Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 14(1) 2014, pp. 59-74

A Deleuzian Reading of the EDSA Revolutions and the Possibility of Becoming-Revolutionary Today

Raniel SM. Reyes The Graduate School, University of Santo Tomas, Manila, Philippines [email protected]

Abstract: This paper presents a Deleuzian re-thinking of the three EDSA Revolutions in the Philippines. Its frame is limited to contemporary and critical studies found in books, journals, and newspapers. Initially, I elucidate the nature of 1986 EDSA I Revolution, to be followed by an articulation of the concepts of assemblage and difference for a re-configuration of the 1986 revolution. I highlight and explain how the Epifanio Delos Santos Avenue (EDSA) transfigured into an arena of collective and dynamic action of various assemblagic relations. The rhizomic interaction of heterogeneous forces in the said highway undeniably exterminated the privileging of numerous traditional representations in the Philippine society. Furthermore, I explain the transition from the EDSA I revolution going to the EDSA II with a principal thrust on the principle of the eternal return as the return of the different, and the paradoxical ever-recurrence of political tyranny. Lastly, I explicate the narrative on how the Filipino assemblage is always caught in the web of ressentiment and identity, based from the EDSA I, II, and III. Due to these degenerate consequences, this essay recommends the conception of a new brand of revolution that is critical of molar and fascist political representations―the possibility of becoming-revolutionary today.

Keywords: Deleuze, EDSA revolution, despotism, assemblage, difference, eternal return, becoming- revolutionary

A revolution is something of the nature of a process, a change that makes it impossible to go back to the same point . . . a repetition that changes something, a repetition that brings about the irreversible . . . a process that produces history, taking us away from a repetition of the same attitudes and the same significances. Therefore, by definition, a revolution cannot be programmed, because what is programmed is always the déjà-là. Revolutions, like history, always bring surprises. By nature they are always unpredictable. That doesn’t prevent one from working for revolution, as long as one understands ‘working for revolution’ as working for the unpredictable. ― Guattari, (1986/2008, p. 258)

Copyright © 2014 by De La Salle University Publishing House 60 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 14 NO. 1

The Despotic Leviathan and EDSA I December 1968; secondly, soon after Marcos’ re-election in 1969, accusations of corruption and The declaration of Martial law on September the possibility of a tyranny started to be whispered 21, 1972 by Ferdinand Marcos was shaped by about the country” (Azada & Hermida, 2001, p. the burgeoning societal entropies plaguing the 105). Philippines during his presidential reign. His Consequently, due to extensive systemic vision of the so-called “New Philippine Society” irregularities, such as widespread vote-buying, conceptualized for the overcoming of the election return tampering, murders, and so moribund status quo, was satirically prefaced forth, Ninoy’s wife Cory Aquino fought for the by variegated forms of human rights violations, presidency fuelled with the battle cry for social media blackouts, and constitution modification. transformation. But, despite her passionate Foremost circumstances include standardization longing for change, Marcos was still announced of male haircuts, prohibition of peer-gatherings, as president by the Batasang Pambansa (National strict enforcement of curfews, and the banning Assembly). In opposition to this, Cory called for of Voltes V and liberating art expressions. This a countrywide boycott to different government- aforementioned utopic dream was nonetheless appropriated establishments and services. a narcissistic ploy to safeguard his delusion of Although her directive is categorizable as a infallibility. When the Filipinos were compelled form of civil disobedience, this action gained to accept the political legitimacy of the country- its justification under a presidency whose moral wide ferocity for the ambiguous promotion of foundation has already eroded (Elwood, 1986). peace and security, a monumental revolutionary Significantly, even though Cory lost the electoral struggle was initiated accordingly by the people battle, contagions and ignominy in various kinds from February 22 to 25, 1986, at EDSA called and gradations, adulterated Pres. Marcos’ victory, the 1986 People Power Revolution (Mercado & thereby leading to his perdition. Tatad, 1986). The plenitude of revolutionary dices already The blistering enmity within the people’s casted in the body politic was succeeded by hearts during President Marcos’ rule was Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and Philippine aggravated when his leading critic Benigno Constabulary General Fidel Ramos’ resignation “Ninoy” Aquino was assassinated upon his airport from the Marcos’s government (Arillo, 2011). arrival―subsequent from a three-year exile in It was followed by Manila Archbishop Jaime the U.S. (Elwood, 1986). Senator Aquino’s Cardinal Sin’s integral participation to the assassination on August 21, 1983 obliterated military coup catalyzed by Enrile and Ramos. the frozen silence of the Filipinos, expressed via Subsequently, a mammoth of protesters proceeded manifold anti-government mass demonstrations. to EDSA and embattled Marcos’ troop, which Marcos then started to lose the support of at that time was under the leadership of Armed the local and international community. This Forces Chief General Fabian Ver. This radical organizational quicksand prompted him to call force embattled the administration’s soldiers for a snap election in 1986. However, despite his whose goal was actually to disband the critical ingenuous intellectual imagination, this election multitude and the coup leaders gathering in that is supposed to protect his presidential stint front of the Camp Aguinaldo. Unfortunately, became the very means of his removal, due to the president’s egological citadel turned into a two major political contingencies besetting the beaten Goliath in front of the Filipino people nation in the late part of the 1960s: “Firstly, the with innermost desire for freedom and thriving. Communist crisis entered into the Philippine land When almost everything turned adversarial to the via student-led protests against the Vietnam War, dictator, Marcos was only left with the option of and the founding of a new Communist party in leaving the country going to Hawaii along with his family. DELEUZIAN READING OF THE EDSA REVOLUTIONS REYES, R. 61

