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Race-Making and Colonial Violence in the U.S. Empire: the Philippine-American War As Race War

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Race-Making and Colonial Violence in the U.S. Empire: the Philippine-American War As Race War Volume 4 | Issue 6 | Article ID 1745 | Jun 01, 2006 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Race-Making and Colonial Violence in the U.S. Empire: The Philippine-American War as Race War Paul A. Kramer Keywords: Race, the Philippines, colonialism, As did Roosevelt, this essay explores the racism, USA, Spanish-American War Philippine-American War as race war: a war rationalized in racial terms before U.S. publics, one in which U.S. soldiers came to understand Filipino combatants and noncombatants in Speaking on May 4, 1902, at the newly opened racial terms, and one in which race played a Arlington Cemetery, in the first Memorial Day key role in bounding and unbounding American address there by a U.S. president, Theodore violence against Filipinos. My concern with Roosevelt placed colonial violence at the heart race is far from new in and of itself. Most of the of American nation building. In a speech before war’s historians—whether writing the more an estimated thirty thousand people, brimming traditional, campaign-driven U.S. literature or with “indignation in every word and every more recent and more nuanced local and social gesture,” Roosevelt inaugurated the cemetery histories of the war—make passing reference to as a landscape of national sacrifice by justifying the racism of U.S. soldierswithout thorough an ongoing colonial war in the Philippines, exploration.2 Stuart Creighton Miller, in his where brutalities by U.S. troops had led to critical account of the war, places racism at the widespread debate in the United States. He did center of U.S. troop conduct.3 This essay begins so by casting the conflict as a race war. Upon from Miller’s starting assumption—that race this “small but peculiarly trying and difficultwas essential to the politics and conduct of the war” turned “not only the honor of the flag” but war—but also pushes beyond it in several ways. “the triumph of civilization over forces which Most of all, the present essay emphasizes the stand for the black chaos of savagery and contingency and indeterminacy of the process barbarism.” Roosevelt acknowledged and by which these racial ideologies took shape, expressed regret for U.S. abuses but claimed against the assumption that these ideologies that for every American atrocity, “a very cruel were reflexive “projections” or “exports” from and very treacherous enemy” had committed “a the United States to the Philippines. Rather, as hundred acts of far greater atrocity.”I will show, while race helped organize and Furthermore, while such means had been the justify U.S. colonial violence, imperial Filipinos’ “only method of carrying on the war,” processes also remade U.S. racial formations.4 they had been “wholly exceptional on our part.” The noble, universal ends of a war forExploring this contingency requires attention civilization justified its often unsavory means. to two dynamics which have up to now been “The warfare that has extended the boundaries largely ignored in existing literatures. The first of civilization at the expense of barbarism and of these is the contested character of race savagery has been for centuries one of the most during the war. By 1898, Filipinos had been potent factors in the progress of humanity,” he engaging the Spanish colonial racial precepts asserted, but “from its very nature it has that undergirded the Philippine colonial state always and everywhere been liable to dark for at least two decades; they would continue to abuses.”1 do so, in different ways, from the prewar 1 4 | 6 | 0 APJ | JF republic into the war’s conventional phase and Collection, Harvard College Library.) ultimately in guerrilla struggle. These engagements often took the form of elite quests for recognition, especially the affirmation ofThe second source of contingency is the war civilizational status as the criteria first itself.for Racial ideologies and changing strategies assimilation and political rights and, ultimately, and tactics moved together in a dark, violent for political independence. As I suggest, similar spiral. Within both Filipino and Euro-American Filipino campaigns for recognition before political cultures, patterns of warfare were Americans— before, during, and after the themselves important markers of racial status. war—fundamentally shaped both U.S. racial “Civilized” people were understood to wage “conventional” wars while “savage” people ideologies and Filipino nationalism. waged guerrilla ones. Filipino guerrilla warfare eventually marked the entire population as “savage” to American soldiers: rather than merely a set of tactics undertaken for military purposes, guerrilla war was the inherent war of preference of “lower races.” This racialization of guerrilla war raised the central question of whether Filipinos, in waging a “savage” war, were owed the restraints that defined “civilized” war. Ultimately, I will suggest, many U.S. soldiers and officers answered this question negatively. In many parts of the archipelago, the war in