ASSOCIATION FOR CONSUMER RESEARCH

Labovitz School of Business & Economics, University of Minnesota Duluth, 11 E. Superior Street, Suite 210, Duluth, MN 55802

Wheni S Cranberrys Auces Hapedl Ike a Can? an Investigation of Cultural Capital, Gender, Andc Onsumptionin Televisionp Rogramming Jennifer E. Chang, Penn State University W. Edward Rott, Penn State University

[to cite]: Jennifer E. Chang and W. Edward Rott (2000) ,"Wheni S Cranberrys Auces Hapedl Ike a Can? an Investigation of Cultural Capital, Gender, Andc Onsumptionin Televisionp Rogramming", in GCB - Gender and Consumer Behavior Volume 5, eds. Cele Otnes, Urbana, IL : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 107-124.

[url]: http://www.acrwebsite.org/volumes/15691/gender/v05/GCB-05

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WhenIs CranberrySauce Shaped Like A Can? An InvestigationOf Cultural Capital, Gender, andConsumption in TelevisionProgramming

JenniferE. Chang,Penn State University W. Edward RottUPenn State University

ABSTRACT low cultural capital women,noting the commonalityof fosteringcommunal ties. Ta date, no systematicattempt has been Extendingthis line of reasoning,we might madeto examinehow cultural capital might also expecfcongruence between class and interaet with gender in the consumption genderfor high cultural capital men beeause sphere. Working under the assumptionthat of the commonemphasis on the pursuit of televisionpograms provide usefulinsigfus individuality. We investigatethe into the behavior of'real consumer4we relationshipbetween cultural capital and examineeansumption as depictedby genderby evaluatingnot only eommunalvs charactersin sixpopular prime-time individualist subjectivity,but also the teJevisianseries. Thecharacters selected nuanc€sof five other dimensionsofcultural allowedJbr a 2 x 2 considerationoJ' gender capital. (male,female) and cultural capital (low, high). We/ind that (l) menare more We focusour analysison consumptionas protolypical of cultural capital dimensions depictedin currentmedia. The goal is not to than are women,(2) consumptiondefines provide a broad-sweeprnggeneralization, genderas afluid rather than a strictly but rather,to impart an understandingof the binary construct,and (3) certaindimensions textureofcultural capital and genderas of cultural capital manifestdffirently in depictedin a subsetofNorth American menandwomen- Examplesare given to televisionprogramming. The penrasiveness supportthe findings, and ideasfor further of televisionprogramming, in particular, inve st igat ion are discus s ed. providesa foray into the cultural consumptionof productsand lifestyles In his analvsisof Bourdieu'stheories of (Hirschmanand Thompson1997). Consider cultwaliapitat, Holt (1998)illusfates that the following examplefrom the television cultural capital in fact structuresAmerican shoq , in which a British woman consumpion. He points out the needto namedDaphne prepa1es a Thanksgiving understandhow cultural capitaland other feastfor Marty (LCC' male): social categoriesinterrelate in consumption. In particular,how do cultural capitaland Marty: Could you just once cook a genderinteract? Holt (1998)speculates traditional Thanksgiving congruencebetween class and genderfor meal? I mean,look at this cranberrysauce! It's gender,but also provide insightsinto the supposedto keepthe shapeof nuancesthat help explain suchdifferences in the can,quiver a little bit! findings. We parseour analysesinto tlree What are aII thesechunks in sections. First, we investigatethe general there? relationshipbetween cultural capitaland gender. Most notably, we find that gendered Daphne: Thoseare cranberries. tastesare coogruentwith classtastes for [Audiencelaughs.J LCC men, ratherthan for LCC women(as suggestedby Holt). Moreover,the [Marty's son enterswith afrozen pie predominanceof male charactersdepicted as as requestedby Marty.J prototypesfor HCC and LCC sharply contasts with the marginal definitionsof Daphne: Honestly,wouldn't you femalecharacters. In fact, we notethat .X- ratherI just bakea pie from women (who shunsocial conventionand are scratch? neither high or low cultural capital) 'ofiIl tend to in" the 't dimensionsunaccounted for by Marty: Is it that you can learn, or the depictions 'r of HCC and LCC women. youwon learn? fAudience Second,we considergender not as a state lauglu.J but as a fluid continuumof femininity and "effects" masculinity,and note the of The exarnplepresented renders a glimpse consumptionon genderrepresentations. into the potentialfor understandingcultural Third, the nuancesof the dimensionsof capital and genderin consumption.After cultural capital qualitatively differ in all, throughthe courseof a story line, definition "naturally'' for eachgroup. We presenttwo characters engagein examplesto illustrate the needfor further consumption-usebehaviors that structure study. their realitiesand add characterdepth. At the sametime, characterscreatively and LITERATURE REVIEW actively consumeproducts in bricolage fashion(Dderteau l9S4) as they also 'Violate" The study of consumptionas it is depictedin sociallyprescribed consumpion massmedia entertainment is not new(e.g. normsto further effect humor and other Holbrookand Grayson 1986; Hirschman collective reactions. While we focus on 1988;Wells andGale 1994;Wellsand individual charactersas our unit of analysis, Anderson 1996;Sherry 