True enough, the gravity of abominable we shall always cherish the memory of those violence and massive military power during days of February 1986―when some among this event became nil in the face of weaponries us looked eternity in the face and savored it; characterized by ethical and spiritual vigor. The when the guns and tanks of a dictator melted global eyes saw the unarmed civilians kneeling and before the flowers held out by priests and nuns, by millionaires’ sons and squatters’ daughters, praying in front of armored tanks. What appeared by ordinary men and women and by young and to be the start of an inevitable civil turbulence old alike; when . . . a new day was ushered in was converted into a nonviolent revolution by ordinary Filipino common tao who rose to (Gonzaga, 2009). Writ large, the revolution heroic heights that won the admiration of the was not premised on class antagonisms like the whole world. (as cited in Elwood, 1986, p. 3) past Marxist or Marxist-influenced revolutions across the world. Douglas Elwood (1986), in Meaningfully, the four-day revolution shattered his book, Philippine Revolution 1986: Model of the dictatorial system that wreaked chaos on the Nonviolent Change, contended that the revolution country for many years. It is comparable to how was neither about the narrative of the proletariats Deleuze conceived the May 1968 event in Paris seizing the bourgeoisie’s fortress through a as a moment of “becoming breaking through communist revolution, nor the Leninist vision of into history” (Deleuze & Guattari, 1980/1987). vanguardism towards socialism and communism Undeniably, this remarkable 1986 event creatively (p. 14). Paradoxically, the Left’s integral presence opened Filipinos towards the state of re-evaluation and contribution in EDSA I were unfortunately about many virtuous principles and practices stolen from them by the elite’s popular social integral for the dynamic nation-building of the institutions like the mass media, political system, Philippine society. and even the Church. On the contrary, for him the In the years that followed, the people in other revolution was rather spearheaded by the socio- parts of the world also antagonized the supremacy liberal democrats, as well as the middle class, and of tyranny in their respective countries. We have not the political Left who merely observed from enormous rallies instigated by the South Koreans the sidelines from wonderment, participating against the strongman Chun Doo-hwa, the only after they were quite sure the reformist had uprising contra Chilean head Antonio Pinochet, the upper hand (Elwood, 1986). The previously the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, and the sporadic middle class, religious persons from Orange Revolution in Ukraine (Tiglao, 2014). different affiliations, many ordinary citizens, Likewise, we have Poland’s Singing Revolution and surrounding historical factors were the vital that installed Lech Walesa―the polish leader who participants in the struggle. Their metamorphosis was so thankful of the inspiration rendered to them into a robust and glorified buffer enabled the by the 1986 EDSA revolution. dismantling of a politico-transcendental center using means beyond the codification of banality. Deriving a comprehensive perspective from one Deleuze, Immanent Revolution, and the Dice- Filipino actor during the struggle, Jeorge Lorredo Throwing Principle (1986) opined: Towards a Deleuzian Poststructuralist Framework There are moments in the lives of men and nations when everything is held dear and sacred This research is a genealogical analysis and is put to the test . . . The period February 22-25 critique of the EDSA Revolutions using the was one such moment in the glorious history of poststructuralist political framework of the our people. And though some Filipinos failed the test, a great many others passed . . . The contemporary French philosopher Gilles Deleuze. years will come and go. But as long as we live Operationally, this perspective is not anymore 62 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 14 NO. 1 a mere critique of representation structurally Filipino incarceration to identity, decadence, manifested in social, political, economic, and and violence―concretely expressed in the so forth aspects of contemporary societies, like Philippine society via the continuing ascendancy centralized political government, hierarchical of economic narcissism, political dynasties, social systems, and subtle homogenization of social opportunism, and so forth. Ultimately, it culture. It is rather a radical theory that illuminates is of prodigious emancipatory hope that through its field of struggle, the kinds of political a Deleuzian re-configuration of the EDSA subjectivities it fashion, along with the perils of revolutions, new types of political imaginations these pathways (Nail, 2012). It is also a diagnosis and materialities (desiring-machines), socio- and assembly of heterogeneous elements into economic organizations (consistencies), multi- new kinds of philosophical consistencies, which centered political strategies, as well as a molecular differentially plays between the axes of unity revolution would be fashioned. and multiplicity, and between representation and difference. Hence, a Deleuzian theoretical Assemblage of Bodies and Forces paradigm is a novel political theory that would be contributory in the mapping of the relation In the context of Deleuzian philosophy, between various consistencies and revolutionary an assemblage is a principle always in-the- deterritorialization. making and is evasive to the governance of any In one of Deleuze’s post-1968 revolution transcendental eidos. Its creative dynamics books, written in collaboration with the maverick comprises of collection of matter-flows, like psychoanalyst Felix Guattari entitled, A Thousand bodies and affects, regulated by web-like Plateaus (1980/1987), they opined that “the processes of historical configuration. For Deleuze intellectual sensations of Post-War France and Guattari (1980/1987), “Every constellation of with its spirited polemics against the State- singularities and traits deducted from the flow— happy or pro-party versions of Marxism and selected, organized, and stratified—in such a way school-building strains of psychoanalysis, as to converge artificially and naturally” (p. 406). which separately represented the dominant Moreover, assemblage opens our intellectual currents of the time, in spite of the epistemological horizon to various life registers fundamentally anarchist nature of the spontaneous like human, discursive, psychological, and popular uprisings that had shaken the world in geological. Any singular force in the assemblage 1968” (p. xi). This irony, according to them, is conceived in relational terms. In other words, it engendered a mid-seventies slump, a return to is conceivable as a desiring-machine enmeshed in religion and political conservatism, and the State the logic of enlacement with other machines. In deification, which epistemologically reverts this vein, nothing is already perfect or absolute, back to representationalist thinking (Deleuze since machines’ association with others is & Guattari, 1980/1987). In this vein, albeit ceaselessly multiplicitous, as life is perceived Deleuze’s project and the EDSA Revolution as a huge assemblage not simply portraying a phenomenon are relatively distantiated by blind conformity to linear history or temporality. their geographic territoriality and discursive When machines are interfaced with each other in materiality, his experience and critical evaluation variegated intensities, new terrains of thinking of the May 1968 Revolution can give us integral are made, either in ascending or descending historico-philosophical imports for a better mode. Albeit life is not a mere actualization of an understanding why from the high-spirited individuated a priori eidos, what remain certain experience of the first EDSA Revolution, are the internal expansions of its potentialities where immanence and difference affirmatively (Deleuze & Guattari, 1980/1987). In connection materialized, it transformed into a vicious to this, assemblage is an entity whose protean DELEUZIAN READING OF THE EDSA REVOLUTIONS REYES, R. 63 anatomy contains both stable and vague borders. and remains in existence only so long as the group A political assemblage such as the state has some keeps together” (Arendt, 1976, p. 44). What then parallelism in its utterances and actions, but it relates the assemblage with Arendtian notion of continually