter 1: Middle Eastern Politics 1 The Secular Roots of a Religious Divide in Contemporary Iraq 2 A New View on the Israeli-Palestine Conflict: From Needs to Narrative to Negotiation 15 Erdoğan’s Presidential Dreams, Turkey’s Constitutional Politics 28 Clampdown and Blowback: How State Repression Has Radicalized Islamist Groups in Egypt 40 A Fresh Start for Pakistan? 51 Alawites and the Fate of Syria 63 Syria's Islamic Movement and the 2011-12 Uprising 75 From Gaza to Jerusalem: Is the Two State Solution under Siege? 88 The Long, Long Struggle for Women's Rights in Afghanistan 101 Egypt Once Again Bans the Muslim Brotherhood, Sixty Years Later 112 Understanding the Middle East 115 Afghanistan: Past and Prospects 116 Ataturk: An Intellectual Biography 117 A History of Iran: Empire of the Mind 120 Chapter 2: Water and the Middle East 123 Baptized in the Jordan: Restoring a Holy River 124 Who Owns the Nile? Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia’s History-Changing Dam 139 Outdoing Panama: Turkey’s ‘Crazy’ Plan to Build an Istanbul Canal 150 Chapter 3: Islam, Christianity, and Culture in the Middle East 163 Two Popes and a Primate: The Changing Face of Global Christianity 164 What's in a Name?: The Meaning of “Muslim Fundamentalist” 177 Tradition vs Charisma: The Sunni-Shi'i Divide in the Muslim World 185 The Dangers of Being a Humorist: Charlie Hebdo Is Not Alone 192 Civilizations of Ancient Iraq 196 Chapter 4: Maps and Charts 200 About Origins 222 Chapter 1 Middle Eastern Politics (Image: Siria Bosra by Jose Javier Martin Esparto, Flickr.com (CC BY-NC- SA 2.0)) Section 1 The Secular Roots of a Religious Divide in Contemporary Iraq EDITOR’S NOTE: By STACY E. -
From Peace(Keeping) To
7/27/2020 FROM PEACE (KEEPING) TO WAR:THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE WITHDRAWAL OF UNEF Published by the GLORIA Center, Volume 9, No. 2, Article 5 - June 2005 Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya Total Circulation 22,000 FROM PEACE (KEEPING) TO WAR: THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE WITHDRAWAL OF UNEF By Michael K. Carroll UN Secretary-General U Thant's decision to abruptly remove UN forces, in response to Egyptian President Gamal Abd al-Nasser's demand, is seen as one of the factors that led to the 1967 War, as well as to a failure in peacekeeping. This article discusses the rights and wrongs of that choice and also the role of the UN and other countries in the crisis. Should the success of a peacekeeping mission be determined by the length of time the peace is kept or by the lasting initiatives of peace that are created? Judged by the former, the UN's first major attempt at a peacekeeping force was a substantial achievement. The United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) eased tensions and kept peace in the Middle East for over a decade. This initial success in defusing the Suez Crisis, and the Nobel Prize it gleaned, became the justification for future UN peacekeeping initiatives and the basis for the myth of peacekeeping that fogs the reality even today. However, when judged by the latter criteria--the ability to create a lasting peace rather than merely observe a ceasefire--the entirety of the mission must be taken into account, rather than just the initial cessation of hostilities. Here the UN's report card is less stellar. -
Egypt's Union with Syria, Its Impact and the June 1967
Egypt’s Union with Syria, its Impact and the June 1967 War S. Qalb-i-Abid / Massarrat Abid Introduction Four hundred and sixty five million people of the Middle East are almost of the same composition. They share a common language, culture and religion and believe in the concept of the Arab Nationalism - Umma al Arabiya. The Arabic language is a potent unifying bondage. Although spoken Arabic changes widely from area to area, the literary language is more or less the same throughout the Arab world; and all those who speak Arabic are regarded as a part of the Arab Nation. This sacred language of Islam and Quran is the common bondage among the Arabs. The Arab Middle East also comprises the Holy Places for the three major religions of the world - Islam, Christianity and Judaism and remains the place of origin of their faith. Religion has thus always played a major role in political, economic, and social aspects of life for very many years; and in all likelihood, it will also continue to be a significant factor in future politics of this region. Middle East therefore is rightly described as the cradle of Islam. The importance of Middle East in world affairs has been emphasized by the fact that two world wars have had their Middle Eastern commands; and events there, though not principal, weighed heavily on the final results of these gigantic international conflicts. Egypt’s Union with Syria 165 The Middle Eastern politics has therefore always been very important for the World. Politics, transportation, communications, markets, military strategy, imperialism, nationalism, culture, religion and natural resources of this area had always great attraction1 for the “Big Powers” as well as small countries. -
11 BAB II DINAMIKA ORGANISASI LIGA ARAB Dalam Bab Ini Penulis
BAB II DINAMIKA ORGANISASI LIGA ARAB Dalam bab ini penulis memaparkan deskripsi umum tentang Liga Arab dan bagaimana hubungan Liga Arab dengan Palestina terkait topik bahasan ini. selain itu penulis juga memaparkan tentang bagaimana tujuan serta prinsip Liga Arab, keanggotaan Liga Arab serta struktur organisasi yang dimiliki oleh Liga Arab. A. Sejarah Terbentuknya Liga Arab Ketika Perang Dunia II masih berlangsung, terdapat keinginan yang muncul diantara negara-negara Arab di Timur Tengah untuk mendirikan sebuah organisasi. Organisasi tersebut diharapkan dapat memberikan wadah dalam berbagai aspek dan dapat menjadi penengah atau mediator ketika terjadi perselisihan di antara sesama negara Arab ataupun dengan negara non-Arab. Keinginan ini kemudian didukung oleh Inggris pada tahun 1942 dikarenakan Inggris memiliki motif untuk negara-negara Arab agar bergabung dengan pihak Sekutu. Namun pada saat itu negara-negara