1997; and, their interactionswith productsand other Hirschmanand Thompson1997). Inquiries charactersembellish the theories.For inlo how consumptionpatterns differ along instance,the exampleof Marty abovemay dimensionsof gender(among the many, be coitrasted with other characterswho Csikszentmihalyiand Rochberg-Halton makecranberry sauce from scratch(Monica, 1981;Thompson 1996; Thompson and , HCC female) or slyly dump the Haytko 1997;Grunert 1993)and cultural contentsof tlre can into a pot to mimic capital(Bowdieu 1984;Holt 1997,1998) homemadestatus (Wil, Win & Grace,HICC havealso beencarried out. However,we male). believe that this paperrepresents the first attemptto examinehow genderand cultural Our analysesdiverge from Holt's (1998) capital interactin consumptionas it is initial speculationsabout cultural capital and "model" practicedby characterson prime-time programmingas a for consumption television. is supportedbyHirschman and Thompson (1997), who arguethat consumer Holbrookand Grayson(1986) and relationshipsto programsare an essential Hirschman( I 988) representedearly aspectof perceivedmeanings they derive attemptsto bring massmedia depictions of from advertisements. consumptioninto the purview of consumer research.Holbrook and Grayson (1986) . A secondrationale is suggestedby the work broughtsemiological analysis to bear on the of Wells and Gale (1994) and Wells and portrayalof consumptionin the film Out o!' Anderson(1996), who studiedmaterialism Africa, wherethey demonstratehow levels of characterson television. The symbolicconstrmer behavior is usedto authorsfound that fictional datafrom developplot and character.While this fictional narratives(in this case,prime time representeda stepforward in taking television characters)supported findings seriouslyproduct usage depictions in a derived from empirical investigationsusing fictional setting,the authors'objective was real data(i.e., Richins and Dawson 1992 and lessto draw connectionsbetween fictional Richins t994). Wells andAnderson (1996, consumptionand real life than it was to p. 125)believe that: establish"what consumptioncan tell us Writers, directors,and producersof aboutworks of art. . . [andhow it can] help successfuITV comediesand dramas, conveythe meaningof that artistic and the actorswho play popularTV creation." (Holbrookand Grayson 1986, p. characters,are accurateobservers of 37s.) humannature. If this is correct,their insights...may tell us something ln her analysisof the ideologyof useful aboutthe real behaviorof real consumptionin the TV showsDallas and consumers. Dynasty,Hirschman ( 1988, p. 3a$ argues that "consumersacquire messages about While the authorsare careful not to claim productsfrom a variety of media vehicles on that TV narrativesmirror real life, they do a daily basis. Thesemessages convey axguepersuasively that thesefictional "extrast, symbolicmeanings concerning the use of narratives abbreviate,and amplift productsto expresspersonal values, social relationshipsthat also occur in real nonns,and cultural ideologies." Thus, we behavior." (Wells andAnderson 1996, p. havethe beginningsof one rationalefor 125.) Television,therefore, would seem to studyingconsumption on television: mass offer us a viable and importantsetting for mediatedentertiainment provides the study of consumptionfor two reasons. "symbolically symbolicallyrich modelsfor enablingsell First, it is a pervasive" definition. This rationaledrives Sherry's (Sherry1995) medium that offersviewers (1995)atelethnography''of coffee as it is guidanceabout how consumptiongoods can consumedin televisionprogtams. Sherry be usedin their everydaylives; andsecond, "surrogate" recognizesthat the depictionof coffee it may act as a reasonable for consumptionwithin the programming real life in the study of consumerbehavior. contextconditions, at leastin part, viewers' While the goal of this studyis not percepionsof coffee,thus "ostensibly generalizationto the everydayworld', the deliveringa receptiveaudience to particular consumptionpatterns investigated prospectivemarketers." This role for may leadto future questionsand insights ll0 about relationshipsbetween cultural capital Studiesof genderdifferences in and genderin real life. consumptionpractices have been numerous, the existenceof this conferenceis testament "telethnography" A potential application of to the subject'scontinued interest within is the studyof how interactionsof cultural consumerresearch. Nor hasthis interest capital and gendermanifest in consumpion beenlimited to marketing-oriented patternsas portrayedon TV programs. The consumerbehaviorists. Bourdieu ( 1990), of cultural capital was developedby for example,in his early structuralist concept "reading" PieneBourdieu of an Algerian peasanthouse, the Frenchsociologist "female (1934)in his studyof the relationship associatedthe space'owith the betweenaesthetic taste and social position' inside,the private, the home,the domestic; "a "male The term refersto set of socially rare and whereasthe space"was out in the distinctive tastes,skills, knowledge,and world, awayfrom home,and public. This practices"(Holt 1998,p. 3.) and is a idea was found to hold on prime time function of a person'seducation, Americantelevision also, in Acland's(1990) upbringing,occupation, and interactions analysisof genderedspace as depictedin the with the surroundingculture. Holt (1997, bar-basedsituation comedy . 