morphs into something new and charts power is that the collective force fashioned in the novel topographies when linked with various event was “rooted in a people that had bound itself radical machines. In any type of assemblage, its by mutual promises and lived in bodies constituted participant-machines may change any moment by compact . . . enough to establish a perpetual when understanding turns into conflicts, or when union” (Arendt, 1963, p. 182)―personifying into harmony turns into dissension (Slack, 2003). bodies without organs. For example, when deranged leaders succeed the Fundamentally, Bodies-without-Organs (BwO) exceptional ones in a well-developed state, there refers to a non-formed plane of immanence and is a big possibility that the state will convert into consistency (Parr, 2005). As a communicative a bastion of deception and everydayness. In nomadic principle, it catalyzes the systematic another case, organization leaders belonging to world picture regulated by a metaphysical a common party can inexorably transform into guarantor or an organized stratification. blatant adversaries in the long run―a reality Notwithstanding, it cannot entirely liberate itself very typical in Philippine political practice. from the tyrant war-machine or despotic system Thus, there is no assurance that assemblages will that it is confronting; otherwise, there is a high congregate into a convergent receptacle of ideals, propensity of it to be an object of reification of aims, and tactics always. In short, a political the very foundational system that it aspires to assemblage displays a tragic dice-throw politics escape from. In other words, BwO will always where teleology is masterfully estranged. Who be an immanent becoming, resistance, and would have known that the ubiquitous rage of the self-criticism. Moreover, it is faced with an people during EDSA I would exhibit a non-violent affirmative paradox since “desiring-machines revolution, in the same vein that the EDSA II was make us an organism; but at the very heart of fuelled akin to the opening of a brown envelope? this production the body suffers from being Having uttered this question, it is now ripe to organized in this way, not having some sort of an concretize the assemblage concept in the 1986 organization or no organization at all” (Deleuze people power uprising. & Guattari, 1972/1977, p. 8). Therefore, amidst During the EDSA I uprising, the quantity of the the process of experience production, a relative Filipino bodies as days passed escalated. Coming kind of ineluctable suffering is experienced by from varying religious orientations, social status, BwO, because even its nomadic movement must and materialities, the machinic bodies assembled involve the actuality of becoming-an-organism. to valiantly face the military machinery under the Additionally, BwO is a composite of various tutelage of the dictator Marcos. The Filipino configurations and materialities. As a proposed assemblage flooded the EDSA road to exhilarate antithesis to the identitarian concept of power and experience difference, which at time was (organism), BwO are pondered as “plateaus in understood under the term democracy. In relation communication with other plateaus on the plane to this, Hannah Arendt’s (1976) theorization of of consistency” (Deleuze & Guattari, 1972/1977, power analogously parallels with Deleuze’s notion p. 175). of assemblage. Power in the said revolution The 1986 revolution deconstructs the territory was depicted via the array of bodies in dynamic (deterritorialized) of the organized architecturality movements, and it cultivated into a sturdy string of the Epifanio Delos Santos Avenue. It then merging these mobile bodies with the tendons of subsequently transformed (reterritorialized) into becoming. According to her, “Power is never the an arena for the will to power’s expression―a property of an individual; it belongs to a group stage for the aesthetic relation of forces and 64 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 14 NO. 1 performance of heterogeneous assemblages analyst suggested to Defense Minister Enrile and (human, discursive, and non-human like the Constabulary General Ramos for a government very architecturality of the EDSA highway to be regulated by a military junta posterior to itself). In the Deleuzian parlance, Nietzsche’s the dictatorship’s downfall, they confessed its concept of the will to power is configured as the unfeasibility, since the power mobilizing in the principle of the synthesis of forces. Besides, it body politic was indispensably premised on the identifies the lines of flight of forces according people power assemblage. According to one to quantity and quality, as well as evaluates by of the Filipino participants: “Watching them, genealogically identifying hierarchy of values listening to them, feeling them, I suddenly realize between different life-forms. The antagonism that these millions have already transcended Cory, between reactive (life-denigrating) and active Enrile-Ramos, and Marcos. Cory, Enrile-Ramos (life-affirming) forces around the EDSA highway and Marcos have, in fact, become incidental to characterized the typology of Deleuzian BwO the situation” (as cited in Mercado & Tatad, 1986, amassing the public space. In relation to this, p. 238). Deleuze (1962/1983) opined in Nietzsche and Philosophy that a body is defined by the A Differential Rejoinder to an Identitarian relationship between discordant forces, “whether Tyranny it is chemical, biological, or political . . . Being composed of a plurality of irreducible forces, the Along with other poststructuralist thinkers, body is a multiple phenomenon; its unity is that of Deleuze is pondered as a proponent of a politics a multiple phenomenon. In a body, the superior of difference―an “anti-Hegelian ontology and or dominant are known as active and the inferior ethics, at the heart of which lies difference” or dominated are known as reactive” (p. 40). (Patton, 2000, p. 30), whose fundamental thrust Although the EDSA assemblage’s BwO is the voice of the molecular and becoming antagonized the representationalist power in the found within the margins of the entire history of guise of Martial Law’s uncouth cruelty, we must western thought. Specifically, he is concerned be incessantly heedful regarding the inevitable in overturning the primacy given to identity later necessity of stratified institutions such as circulating in western rationality’s entire corpus. the State, and the inherent dogmatic tendency of In trying to concretize the principle of political power as a despotically-stratified body. difference in the EDSA I struggle, we must Going further, when power is viewed using the not put into oblivion that during Pres. Marcos’ assemblage lens, it will always act as a supple totalitarian regime, emancipatory spaces for admonition to protect or distantiate cautiously a life’s flourishing were drastically repressed. concept, event, or a person, from being alienated His government typified the deficiency of a to the putrefied significations surrounding it. In metaphysical guarantor to regulate the Filipinos’ this manner, looking for a particular individual passage towards ascending life, and articulated the or principle behind the EDSA revolution would inability of its system to highlight the provisional be a futile venture. When a particular concept and material features of life. When the Filipino such as “individual” or “power” is de-centered, condition and the social milieu’s condition were the possibility of identitarian domination—be feebly administered by the autocratic machinery, it cognitive, metaphysical, or