Arab tidak memiliki ketertarikan untuk bergabung (Firman, 2019). Alasan negara-negara Arab enggan untuk bergabung dikarenakan pada saat itu juga turut berkembang semangat anti-kolonialisme di sebagian besar ngara-negara Arab. Pada saat itu dapat dikatakan Mesir masih menjadi negara boneka imperialis Protektorat Britania. Sedangkan Yordania, Bahrain, Irak, Qatar dan Uni Emirat Arab dijajah Inggris. Maroko, Tunisia, Suriah dan Aljazair dijajah Perancis. Menurut catatan Council of Foreign Relation Liga Arab, dukungan dari Inggris ini dinilai sebagai motivasi untuk segera membentuk sebuah kesatuan nasionalis Arab yang nantinya akan meningkatkan dukungan bagi orang-orang Arab Palestina. Puncak dari proses 11 ini ialah pada tanggal 7 Oktober tahun 1944 yang mana ditandatangani sebuah perjanjian yaitu Protokol Alexandria yang berlokasi di Alexandria. Perjanjian ini ditandatangani oleh lima negara Arab yang menjadi awal dari dibentuknya Liga Arab satu tahun setelahnya (Masters & Sergie, 2014). -
The 1967 Arab-Israeli War Origins and Consequences
The 1967 Arab-Israeli War Origins and Consequences The June 1967 War was a watershed moment in the history of the mod- ern Middle East. In six days, the Israelis defeated the Arab armies of Egypt, Syria, and Jordan and seized large portions of territory includ- ing the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights. With the hindsight of four decades and access to recently declassified documents, two veteran scholars of the Middle East bring together some of the most knowledgeable experts in their fields to reassess the origins of the war and its regional reverberations. Each chapter takes a different perspective from the vantage point of a different participant, those that actually took part in the war, and the world powers – the United States, Soviet Union, Britain, and France – that played important roles behind the scenes. Their conclusions make for sober reading. At the heart of the story was the incompetence of the Egyptian high command under the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the rivalry between various Arab players who were deeply suspi- cious of each other’s motives. Israel, on the other side, gained a resound- ing victory for which, despite previous assessments to the contrary, there was no master plan. Wm. Roger Louis is the Kerr Professor of English History and Cul- ture at the University of Texas at Austin and Honorary Fellow of St. Antony’s College, Oxford. A past President of the American His- torical Association, he is the editor-in-chief of The Oxford History of the British Empire. -
President's Repor T
REPORT PRESIDENT’S 17 2018 1 President’s Letter 2 Chairman’s Letter 3 Pillars of Excellence 13 Accreditation: Committed to Quality of Education 15 Highlights 19 Financials 21 Sponsored Programs 25 Donors 53 Board of Trustees Facts and Figures TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE 55 Last year, we affirmed our centennial strategic plan, focusing on five pillars of excellence: quality of education, internationalization, institutional effectiveness, innovation and the AUC experience that sets us apart. AUC offers unique services to our host country, to America and to the world. As Egypt’s only globally accredited University reaffirmed in 2018 by the Middle States Commission on Higher Education, we take great pride in this vote of confidence in our performance at the highest American standards. As a student-centered University, we strive continuously to enhance the educational quality of the unique AUC experience, with its emphasis on inquiry-based teaching and research. Bringing back students from around the world to Cairo is fundamentally important to maintaining AUC’s international perspective. Particularly important is the return of American students to AUC’s Center for Arabic Study Abroad, the world’s premier Arabic-language immersion program located here in the inviting and dynamic heart of the Arab world. Last year, we introduced several management and service innovations: digital tools, operational and governance reforms, new talent management systems and assessments, academic ventures and a Tobacco-Free Community Policy for both campuses. We increased our global partnerships, including student exchange agreements with Harvard University and King’s College London. We did all that while continuing to foster excellence in all we do and capitalizing on the strength and dedication of AUC’s strongest asset –– its people. -
MUNUC XXIX Cabinet of Egypt Background Guide
THE CABINET OF EGYPT, 1954 MUNUC XXIX Cabinet Briefing LETTER FROM THE CHAIR Greetings Delegates! Welcome to the first cabinet meeting of our new government. In addition to preparing to usher in a new age of prosperity in Egypt, I am a fourth year at the University of Chicago, alternatively known as Hannah Brodheim. Originally from New York City, I am studying economics and computer science. I am also a USG for our college conference, ChoMUN. I have previously competed with the UChicago competitive Model UN team. I also help run Splash! Chicago, a group which organizes events where UChicago students teach their absurd passions to interested high school students. Egypt has not had an easy run of it lately. Outdated governance systems, and the lack of investment in the country under the British has left Egypt economically and politically in the dust. Finally, a new age is dawning, one where more youthful and more optimistic leadership has taken power. Your goals are not short term, and you do not intend to let Egypt evolve slowly. Each of you has your personal agenda and grudges; what solution is reached by the committee to each challenge ahead will determine the trajectory of Egypt for years to come. We will begin in 1954, before the cabinet has done anything but be formed. The following background guide is to help direct your research; do not limit yourself to the information contained within. Success in committee will require an understanding of the challenges Nasser’s Cabinet faces, and how the committee and your own resources may be harnessed to overcome them.