1998)was the first to bring Bourdieu's Moreover,Bristor andFischer (1993) theoriesto bear on consumptionpractices in introducedthree distinct feminist theUnited States.In his 1998study, Holt perspectivesand their implicationsfor divided his ethnographicsubjects into two consumerresearch. For instance,from a groups,those high in cultural capital (HCCs) post-structuralfeminist perspective,they and thoselow in cultural capital (LCCs), and notedthat.women are socially constructedas found that they differed along six only partially formed humanbeings and "frequently dimensionsin terms of tastesand defined in termsof their marital consumptionpractices (see Table I for an roles"(p. 52a). Suchfindings have been adaptation). further validatedwithin the marketing domain sincethen (Joy and Venkatesh1994: Bourdieu's(1984) study has been criticized Schroeder1998). In an inquiry into for focusingsolely on class-related consumptionpractices of professional women,Thompson (1996) found that these dimensionsand ignoring others,including o'ethic gender. ln fact, Bourdieu'smodel is womenexhibited what he termedan arguablymale-centered, glven the gender of care" asthey consume,using imbalancein his sample(25.5Yo women in consumpion as a resourceto foster local the dominantclass sample, and 387owomen communalties. Although he did not study in the working class sample). At the same men, it would follow from most people's on only thoseof paid, full commonimpression that men in general time, his focus "ethic employqrent(as opposedto part time, might not exhibit an of care'"to such further skewsthe an extentas womendo, and thereforeare unpaid 6r no employment) "Everyday sampletowards male perspectives.Holt more individualistic. (1998),in fact, acknowledgesthat his own knowledge"might also lead most to believe work madeno attemptto locateanY that womenare relatively more likelyto interactionbetween cultural capital and trade comfort for style in their personal gender,and suggeststhat an examinationof dressthan men would be, and this interactionwouldbe fruitful. Csikszenfinihalyiand Rochberg-Halton (1981)noted practices involving home lll furnishingswhich distinguishwomen. METHODS Grunert(1993) foundedthat womenshowed a higher degreeof emotionallyinduced The goal of the study is to understandthe "compensatory"eating than did men. relationshipsbetween cultural capital and genderin consumption. We draw upon None of thesestudies, however, specifically televisionprogramming as "tele- attemptedto tie genderdifferences in ethnographicdatao', in line with earlier work consumptionto differencesrelated to class by Wells andcolleagues (Wells andGale or cultural capital. Therehave been several 1995;Wells andAnderson 1996). We took sfudiesin the communicationliterature, a groundedtheory approachwith an initial however,which havelooked at how class interestin product placementsand and genderinterrelate in prime-time representationsof genderedconsumption in television. Ellis andArmstrong (1989), for television programming. We focusedon six instanrce,found that femalesbelonging to the toprated televisionsitcoms in the Fall 1999 samesocial classas maleson television season:Dharma & Greg EverybodyLoves exhibitedquite different linguistic patterns, Raymond,Frasier, Friends, King oJ'Queens, onesmore closely associatedwith lower andl{ill & Grace. The six sitcomswere classes.Steeves and Smilh (1987)found selectedon severalcriteria. Aside from top that women in prime-timeTV were Nielsen ratings,each program exhibits consistentlyportrayed in subordinate distinct relationshipsbetween genders, *at positionsto men,thus placing them the which allowed us to analyzeinteractions and undersideof the classesoccupied by their compareproduct consumption Cultural malecolleagues" (p. 58). In an examination capitalalso varied by program. Everybody of four decadesof American situation LovesRaymond and King o/ Queenrdepict comedies,Butsch (1992) found that, predominantlyLCC characters,while consistent$over time, working class Frasier andDharma& Greg depictmostly families exhibitedinverted genderroles, in HCCs(with LCCs as foils). Friends and which men'fail asmen and women end up WiU& Grace contain representationsof filling the responsibilityvacuum. Men in both. Moreover,each show also impbrtsa middle classfamilies, conversely,tended measureof "realism" to the story line, rather much more often to meetthe standardsof than slapstickor contrived humor within masculinityrequired of them in termsof which product consumptionis exaggerated fathering,breadwinning, etc. (e.g.,The Dran CareyShow, Just Shoot Me). In this paper,we intendto tie togetherthe variousstrands represented by thebestudies. A team of three individuals (the two authors We will examineconsumption pa.tterns and a trained undergraduateassistant) exhibiaid by prime-time situationcomedy analyzedconsumption behaviors in all charactbrs,with the specific goal of efisodesduring the Fall season.We viewed determininghow differencesin cultural the episodesand noted instancesof product capital are, or are not, moderatedby usageon a standardtemplate for analysis. A differencesin gender. Ioosecoding schemeemerged from the initial analyseswith blanket themessuch as "cultural capital" and "transgressinggender norms" which were useful towards structuringour later thoughts. Tacking back 112