political—can be effervescent landscapes of thriving gradually, yet controlled, albeit not necessarily annihilated. dynamically, become radiant potentialities. This is differential power at its best, emanating The relatively omnipresent deterritorialization not from a transcendental center, but from a and reterritorialization of the various forces amid congregation of various life-forces―the Filipino the societal landscape during the revolution assemblage. In fact, when a visiting political were never totally eradicated. It is because they DELEUZIAN READING OF THE EDSA REVOLUTIONS REYES, R. 65 were harmoniously re-attuned for the Filipino of its iron hand. Astonishingly, a reversal of assemblage’s higher glory―a sheer portrayal values occurred. Instead of equipping its hands of the Nietzschean adage of experiencing chaos with aggression, the wall created by the Filipinos as a precondition in gaining exuberant force. offered the soldiers food, flowers, and rosaries, Foregrounded in the exceptional character of the and a plea for the military to disarm themselves. revolution, anonymous bodies became awed by Dredging for this event’s historical parallelism the novelty of the event and to its consequential would easily give us the name of Mahatma gravity (Gonzaga, 2009). An ethical test dawned Gandhi with his non-violent redemptive project. in front of the collectivity on either to overcome But as far as we know, “the Philippine February decadence or to remain within the confines of phenomenon is the first example in modern history herd morality. This is an extraordinary moment where it has been used effectively to prevent to choose either ascending or descending life one military force from attacking another. Even typology amidst EDSA’s chaotic canvass where among nonviolent revolutions, it was unique in that “divergence is affirmed in such a way that the unarmed civilians were defending the military” either . . . or itself becomes a pure affirmation . . (Elwood, 1986, p. 16). In being pacified and anti- . Thus, the ideational center of convergence is by deterministic, the revolution’s call for increased nature perpetually de-centered, it serves only to communal spirit was based on pragmatically affirm divergence” (Deleuze, 1969/1990, p. 174). differential grounds. Even the forefront of Beyond the ABC’s of past revolutions and the dictatorial machinery (the soldiers) had a political change, assemblage of bodies, values, difficulty in evading the dice-playing ardor of the and language configurations were transformed struggle, as they deterritorialized their military throughout the event. Since various machinic uniforms and became part of the revolutionary bodies were not yet fully penetrated by political and assemblage. Hence, the EDSA revolution reactive ideologies at that time, they outgunned the indubitably engendered the transgression of templates of determinism and became acquiescent violence, individuality, traditional historicism, to the macro-struggle, regardless of their neophyte and more importantly, mediocre values. body physiology. Indeed, the plangent arrival of The assemblage of all these forces ruptured the difference devoured metaphysico-epistemological territoriality of different social representations. structures and relations. Consequently, the This revolution, happening only in the immanent people and other forces converted into a concrete arena of life, brought us back to Nietzsche’s assemblage moving in concert, without the theorization of the world as chaotic, and panoptical disciplinarity of a transcendental a-teleological, in characters (Deleuze, 1962/1983). philosophy, such as the state, political system, Further, the experience of the non-thematizable and ideology. The vigorously protean force creativity made the EDSA an artistic example stemming from the collective’s solemn yearning of the affirmation of chance: “Uncertain of its for liberty continuously pulled surrounding outcome, the people vacillated between the machines of the social milieu into its creative different affective responses. On the one hand, the corpus. The garden of bodies unified into a event was incomprehensible, because the series of resilient war-machinery geared to embattle a episodes that transpired and the eventual outcome foundationalist center, towards freedom. In fact, that it produced appeared to be accidental” as the non-violent radicalization of performances (Gonzaga, 2009, p. 124). The assemblage of was construed by the moment’s spontaneity, the forces which converted into an immense potency revolutionaries gallantly went to the streets to necessitated still the presence of the will to amalgamate their bodies with other materialities power as “something which overcomes them, under an immanently-configured justice principle, but is necessary for them for their own actuality” despite the government’s pervading exhibition (Deleuze, 1962/1983, p. 54). The plentiful 66 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 14 NO. 1 molecular singularities occupying the public space with this differential rage. Take for instance, a like the political center’s non-violent overthrow tear gas which was supposed to aid scatter the mob were cogently hauled in the logic of chance. during a grand military assault, was blown by the The groundbreaking throw of the revolutionary wind back in the direction of the troops (Elwood, dice portrays the fervid risk for the affirmation 1986). Additionally, as the helicopters flew over of chance that eventually spawned the opening the camps, the Filipinos were expecting rocket of the Philippine society and its surrounding firings toward their direction, but they landed desiring-machines to difference or to multifold instead, their pilots defecting to the rebel forces. life possibilities. The rhizomic interaction of these heterogeneous Astonishingly, the assemblage of bodies (BwO) forces (human and non-human) exterminates the was characterized by the “dice-throw” principle privileged slate granted to the subject, for he/she with its dynamicity, immanence, and openness. became only one among the myriad of elements The multiplicity of becomings inherent in the found in the whole immanent field of historical bodies’ might depicted in EDSA was fashioned relations, thereby creating an assemblage of by the Deleuzio-Nietzschean moment of will to subjectivities. Thus, the democratization of these power and chance, as the machinic assemblages capacities educates us that we do not need to be were spontaneously called forth to gather at the a cultural icon, a male, or even an individual, in said highway to boldly bridge chaos and the bestowing a voice in the struggle. world. According to Deleuze (1962/1983): After injustice’s permeating mutation in the Philippine soil, the disconsolate experiences of the The will to power as a principle does not people and adjacent forces have actualized into suppress chance, but implies it, because without a giant desiring-machine seeking for Heraclitean chance it would be neither plastic nor changing. “eternal justice” (Deleuze, 1962/1983). Even Chance is the bringing of forces into relation, the ontological habitat of the word “justice” the will to power is the determining principle explodes, towards becoming. The will to power of this relation. The will to power is a necessary as a functionalist form of desire renders life addition to force but can only be added to forces brought into relation by chance. The will to into artistic transformations and a plethora of power has chance as its heart for only the will to relational assemblages. The assemblage’s will power is capable of affirming all chance. (p. 53) to power, which