its guerrilla phases developed into a war of racial exterminism in which Filipino combatants and noncombatants were understood by U.S. troops to be legitimate targets of violence.5 The heart of the United States’ emerging imperial racial formation was rich in contradictions: the people of the Philippines did not have sufficient “ethnological homogeneity” to constitute a nation-state, but possessed enough to be made war upon as a whole. QUESTIONS OF RECOGNITION Figure 1: President Theodore Roosevelt addresses a vast Memorial Day crowd at By 1898, Filipino elites had been engaged in a Arlington Cemetery in May 1902 before struggle against Spanish racism, as a key assembled veterans and a journalist. In his element of Spanish colonialism, for at least “indignant” speech, he defended the U.S. twenty years.6 The Propaganda movement had Army against charges of “cruelty” in the sought political traction in the apparent ongoing Philippine-American War by contradictions inside Spanish political and racializing the conflict as one being fought racial ideologies: surely Catholicism, advanced between the forces of “civilization” and education, and bourgeois sophistication—along “savagery.” (Theodore Roosevelt with loyalty—would constitute a viable 2 4 | 6 | 0 APJ | JF argument for greater rights within the Spanish During this period, colliding interests, failed colonial system.7 A common editorial stance in translations, mutual suspicions, and questions the pages of the expatriate Filipino journal La of jurisdiction easily boiled into animosity and Solidaridad upheld Spanish criteria forconflict, especially where U.S. soldiers became evaluating the political “capacities” of its drunk and disorderly or failed to pay their subjects but faulted debts.some Soldiers commonly characterized Spaniards—especially the Philippine friars—for Filipinos as a whole as filthy, diseased, lazy, relentlessly denigrating Filipino “advancement” and treacherous in their business dealings, along these lines.8 It was the strategy of a sometimes applying the term“nigger” to them. cosmopolitan, ilustrado [enlightened] elite with One anonymous black soldier reflected back on cultural capital to spare, one that reached its this period that the subsequent war would not consummation with the triumph of thehave broken out “if the army of occupation Philippine Revolution under Emilio Aguinaldo would have treated [Filipinos] as people.” But and the declaration of Philippine independence shortly after the seizure of Manila, white troops in mid-1898. When the Malolos Congress had begun “to apply home treatment for formed, it was done in the name of an emerging colored peoples: cursed them as damned “civilization” finally capable of expressing itself niggers, steal [from] them and ravish them, rob as an independent state. The more radical, them on the street of their small change, take millenarian politics that had animated mass from the fruit vendors whatever suited their participation in the revolution’s Katipunan fancy, and kick the poor unfortunate if he 11 societies were marginalized in Aguinaldo’s complained.” republic.9 At the same time there was a striking amount The taking of Manila by U.S. troops following of recognition in the interval between wars, as the Battle of Manila Bay, and exclusion of U.S. soldiers came to know individual Filipinos Filipino troops from the city, introduced a tense and their families and visited their churches six-month period characterized by Filipino- and homes. Up until the very brink of war, American interaction and competitive state- American soldiers frequented Filipino concerts, building, in which the stakes of recognition had dances, ceremonies, and dinners, often never been higher. On the ground, relations recording their admiration for Filipino grace, between Filipinos and American soldiers in and hospitality, and artistic achievement in their around Manila during this transitional period diaries and letters. One striking example was a were varied. U.S. soldiers found themselves in poem presented at a Thanksgiving dinner an enticing, disturbing, and illegible Filipino thrown by the 13th Minnesota in Manila in urban world; Filipinos unsure of the invading November 1898, which recalled the recent fall army’s status were wary of the Americans but of the capital and expressed the soldiers’ eager for their business. Most social contacts thanks: were commercial in nature, with Filipinos and We’re thankful that the City’s ours, and Americans first meeting by haggling over food, floats the Stars and Stripes; transport, liquor, and sex.10 Americans and Filipinos also met as members of rival states in We’re thankful that our cause is one that the making, as U.S. soldiers consolidated from these Islands wipes military control over Manila and its municipal government—from sanitation to law The degenerate oppressors of a brother enforcement—and Filipino soldiers extended human kin the Republic’s control in the wake of Spanish defeats. Who now—beneath “Old Glory”—a nation’s 3 4 | 6 | 0 APJ | JF place may win.12 Manila. At the story’s beginning the narrator, an American soldier stationed near Manila To be sure, there were dark signs here: the before its fall, is curious about his U.S.
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