and forth betweendataandtheory, we noted We developedsets of themes,as discussed patternsof consumptionbetween character in the next section_ genderand representations of cultural. capital. We beganto focus on principle THEMES charactersas our unit ofanalysis, and revisitedthe datain light of a 2 x 2 We segmentthe themesinto three prts: considerationof gender(male, female) and generalrelationships between cultural "effects,'of cultural capital(Hcc, LCC). The characters capitaland gender, the such were selectedfor their distinct patterningof relationshipson masculinity and femininity, cultural capital,as agreedupon by the and the specific nuancesof the dimensions researchers.As a result,we focusedon four of cultural capital. We referenceand build LCC males,four HCC males,three LCC upon the dimensionsof cultural capital as females,and three HCC females(see Table describedin Table l. For instance,we 2). Thoughwe focuson white charactersin distinguishbetween external (outrvardly this study,future studiesshould consider the displayed)and internal (inwardly ruminated) interactionbetween race, gender and cultural dimensionsof high cultural capial to help capital. accountfor genderdifferences.

Two other charactersselected for analvsis. GeneralRelationships betwecn Cultural Phoebe(Friends)and Dharma (Dharma d Capital and Gender Greg), do not fit easilyinto either the LCC or the HCC category nor do they fall into "in an Men as Pratotypesfor Cultwal Capital. between"category. Rather,these two Unlike femalecharacters, male characters highly eccentriccharacters might more tend to representthe prototypesfor high and fruitfully be thoughtof as falling into a low cultural capital. LCC malesanchor on separatecategory, one not locatedonthe the dimensionsof material aesthetics, LCC-HCC continuum. In a satirical study referentialinterpretations, local tastesand of the Americanclass system, Fussell (1933) materialism. They also strongly exhibit describeda categoryof peoplehe labeled *X'(notto forms of communalsubjectivity and be confusedwith GenerationX). autotelic leisure. HCC malestend to anchor X peopleare self-directed,often "bohemian," on the HCC dimensions,as representedin and loath to conduct Table1. themselvesin any way that would befiay their eccentricideals or mark them as In terms of material aesthetics,LCC males coming from a distinct classbackground. In emphasize "a comfort, function and durability, their freedomthey represent sort of while HCC malesemphasize formal unmoniedaristocracy'' (Fussell p. "Phoebe 1983, aesthetics.Issues of space,in particular, 213). andDharma were included in illustrate this point. For instance,Mart5r the Studyin the hopethat, in their eccentric Crane'sold and wornLa-Z-Boychair in his useof consumergoods, they would reveal sonFrasier's living room sits in sharp insightsinto the relation of cultural capital contrastto the elegantnewness of Frasier's and genderthan might otherwisebe missed. HCC lifestyle. Like Marty, a former police officer who now hobblesaround with his As we directedour analysis,we also focused cane,the chair has also weatheredthe years. on how eachcharacter related (or did not and servesas a lifelong companionoftLn relate)to the dimensionsof cultural capital. misunderstoodby others. When Frasier presentshim with a new chair,he refusesit. Joey's(LCC) devouringof a beeftrifle "accidentally'' In anotherepisode, Frasier (accidentalcombination of half dessertand sitsin his father'schair while sufferingback half shepherd'spie) atteststo his referential pain and is surprised,yet somewhat interpretation,local tastesand abundance: "What's reluctant(even in his druggedstate), to not to like? Custard,good. Jam, realizethe comfort of the chair. Quibbles good. Meat, gooooooood."Seemingly o'gourmet" over material and fomral aestheticsshow up foods suchas filet mignonjerky repeatedlyas Frasierand his brotherNiles (Marty) similarly illustrate referential (both HCC male) show disdain over their interpretationslinked to local tastes. father's clothing, cabin in the woods, Material abundanceis constantlya sourceof restaurantsand friends, and as Marty display with all LCC males,as shownin the similarlypokes fun at his sons'stuffrness centrality and sacrednessof a large TV and inability to appreciatet}em.3 Other (Doug Joey),wearing of Porscheclothing to LCC male charactersare also strongly suggestwealth (Joey),and purposeful weddedto comfort. Doug"sown lounge/TV wastingof electricity after financial gain areain the garage,Joey's leather (Joey). The hoardingof eggsat a Las Vegas barcalounger,and Raymond'sbasement buffet to eam back gambling losses(Joey), office play similar roles in comfort and and preferencefor food that comesin firnctionality ratherthan formal aesthetics. baskets(Doug) further connotethe value of By contrast,both Will andGreg's (HCC abundance.Moreover, while HCC males male) deviationsfrom formality are the arc portrayedas furthering their individualist sourceof humorin severalepisodes. subjectivity and self-actualizationthrough Thoughdifferent programs,both Will and expertise,LCC malesengage in communal, Gregbecome unemployed in the Fall male bondingrituals. season.Will beginsto loungearound in his robe, eatingLuoky Charmsand watching HCC Femalesas Externally HCC. Througb Lifetime Television,while Greggrows a the courseof our analysis,we found it usefirl beardand attempts to self-actualizethrough to segmentthe dimensionsof cultural capital meditationand spiritual reading. Greg's into externalbehaviors and intemal economiccapital and personaldecision to though*. Formal aesthetics,cosmopolitan quit affords him the freedomto grow as an tastes,and (to a certainextent) individualist individual,which contrastswith Will's subjectivity are externally displayed,while forced unemploymentand ensuing critical interpretations,idealism, and self- depression. actualizingleisure involve the development of the mind and one's internal thoughts. Moreover,HCC malesuphold idealism, Our analysesreveal that HCC females cosmopolitantastes and critioal convergewith the extemalbut not internal interpretations,while LCC malesuphold a dimensionsof HCC. For instance,both strongdisplay of material abundance,local Monica and Graceexpress their own styles tastesand referential interpretations. The throughtheir fashionableclothing, staunchrefusal to turn on a new big screen decoratinghabits, and meals. Monica, in TV (Greg),in addition to the consumpion particular,is known as a high-strung, of small gourmetpiz"z.as (Will), demitasse controlling perfectionistin the home. The cupsof coffee (Niles, Frasier),and ethnic mostminute incidents (e.g,, Monica cuisine(Greg, Frasier, Niles, Wi[) complainingthat Rachel"moved my phone