was manifested in the arrival of the unexpected, obliterated everything regimented The dice-playing world is the playground for the and completive. In this wondrous moment, child and desiring-machines capable of producing differential justice embraced material reality both good and bad dice-players. In fact, the like dynamite fashioning the realization of novel festivity of the EDSA I’s success did not actualize values: “It really felt like a miracle was happening. from an immediate grand picture, for it was Soldiers not firing even when ordered to, my own derived from formerly fragmented occurrences. children and wife in EDSA were actually enjoying Fascinatingly though, the assemblagic force and it, and the weather so nice and cool throughout non-violent language of the revolution awakened the few days” (Mercado & Tatad, 1986, p. 250). the Filipinos towards undiscovered potentialities. Undoubtedly, the revolution radicalized the You could see citizens wearing ordinary hats despotic center from being to becoming. The transfiguring into authentic participants in the noise of dejected experiences, like frustrations aesthetic performance, women de-centering their and inequalities, turned into music; the formerly gender-constitution by serving unwaveringly complex and risky movements of bodies became the participants, as well as food, rosaries, and a joyful dance; and, life became a meaningful flowers, among others, ennobling as animated celebration. vitalities. To some extent, even nature coalesced DELEUZIAN READING OF THE EDSA REVOLUTIONS REYES, R. 67

The Return of the Different as the authoritarian regime. Challenged by this Recurrence of Depotism predicament, a Constitutional Convention was commenced to replace the previously-existing The Philippine Assemblage under EDSA II and III constitution marred by avaricious intentions and denigrating principles (Azada & Hermida, 2001; If the principle of difference is creatively Mercado & Tatad, 1986). This also includes an infused within the body of a revolution or any exhaustive revamp across the entire political plateaus, it would spawn the very possibility of structure of the Judiciary to eradicate even groundbreaking events. In the EDSA I revolution, Marcos’ acolytes. Unfortunately, the mutually we saw a landscape of creative assemblage dignified fervor inherent within the Filipino demolishing a totalitarian normativity. It was assemblage during Pres. Aquino’s time deadened, driven by the assemblage’s will to power and that is why corruption in variegated types and dedication for noble values, as the gates for locations had its agile resurgence. Filipinos in furthering an ascending life typology Fifteen years after the 1986 EDSA Revolution, were opened. the Philippines experienced another event Informed by the death of God (or any surrogate popularly called the EDSA II. It happened on serving as a metaphysical guarantor), Nietzsche January 2001, due to the downright wickedness formulates the typologies of the ascending of President Joseph Estrada. The action-star- and the descending life, and introduces the turned-tyrant spent all his efforts in the movie metaphor of the Eternal Return in order to test screen to delude the people that effective acting us on what kind of life do we want to recur. For is a potent requirement for the presidential Deleuze (1968/1994), this kind of recurrence is election. Nonetheless, as a leader occupying a returning of “the being of becoming” (p. 41). the highest position in the land, his movie scripts In connection, Ronald Bogue (1989) in his book personified into a rubbish tabula rasa, which Deleuze and Guattari testified to this claim in became inept of helping him for the deterrence opining that “Deleuze understands the eternal of his ruin in front of the Filipino audience. return not as a return of being and the Same, but of According to the Transparency International becoming and difference, the world of Heraclitus (2004), Estrada’s previous landslide victory in and chance” (p. 29). In this manner, a world of the May 1998 election, was obscurely tarnished difference is a rhizomatic plateau of multiplicities, by colossal accounts of corruption in the likes and not of identity: the “eternal return is the of questionable deposits, unexplained wealth, internal identity of the world and of chaos, the and palatable abodes. As such, Philippine Chaosmos” (Deleuze, 1968/1994, p. 299). In society returned into its old form, and rapacious addition, closely-related to the eternal return venalities, malevolent or “trapo” politicians, and principle are the concepts of deterritorialization participatory politics repugnance, had found their and reterritorialization. These nomadic Deleuzian way back. Consequently, an impeachment case principles are fraternal processes empowering was instigated against him from the Congress and identifying assemblage’s lines of flight. In to the Senate, and down to the EDSA highway. addition, these concepts do not illustrate thought’s Concomitant with the trial, Manila Archbishop retrogression to its previous territory, but rather Cardinal Sin declared him guilty of plunder and refers to the ways in which deterritorialized corruption, and sturdily sought for his removal. elements traverse novel machinic relations. This was analogously strengthened when majority During Corazon Aquino’s leadership, she of the senators decided “NO” for the opening spearheaded the formulation of a new groundwork of one of the supposed envelopes that would for political practice and stringently-regulated intensify Estrada’s anomaly during the legal institutions contra the renaissance of another proceeding. Consequently, huge quantity of 68 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 14 NO. 1 protesters flooded EDSA highway calling for his another dominant religious bloc other than the resignation. The Filipino assemblage fueled with Roman Catholic. This furious assemblage then animosity was bolstered by students from various choke Roman Catholic-governed EDSA highway, schools and left-wing organizations, and so forth, for the oscillating causes of their ire for the followed by the Philippine National Police and newly deposed President Estrada’s arrest, and the Armed Forces of the Philippines’s withdrawal for reinstating a previous presidential monster in of support. the Philippine land, namely, Gloria Macapagal- The remarkable triumph brought about by the Arroyo. EDSA I and II certainly depicts us the redemptive Numerous broadcast station vans were burned power of the Filipino assemblage: by the ferocious herd, and the governments military machinery were assaulted with Molotov The historical context of EDSA is that it bombs, rocks and pipes, as the agitated supporters is the court of last resort for the sovereign walked towards the Malacaňang Palace. In turn, people to throw off the yoke of abusive and the police and the military responded with force corrupt leaders after all institutional means after implementing a “maximum tolerance” to end abuses have failed. That has been the policy, thus, hurting many protesters. On May meaning embedded in EDSA by People Power 1, 2001, President Arroyo declared a State of I, which toppled Ferdinand Marcos, and People Power II, which deposed Joseph Estrada. The Rebellion pursuant to Proclamation No. 38, and Filipino people endured 14 years of the Marcos ordered for the seizure of the minds behind the dictatorship . . . before People Power took shape struggle. On May 7, 2001, she lifted the State of in February 1986. They endured two and a half Rebellion, as the EDSA III’s fierce spirit ended years of Estrada’s abuses and plunder before futilely under