exemplifyHCC behaviors. By contast, pen") bring out the humor of her character's rt4 nenroses.One episode of Will & Grace fact, one might "sum" "boring,' arguethat the of centersaround trying to avoid representationsof an HCC womanand an "X" friendswho would rathereatatthe Olive womanare equivalentto the Gardenthan go for dim sum and trendy representationof an HCC man, as alludedto nightclub hopping Interestingly,Monica, a next. chef, and Grace,a designer,take on "X" stereotypicallyfemale creativeroles but in Femalesas SupplementsforHCC professionsdominated by males. Their roles Fenw[es. While HCC femalesare not amplify their personalaesthetic styles, porfrayedas mindful of abstractions, which, whenchallenged (e.g., by a big white philosophyand critical thought,"X'females dog statuein Monica's aparfment,or the stepin as a substituteor supplementfor failure of a picnic dinnerin Grace'snew what is lackinginHCC women. "X" aparhnent),are met with disdain. Kitty's women stronglyexhibit the internal display of stylish wealth through her dress dimensions,and dabblebriefly in the other andhome is similarlynot ostentatious(cf. HCC andLCC dimensions,as desired. For Karen,LCC female). instance,though both Phoebeand Dharma add an eclecticsilliness to the humor of the While Kitty aptly devisesplans to her program,they are also very spiritual, advantageand achievessome self- contemplative,creative individuals who ac,tualizationthrough ventures to the opera> transcendthe typical boundariesof thought. the HCC femalesstudied display few Phoebe'ssongs and commentaryare often abstractthoughts, self-actualizing practices esotericyet truthfrrl. Sheis againstmass or advancementsof knowledge. In fact, consumption,instead preferring "hydrobra" to know the Grace'sdecision to purchasea in history, Iegacyand spirituality behind one episodeto appealto a man leavesher objects. Dharma,similarly, is highly self- with an epiphanythat shehas been directed,often engagedin meditationand superficial all along. HCC male characters, crafts. Sheteaches yog4 yet will alsotake by contrast,read meditate,gnjoy poettT/and on odd-jobs(e.9., dressing as a chicken, discussresearch projects, all activities that flipping hambwgers,appearing in a bikini in engagethe mind. Thesefindings converge an ad). with common,unfortunate stereotypes that womenare valued for style and outward LCC Femalesas SupplementsJbrLCC appearancerather than their thoughts. Males. Comparedwith HCC females,LCC Certainly, age andmaturity may also prompt femalesare more parochial,Iess self- differencesin HCC male and female directed,and lesscosmopolitan. depictions. Unfortunately,representations of LCC women engagingin their own consumption Our comparisonsof male and female activities are relatively sparsecompared to represOntationsthus farreveal that women thoseof their male counterparts.In fact, disptayonly a subsetof cultural capital spendingtoo much time with a girlfriend dimensions. Suchfindings supporta post- (Carrie) or at an aerobicsclass (Debra) is structuralfeminist perspctive which sees met withjealouslyon the husband'spart. women'sunique experiences as typically This speaksto earlierresearch on overlooked(e.g., Bristor andFisher 1993). representationsof genderand linguistics Suchinsights become more evident with and Armstrong uXu @llis 1989)and the analysesof the and LCC women. In subordinationof femaleroles (Steevesand Smith 1987)in media. However,Karen, transgressionof genderedboundaries. who avoidsher husbandand home life When Frasierreluctantly tastes and nearly altogetherto spendtime with Will, Grace chokeson his father'sfilet mignonjerky and Jack,is a point of humor. Despiteher (symbolicof his disdainfor LCC), he wealth and seemingdisparity from the accidentallya$ees to pay for Daphne's others,Karen epitomizesthe LCC . Thrilled, Daphnebelieves that dirnensionsto an extreme. Sheis not self- now shewill havetotal control over the directed(as sheliterally doesnothing for her weddingsince her motheris not palng for job), not refined falsely cosmopolitan,and it. Frasier,however, quickly sidesteps seeksinstant gratification. The latter, in Daphneand her motherand takesover this particular,is often associatedwith low traditionally feminine rote. His recitation of cultwal caprtal(Roth 2000). Bartlett quotesand enjoymentof a Tahitian vanilla herbbath are also the brunt of Their consumptionactMties, which relateto "sissy"jokes by Bulldog,a radio announcer their husbands,affect a dual embracing- (who displaysLCC characteristics). subvertingview of traditional femininity. Moreover,commonalities across characters LCC femalesembrace the husband-wife convergeon the notion of transgressionof unit, as they are not shownconsuming on gendernorms. While Will is a gay their own, exceptin instancesto invoke character,in specific episodesof other humor. At the sametime, LCC femalesalso programs,Frasier and Niles find themselves subverttraditional feminine roles in mistakenas gay, and Greg is the object of assertingcontrol over situationsthat their anothermale' s affection. husbandsabdicate through their ineptness. In this sense,LCC femalesare represented LCC Males and Manliness. LCC males as having more independentpower than stronglypolarize towards stereotypes of HCC females. This is discussedfurther in masculinityregardless of stagein life. As a the next section. retired police officer, Marty valueshis old chair, beercans, TV remotecontrol, football 'oEffects"on Gender games,camping, poker, and Bulldog's male- egoradio show,which accentuatemale While eachcharacter we analyzedfitswithin stereotypes.The HCC stuffrnessof his sons clear genderand cultural capital boundaries, servesas a contrastto his masculine we viewed genderalso as a continuum. consumption.Doug's TV areain the garage That is, eachcharacter, whether male or (next to the car, an emblemof masculinity), female,exhibits varying levels of frequentdisorganization, golf gamewith masculinityor femininity in their buddieson his weddinganniversary, consumptionhabits. attentivenesstowards attractive women (similarto Joey'sobjectification of women HCC'andFernininity. For HCC femalesand as "sweetpotato pie") are also males,we noteda strongpolarization stereotlpically male. Deviations&om the towardsconsumption as stereotypically norm of manlinessstrongly illustrate its more ferninine.As mentionedearlieq HCC importance.In one episode,Doug decides femalestake on traditional stereotypesof to wear slacksrather than his usualjeans to emphasison style and appearanceover the the movies,resulting in confusionon the nurturing of the mind. For HCC males, part of his wife and father-in-law(who individual story lines also accentuatethe mistakenlythinks he must be going on a u6

trip). Similarg, insteadof hunting with his comfort, durability and traditions over more buddies,Ray stayshome with his wife and formal aestheticexpression. Consider is the subjectof mockery. notions of personalspace, and the differing "comfort" definitionsof amongLCC malei LCC Femalesand Polarizotion of versusLCC females. Within the household, tremininity. As mentionedearlier, LCC males(Doug, Ray, Joey,lvlarty)view depictions of LCC femalesin consumption their personalspace as comfort in termsof tendto involvetheir husbandsas well. hangingout, relaing andjust beingoneself Carrie, Debraand Karen, in effect, exhibit They avidly transformthe fiaditional useof both traditional notionsof femininity as well spaceto carvetheir own householdniche or as measuresof conkol and strengthover presencein what is traditionallyviewed as a their malecounterparts. As Karenembraces woman'sterritory. This is a distinct the stereotypeof a woman(shopping separationfrom the domestictorritoriality of focusedon appearance),Canie and Debra one's wife (Doug,Ray), femaleroommate embracetheir rolesas wives. Renouncing (Joey)or othermale-but-feminized family the tasksof makingdinner and cleaning members(Marty) For instance,Doug often (shownin all threecharacters) are viewed totes a bowl of cerealinto the garageTV both as a statementagainst traditional roles loungeto relax aloneor with male friends. and a point of reactionaryhumor aimed at the ineptitudeof the husband.LCC female While men emphasizetransformations of rolesare subverted (see Butsch 1992)a, as spaceto achievecomfort, women emphasize they show strengthand move towards transformationsof the self. In fact, rather control when their husbandsfail at tasks thanthe comfort of hangingout, women suchas packingand kirchen activities. As strivefor consolingcomfort, to utilize spac€ one example,during an argument,Ray looks to createtheir own personalworld to in the refrigeratorand mentions they are out transformoneself. Womenaim to nurture of milk. Debrapulls out anothermilk the spirit. Carrie's chocolatebars stashed containerfarther back and poursit on him, "Milk: nearher bed, her nightstandcomplete with stating It doesa body good." magazines,mints, Chapstickand flashlights "whole representher other world", her place Nuancesof Cultural Capitaland Gender for solace.Karen's heavyreliance on alcohol in nearly every episodeserves as her "X" We round out our discussionwith a crutch. By contrast,ar characterlike considerationof somenuances of how the Dharma,violates spaceby placing toilet dimensionsof cultural capital are definedby paperon the TV and, in a panic, throwing differentgenders. While it is beyondthe Chinesefood into the clothesdryer. scopeof the paperto illustrateall nuances, we discussmaterial aesthetics and autotelic Definitionsof AutotelicLeisure. Similarly, leisureto suggestthe importanceof the conceptu;alizationof autotelic leisure consideringthe qualitativedimensions of differs for men andwomen. LCC males cultural capital. who engagein autotelic leisure are depicted as regressingin agewhether playrng video Definitionso/' Mater ial Aesthet ics. games(Joey) or engagedin the horsing- Perceptionsof materialaesthetics, while aroundbanter of a football or baseballgame sharedacross the genders,differ for men and (Marty, Doug,Raymond). LCC femalesare women. ln general,LCC individuals value not readily shown in autotelic leisure 117 situations"except to suggestmaturity and while womentend to be marginalizedas the dual embracingand subversionof LCCs or characterizedas upholding only the traditional fernaleroles in the companyof externaldimensions ofHCC. In fact, the their husbands.For instance,on a romantic internal, more thought-drivendimensions getaway,Carrie hidesthe mini bar key from (e.g., critical interpretations,idealism) her husbandat a bed andbreakfast to lacking in HCC women are supplementedby 'X" minimize expensesand ensurehis attention. group womerLwho are madelight of in The fact that he initially wantedto stay at pro$ams becauseof their eclectic andout- Trump Towers for only $39 a nigltt (and of-the-ordinarystyles. Theseissues are wherethey could gamble)also illustrates amplifiedby Ellis andArmstrong's (1989) LCC maleage regression. In fact, it is only andSteeves and Smith's(1987) findings "X's, the unconventionalwomen, the who regardingwomen's subordinate linguistic exhibit regressionin age. Yet in their case, pattemsand roles in television leisurebecomes less autotelic and more self- programming,respectively. ac,twlinng. That womencannot be neatly categorized Moreover,when HCC charactersengage in into Bourdieu'smodel and Holt's (1998) autotelicthought similar ageissues emerge. cultural capital dimensionsalso suggestthat Monica and Chandler(both HCC), having Bourdieu'smodel is male-centered.The Iunchtogether, discuss the logisticsof his convergenceof such dataparalleland moving in with her. This momentof validate studiesof feminist theory (see preliminary domesticityis capitalizedupon Bristor and Fischer 1993;Joy and Venkatesh by Monica, who dreamsof turning the spare 1994;Schroeder and Borgerson 1998), as bedroominto a beautifuI,tasteful they relateto modelsof cultural capitaland guesfioom. Like a little girl dreamingof her the male-centerednessof marketingconcepts future, shesrps a smalljuice box while in andmodels. The dataalso reflect a broader thought. Chandler,on the other hand,wants questionof the imbalanceof gendered a playroom,complete with action figures representationsin televisionprogramming, andhis barcalounger.His relaxed,playful andjoin the debateas to whethertelevision approachemphasizes youth as opposedto mirrors or influencessociety. Moteovet, growing up. this researchbrings to light the questionof how genderroles are producedand DISCUSSIONAND FUTURE reproducedin television prograrnming.It DIRECTIONS providesa startingpoint to discussthe "cultural default" statusof masculinitynot This article bringsto light the lingering as natural or inevitable,but rather as socially questio4of how cultural capital and gender constructed. interact. While we do not proposebroad- sweepirfggeneralizations of the television Furthermore,we consideredgender in terms characterspresented to consumersin the of a dialectic, in which cultural capital,in everydayworld, we add deph to the pre- part, drives genderedrepresentations. HCC existing literatureby examiningtelevision strongly correlateswith female stereotypes programmingas text. In our analyses,we while LCC malescorrelate with male uncoveredthe generalrelationships between stereotypesand LCC femalesexhibit a cultural capital and gender,noting that men bipolar embracingand subvertingof female prototypically characterizeLCCs and HCCs, stereotypes.The data speakto several 118 dimensionsof cultural capital,which build 1998)are important future considerations in uponand deviatefrom Holt's (1998)initial tele-ethnography.For instance,on one speculationof congruencebetween cultural episodeof Dharma& Greg hillbilly music capital and genderedtastes for LCC women. plays in the baokgroundas Dharma tries to In fact, LCC men in the programmingdata makedo with her husband'sdesire to exhibit strongercommunal bonds than LCC simpliS his life. The musicalliterates