her professionally-configured they moved to end his corrupt and incompetent labyrinth (San Juan, 2007). regime (“Estrada Allies Mass,” 2001). From a macro-perspective, the authenticity of the EDSA III is still disputable. The EDSA III’s After Estrada’s eviction in EDSA II, he was social substance was not able to escape critical succeeded by the then vice-president Gloria diagnosis because its participants were rather Macapagal-Arroyo. Albeit some critics swiftly driven by a problematically debauched reason―to claimed that their abhorrence to Estrada was bring back into seat the deposed President Joseph incongruous to Arroyo’s divinization. In the Estrada. Additionally, the ire of the crowd was macro (molar), EDSA II peacefully overthrew aggravated by the specious exhortation made by President Estrada similar to the non-violent some imprudent politicians as they romanticize resistance that occurred 15 years ago. While in the pre-existing distance between the rich and the micro (molecular), its stature in the annals the poor in the country, and forge the idea that of Philippine history is still filled with web-like bringing back Estrada into the post would liberate discrepancies and skepticisms, especially with them from economic poverty. regard to its lawfulness and value (Gatmaytan, The legitimization question on EDSA III was 2006). coupled by the global condemnation of many Four months after, another struggle was democratic societies and the Western media occasioned by the Filipino assemblage, called regarding Philippine’s decision in ejecting EDSA III. A throng of Estrada’s supporters Estrada from office. For them, this is something buffered his house equipped with the goal of illegally-processed, since it is only an offshoot safeguarding their former president from police of a conspiracy theory made by political and apprehension (Gatmaytan, 2006). This crowd economic elites in the country, as well as, a was mostly composed of the marginalized sector manifestation of a weak state, which is detrimental and members of the Iglesia ni Cristo which is to the democratic institutions restored during the DELEUZIAN READING OF THE EDSA REVOLUTIONS REYES, R. 69

EDSA I (Cordingley & Lopez, 2001, as cited in bomb amidst the Filipino bodies in order to avert Gatmaytan, 2006). Despite the aforementioned a massive upheaval for her overthrow. Due to criticism, Arroyo inversely pondered the EDSA II widespread extra-judicial killings, 2004 electoral as a profound concretization of direct democracy. sabotage, and plan to reformulate the 1987 This viewpoint gained considerable affirmations Constitution for her egological ends, even social like from the former Philippine constabulary groups of varying creeds and classes of different chief-turned Philippine president Fidel Ramos. orientations have conceivably congregated He explained, “that Philippine-style democracy themselves into an anti-Arroyo war-machine. entitles the people to use both direct (extralegal Unfortunately, two attempts have failed to means) and indirect (legal) forms of exercising actualize because of strategies, bribes, threats, popular sovereignty so that when the indirect and harassments. mechanisms do not function” (Gatmaytan, 2006, On February 2008, parts of the Catholic p. 12). Church, which was immensely contributory On the other side of the coin, it is perceivable during the EDSA I event, released a peti-apology that Arroyo’s mind contains a galaxy of political out of frustration to Arroyo upon the realization tactics in shielding her whim of absolute that her post-EDSA II’s installation as the dominion. She has cunningly used the banner of president was not really worth-celebrating―for the EDSA II, as a pretext for enormous venalities tainting the glory of Philippine democracy (San and human rights violations. On February 21, Juan, 2007). The extreme dismay of the Filipino 2007, Philip Alston, United Nation’s Human assemblage to Estrada shaping the so-called Rights Council Investigator discovered appalling EDSA II gave us Arroyo―another tyrant. But quantity of extrajudicial executions in the country despite the non-fulfillment of these shared efforts, since she assumed the presidency in 2001. poetic justice arrived at the right moment. After According to San Juan (2007), “Alston censured her term as president, abundant cases were filed the regime’s officials and the Armed Forces of the against her, foremost of which is the continuation Philippines (AFP) for their ‘total denial’ of such of her electoral sabotage offense. Grippingly, a an outrageous situation. Since 2001, Amnesty reversal of luck has occurred to them. Arroyo International, Asian Human Rights Commission, is now charged with plunder and incarcerated and other international monitors have condemned at the Veterans Memorial Hospital―the similar the Arroyo government for the systematic venue of Estrada’s detainment during the Arroyo repression of dissenters from all sectors: workers, administration. women, farmer activists, union leaders, students, lawyers, journalists, and indigenes” (pp. 203- Diverse Implications to the Philippine Body 204). Evidently, this political ploy was made Politic possible with the aid of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police’s Based from the lessons given to us by history, high-ranking members acting as political chess when the provisional attribute of any concept is pawns to block any attempt of mass resistance. marginalized in favor of the principle of being or Her proto-dictatorial rule showed us a coarse identity, then the life-celebrating values rendered illustration of the eternal return―a resurrection of to us by EDSA I can develop easily into several a tyrant inside her minute body, or a recurrence of forms of quandaries. As cited above, the EDSA the Same (despotism) inside a new physiological Revolution paradoxically returned under the container (Arroyo’s body). labels of EDSA II and III Revolutions, because As a master of sophistry, she proclaimed a the people were not able to successfully maintain state of “national emergency” in February 2006. its ethico-emancipatory vigor and the assemblagic Its main purpose was to deaden the ticking time nature of the struggle. The spirit of EDSA I 70 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 14 NO. 1 was obliterated in favor of narcissistic political assemblage’s lines of flight does not guarantee ends, decadent organizations, and dogmatic a utopian movement that is why many fibers principles. These repetitions radiantly portray of the 1986 EDSA Revolution turned amiss. Deleuze assemblage analysis in terms of capture Sadly, many Filipinos have re-entered Plato’s or reterritorialization of revolutionary forces Cave to be restrained once more under slave by corrupt or reactionary elements (Deleuze & morality’s shackles. Juan dela Cruz’s (the symbol Guattari, 1980/1987). Thus, these new EDSAs for an ordinary Filipino) appreciation of the constituted a return founded on reactive view of indispensable values fashioned by this struggle life, originating from another dictatorial power is already mediocritized by the descending with different machinic components. life-typology. Due to the vicious practice of After these aforesaid distorted pathways and democracy concretized in the ensuing reform despoiled machines in our political history’s projects of the Philippine government in the post- assemblage, it is not anymore an existential EDSA periods, what is substantiated instead of the squabble as to who is the lesser evil helmsman of cultivation of a strong basis for enduring societal our Republic; but rather, as to what kind of leader, transformation is otherwise. Meaning to say, what quality of Philippine vision, or what type of the supposed leaders of the rehabilitation efforts life do we want to recur and experience. Since rather became progenitors of political dynasties, our country is presently imperialized by global opportunism, and the like (San Juan, 2007). Juan hegemony, decayed politics, and disenchanted de la Cruz must radically apprehend that for every ethics, hoping for a return of something like exuberant moment that this revolution offers, the first EDSA would easily actualize as an there is a corresponding price to pay, when we anti-Deleuzian dream, for initially what returns do not grip it responsibly―dystopia. is not the Same. Since the eternal return is a If other world revolutions brought forth physico-ethical selection of being, it allows us comprehensive economic and socio-political to comprehend the world as characterized by reforms to their societies due to EDSA I’s becoming or the ritornello of difference (Deleuze, inspiration, why did we (Filipinos) not gain 1968/1994). This pedagogy must help us discern something from it? In his web-essay entitled, “Did that the “venue” and the “mass of people” were not EDSA Really Matter?” Rigoberto Tiglao (2014, the only machines responsible in making the 1986 par. 5) summarized some of the various negative revolution a distinct reality in the Philippines, even consequences of the EDSA I: in the case of wearing yellow t-shirts, while crying for democracy without the profound knowledge The EDSA Revolution restored the power of of the struggle’s dynamicity and life’s differential our oligarchs, and the country’s oligarchic nature. For this matter, an affirmative devastation structure created by colonial powers, and of of memory can elicit profound creativity to our course, its ideological superstructure, Spanish current historical situation. It is because when Catholicism . . . No wonder we have been unable to undertake even the weakest program we exceedingly monumentalize this historical for population control, making us the Asian alterity and comprehend it via the yardstick of country with the fastest-growing population— descending life, then our individual and collective of mostly poor people . . . The cronies and big- memory will develop into a work of ressentiment. business supporters of the dictator, years after Therefore, a Dionysian forgetting must be within EDSA, regained their seats in politics, business, integral grasp, for this would require selection and and even media. affirmation of difference. Indeed, many of Philippine society’s From a more specific plane, the Meralco assemblages and lines of flight have now Corporation fell once again into the monopolizing developed belligerently. As argued earlier, an hands of the Lopez family, and the Hacienda DELEUZIAN READING OF THE EDSA REVOLUTIONS REYES, R. 71

Luisita issue once more favored the Aquino clan. of an array of Deleuzian principles in order to Doubtless, the elites get what they want, at the analyze and critique the EDSA revolutions. expense of the changing our social structures so My drive behind this task is that the EDSA our country would be more productive (Tiglao, revolution(s) produced both noble and debased 2014). forces via kaleidoscopic machinic relations in the Moreover, the aftermath scholarships relating molecular and the molar level. Furthermore, this to the EDSA I and II struggles are problematically was inevitably complemented by the relentless filled with web-like contingencies as to whether recurrence of identitarian violence expressed in all popular uprisings should be considered as different assemblages of Filipino life. Perhaps, parts of the people power tradition, and whether there is also another terrain of assemblage at all antagonism to autocracy must be expressed which EDSA II and III can be viewed upon. through conventional procedures. As such, Regardless of the inauthenticities experienced by these suggest for a redefinition of our notions the various actors and materialities occasioned of power, governance, historical dialectics, and in the EDSA highway, the former removed the ethical practices. However, this can neither be tyrant Joseph Estrada, and our abjection under concretized by degenerately reifying the past every Gloria Arroyo bequeathed us many insightful time we are faced with a plethora of problems, nor lessons. Considerably, these phenomena have by an immediate utopian leap towards the future. expanded our cognitive fields and generated Albeit the future is yet-to-come for us through praxiological discourses and effects for the people’s a more differential rumination of the various conscientization regarding the indispensability of machinic experiences operating in our everyday, nation-building, law-enforcement, social activism, then EDSA can be comprehended as an Event not and ethical responsibility. It has also raised many only of the past, and of the present, but also one questions as to what kind of political governance, still-in-the-making―embedded in a perpetual cultural understanding, and historical dialectics do process of becoming. we want in the future. But once again, we must be At present, the concept of ascending life in our ruthlessly critical regarding our perennial pursuit land is systemically bastardized by neocolonial for a collective Filipino identity as a foundation paradigms and the culture industry, among others. for anti-authoritarian machinery because it will In this manner, the question on what kind of life always be susceptible to the homogenizing trap do we want to recur still remains elusive to us. laid down by the despotic system itself (Deleuze EDSA I’s pragmatics appear unsatisfactory to & Guattari, 1980/1987). In the global scene, the again invite surrounding protean effects and life- Egyptians are now casted under this political spell affirming forces to form another emancipatory in the midst of their simmering indignation against assemblage or war machine for the Filipinos the Morsi government. Speciously, this so-called in the present epoch. Our new adversary has Middle Eastern naiveté is what aggravates the paradoxically self-evolved, that is, in gaining a Egyptian government’s problem that is why as human face and institutionalized coordinates. of the moment, disarray forcefully plagues the In this manner, a radically innovative kind of society, while redemptive hope is still nebulous revolutionary awareness and vigilance must be to the people. formulated to undergird our critical vision. Differential thinking should first and foremost deterritorialize thinking (traditional) itself. In addition, differentiality will render repetition The Possibility of Becoming Revolutionary always as the ritornello of the different. Today Specifically, one instance of this principle’s misreading in the Philippine domain pertains Writ large, the whole paper is an appropriation to the Filipinos perennial desire for the EDSA 72 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 14 NO. 1