the women. Our initial foray into the nuances messagethat type-'X" Dharma,once a of materialaesthetics and autotelic leisure bohemian,then marriedinto a patrician also revealsthe qualitative family, hasnow descendedinto a provincial multidimensionalityof suchdefinitions existence.Furthermore, while the bulk of basedon genderalone. While for men, the charactersin this studyexhibit strong "comfort"might meanbeing oneself and HCC or LCC tendencies,a vastnumber of for other characterswithin eachprogram lie in transformingthe householdspace, "X" women,"comfort" meanstransforming betweenthe two. We incorporatethe oneselfby beingin their own space' A group as a startingpoint towards fruitful extensionof the study might also supplementingtraditional considerationsof variablessuch as race and cultural capital. Furtherconsiderations of considerother "X' social class. It would alsobe important the groupare called for if researchis to carefully to isolate and teaseapart cultural parallelmovements in the broader capital and economiccapital. Cultural and socioculturalenvironment. economiccapital were loosely correlatedin eachcase, though the charactersof Marty Moreover,a broader,sociological focus is in (LCC male)and Karen (LCC female),both order. At the socialgroup level, how wealthy LCCs, servedas important counter individualsinteract with one another(within examples.A longitudinal analysisof and acrossgender and cultural capital) may retuming television characters(e.g., Mary lead to polarizationor ap,proach-avoidance from the Mary Tyler Moore show) might in consumptionbehaviors. We noted, for lend further insight into the impact of ageon instance,the tendencyfor similar individuals within a socialgroup (e.g., main characters genderrepre sentation. "down" rnFriends) pulling thosewho try to of "tele-ethnographicdatd' deviateupwards from the group,much like Our use "crabs provideda wealth of dimensionalrtyto each in the buckef'. Also, prescribedroles character.The discreteunits of each (e.g.,mother, friend) and power-dependence televisionprogram allowed for relationshipsreveal different dynamicsthat conscientiousanalysis of eachsituation- may impacthow genderand cultural capital Humor, while not the focus of the study, did interact. This studyprovides a startingpoint allow for insightsinto socialnorms (and for consideringsuch issues. violationsof socialnorms) with regardto classand gender. While we were unableto NOTES generalizeacross the broad spectrumof lThroughout "LCC" televisionprogramming, we discovered the paper,we denote as "low *HCC" "high strongconvergence in the depictionsof each cultural capital" and as characterover the cotrrseof Fall 1999. On a oultural capital". point,issues of an individual's related 'We cultural capital trajectoryover time as well arealso not concernedin this paper asthe gradationsof cultural capital (Holt with investigatingthe reciprocalrelationship 119 of influencebetween consumption practices ConsumerResearch," Journal of as representedon television and as ConsumerResearch, 19 (March), experiencedin real life, althoughthis would 518-536. be an interestingtopic for a future study. ButsclqRichard (1992), "Class and Gender 3It is importantto point out that HCC is not in Four Decadesof Television a monolithic construct. While insecurity SituationComedy: Plus ga Change. drivesFrasier and Niles' effortsto seem . . ,o'Critical Studiesin Mass extremelyhigh in cultural capital, this is not Communication, 9 (December),3 87- the casewith Greg and Will. Frasierand 399. Niles are on an upward cultural trajectory and appearquite self-consciousof it; thus Csikszentmibalyi,Mihaly andEugene their insecurity. Conversely,Greg and Will Rochberg-Halton(1981), The were born into HCC families and are thus Meaning o/ Things: Domestic more confident and securein their HCC Symbolsand the Self,Cambidge: status. CambridgeUniversity Press. aButsch(1992) found that in four decadesof De Certeau,Michel (1984),The Practice of televisionrepresentations of working-class EverydayLife, Berkeley: The families"husbands/fathers often fail to Universityof CaliforniaPress. demonstratecompetence in carrying out domesticand family responsibilities. ln Ellis, Donald G. and G. Blake Armstrong thesecases, the wife---to greatcomic (1989),"Class, Gender, and Code on effect-must assumethe husband's Prime-TimeTelevi sion," faditional role, thus subvertingand Commtmi cat i on Quart erIy, 37:3 inverting traditional genderrelationships. (Stmmer), 157-169. This pattemis consistentlyrepeatedin King of QueensandEverybady Loves Raymond. Fussell,Paul (1983), Class,New York: BallentineBooks. 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"Bottomless Hirschman,Elizabeth C. and Craig J. Sherry,John F. (1995), Cup, "WhY Thompson(1997 ), Media Plug-in Drug: A TelethnograPhYof Matter: Towarda Rioher Coffee," VisualAnthropologt, Y ol. Understandingof Consumers' 7,351-370. and Relationshipswith Advertising "Class MassMedia,o' Journal of Steeves,H. Leslie(1987)" and Advertising,)C(VI ( I ), 43-60. Genderin Prime-TimeTelevision Entertainment: Observationsfrom a Holbrook, Morris B. andMark W. Grayson SocialistFeminist PersPective," (1996),"The SemiologYof Journal of CommtmicationInquiry, CinematicConsumPtion: SYmbolic ll:1 (Winter),43-63. ConsumerBehavior in Out of "Caring Africa," Journal of Consumer Thompson,Craig J. (1996), Research,I 3 (December), 37 4-381. Consumers:Gendered ConsumPtion Meaningsand the Juggling Holt, Douglas B. (1977),'?oststructuralist Lifestyle," Journal of Consumer Lifestyle Analysis: Conceptualizing Res e ar c h, 22 (March),3 8 8-407. the SocialPatterning of in PostmodernitY," andDiana L. HaYtko(1997)' Consumption "speaking Journal of ConsumerResearch,Z3 of Fashion:Consumers' (March),326-350. Usesof FashionDiscourses and the Appropriation of Countervailing (1998),"Does Cultural CaPital Cultural Meanings,"Journal of StructureAmerican Consumption?" ConsumerResearch,24 (June)' 15- Journal of ConsumerResearch,Z5 42. (June),1-25. Wells,William D. andCheri L. Anderson Joy, Annammaand Alladi Venkatesh (1994),"FictionalMaterialism," in (1994), "Postmodernism,Feminism Kim P. Corfinan and John G. LYnch' and the BodY: The Visible and Jr. eds.,Advances in Consumer Invisible in ConsumerResearch," ResearchVol. 23, ProvoUT: Intemational Journal of' Re s earch in Associationfor ConsumerResearch- Marketing, 1I (September),333'357 . Wells,William D. andKendra L' Gale "Fictional Rottr"W. Edward(2000),'Consuming to (1994), Subjectsin Achieve Affective Goals:A ConsumerResearch," in Frank - Frameworkfor AnalYsiswith Kardesand Mita Sujaneds., in Research , Application," unPublished Advances Consutner manuscriPt. Vol. 21, ProvoUT: Associationfor ConsumerResearch. Schroeder,Jonathan E. andJanet Borgerson len"ifer B. Changis an AssistantProfessor of (1998),"Marketing Images of Marketing and W. Edward Roth is a docioral StateUniversity. Visual AnalYsis," candidateat the Pennsylvania Gender: Addresscorrespondence to the fust authorat the Cowwnption, Marketsand Culture, SmealCollege ofBusiness,Department of 2 (2),161-201. Marketing, 7A7 -KBusiness Administration Building Universif Parh PA 16302;ji[sog(ABsltsh. TABLE l: Dimensionsof Cultural Capital,Adapted from Holt (1998)