I to occur once again. Problematically, the assemblage” (Deleuze & Guattari, 1980/1987), more we push ourselves with this reactive which intimates that revolution, understood in aspiration, the more we allow the generation the molar framework, is a rather fragile tactic for of innumerable fascist organisms (like Estrada achieving high-spirited ends. and Arroyo) and oppressive forces, rather than Becoming-revolutionary must still assume cultivate upright values and opportunities. Albeit a molar appearance in thought-transformation, reterritorialization is not retrogression to the past, while constantly being accompanied by molecular we can still gather and be inspired by the various becomings. Deleuze and Guattari characterized machines deterritorialized in the 1986 EDSA this view as a radical politics of desire irreducible revolution to serve as high-spirited typologies to any foundational stratification. According to for the creation of a new and untimely concept of them, this politics “dissolves the mystifications revolution in the present scheme of things. of power through the kindling, on all levels, of In the dice-playing world of chance, the next anti-oedipal forces―the schizzes-flows―forces EDSA can originate either from a reactive or that escape coding, scramble the codes, and flee active plane. The Promethean hope remains in all directions” (Deleuze & Guattari, 1972/1977, that it would originate from a differential ethics p. xxii). Multiple becomings can only occur whose internal fuel is the will to ascending life. at the micro-level (molecular). In essence, the If the EDSA singularity returns, it will be of current role of Deleuzian molecular politics is to another life-force(s). If a distinct event recurs, generate new-desiring machines, to create a new the perennial crucial question is whether we, as earth to be inhabited by the people-to-come―“a contemporary Filipino assemblage, are ready to possibility of life” (Deleuze & Parnet, 1987/2002, embrace chaosmos (a world of chaos). No matter p. 4). The people-to-come is an Event, a resistance how many EDSAs will come along our way, if we crafting group becoming towards a faceless Filipinos will not learn active life 101, our lives future. The fashioning of the Filipinos-to-come will simply be a ceaseless addition of nihilistic and the revolution-to-come imply an aesthetic zeroes. The recurrence of the different will be engagement with chaosmos and the gaseous a phenomenon carrying a new name(s), coming embrace of anarchism. The fabulation of a people from a new place(s), and only feasible with a to come “is directed toward something that is different magnitude(s). not absolutely chaotic and anarchic, towards The rhizomic estuary between the EDSA I some form of collectivity that is simultaneously singularity and Deleuze’s differential project is the metastable and temporarily stable, always intrepid effort via diverse intensities to demystify engaged in process of negotiation, dissolutions, the very configuration of the concepts of “nation”, and reformation” (Bogue, 1989, p. 87). “revolution”, and more importantly, “life.” In the chapter, “People Power and the However, EDSA I’s aftermath negligently fell into Legal System: A Sociological Note” of the book, the hands of traditional revolutionary rubric. On Reflections on Sociology and Philippine Society, the macro-level, history is a witness to different it is interesting to ponder how the sociologist wretched revolutions in the course of civilization Randolf David (2001) provided a lucid description like the Bolshevik Revolution bolstering Stalin, of a revolutionary struggle parallel with Deleuze’s the Cambodian Socialism midwifing Pol Pot, notion of becoming-revolutionary that opens itself and the EDSA Revolution II solidifying Gloria to the future: Arroyo. These kinds of historical actualities in the Deleuzian plateau almost always end up People power is amorphous; it follows no in mayhem (Deleuze & Guattari, 1991/1994). definite timetable, has no definable organization For this reason, Deleuze formulated a brand or leadership, and follows no predetermined of clement activism, tasked to “gently tip the direction. Its main concern is to increase its numbers from day to day. It knows when it DELEUZIAN READING OF THE EDSA REVOLUTIONS REYES, R. 73

has attained its peak; the collective excitement revolutionary renders us the possibility of hope. reaches a crescendo, and the crowd eagerly It is a praxiological nomadism and a becoming- awaits its moment of final discharge and minortarian, composed of critical evaluation triumph. (pp. 241-242) of various landscapes, sustaining a certain degree of political power without and within the state apparatus, and charting new navigations Moreover, in another book of David (2002) in various parlances (Deleuze & Guattari, entitled, Nation, Self, and Citizenship: an 1980/1987). A Deleuzian revolutionary struggle Invitation to Sociology, he argued: is a micro-political war-machine that aspires for the transfiguration of the material world via the Real people power is autonomous, self-willed, violent encounter between heterogeneous forces and well informed. It draws its courage and and the construction of creative spaces for life’s determination from the power of its convictions. It is inventive and free, and not constrained by potentialities, as well as, virtualities to embrace dogma, political correctness or any party line. the immanent plane. It is because “molecular It is a moral protest elevated to an art. It is not escapes and movements would be nothing if awed by power. It stands up to power, but it they did not return to the molar organizations to disdains power. That is why it has no leaders, reshuffle their segments, their binary distributions only symbols . . . It is non-violent and highly of sexes, classes, and parties” (Deleuze & disciplined. It is militant but never sad. Indeed Guattari, 1980/1987, pp. 216-217). it is festive and celebratory. It is angry at times, Deleuze devised several conceptual and but never aggressive. It does not only claim the practical strategies pragmatic for the further high moral ground, but it also regards itself as construction of a new revolutionary ethos the force of the new, the vanguard of a hopeful proficient in deterritorializing the seemingly future. (pp. 302-303) impermeable citadel of political representation and repetition. In the words of Deleuze & Parnet Assemblage as a war-machine affirms the (1987/2002) in their book Dialogues: possibilities and perils of sovereignty (state). Although this may have novel effects to cross Instead of gambling on the eternal impossibility the threshold of identity, the state (as a regulative of the revolution and on the fascist return mechanism) is still necessary to guard it in the of a war-machine in general, why not think long run. In fact, the state is not intrinsically a that a new type of revolution is in the course bastion of wickedness that is why its structural of becoming possible, and that all kinds of foundation can be maintained, as long as mutating, living machines conduct wars, are ascending and rhizomic machines and lines of combined and trace out a plane of consistence flight are still derivable from it. Unquestionably, which undermines the plane of organization of this does not discount that deterritorialization can the World and the States?” (p. 147) be pulled anytime from life’s immanent field when this political assemblage converts into a fascist machine. Since for Deleuze, states and radical References machines relate in perpetual dynamism, the challenge then is how to ingeniously discern and Arillo, C. (2011). A country imperiled: Tragic lessons of a distorted history. Makati: IAME Books. distantiate the two in the pendulum of life, that is, Azada, R., & Hermida, R. (2001). People power’ between chaos and order, so as to take advantage revolution: Perspectives from Hannah Arendt and of the life-affirming forces of metamorphosis Jurgen Habermas. Budhi: A Journal of Culture and without risking one’s individual or collective life Ideas, 5(1), 85-150. (Deleuze & Guattari, 1980/1987). Arendt, H. (1963). On revolution. London: Faber and In the eyes of Deleuze, becoming- Faber. 74 ASIA-PACIFIC SOCIAL SCIENCE REVIEW VOL. 14 NO. 1

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