MATERIAL AESTHETICS FORMAL AESTHETICS Comfortable,fimctional, durable,easy (external) to carefor, basedon traditionq what Aestheticexpression, personalization, one is usedto assumethat quality and durability are a given ("ftnctional" = parsimonious design)

REFERENTIAL CRITICAL INTERPRETATIONS INTERPRETATIONS (internal) Facevalue, re,presentationsof the Absfraction,representations of the ernpirical world interpretedas realistig empiricalworld are evaluatedas not prefer that which se€msrelevant to reflectingreality themselves

MATERIALISM IDEALISM Value abundance,size, exhibit luxury, (internal) brute encounterswith the world Creative,contemplative, abstracted, min( materialfrueality

LOCAL TASTES COSMOPOLITANTASTES Prefercomfort, familiarity (extemal) Respectfor md interestin the "exotid'

COMMUNAL SUBJECTTVITY INDIVIDUALIST SUBJECTTVITY Passionateand routinizedprticipation (internal and external) in particular conswnptionactivitieg Pursuitof individuality trrough prefer mass-producedand popular authenticity(avoid massculture) and products comoisseurship(reconfigne mass cultural objectsby accentuating specializedlnowledgq eclecticisnr)

j AUTOTELIC SELF.ACTUALIZINGLEISURE Intrinsic enjolment frm the (internal) knowledgeableapplication of skills Diversg educational,informative andtalents with otherswho also enjoy orperieircesthat allow thein to achieve the activity compste|rcgacquire knowledge, express themselvescreativelv TABLE 2: Descriptionof Characters

Late 20's; friendl5 likeable, well-meaningbut somewhatdim;

Marty (Frasier) Mid-sixties, retired police officer, father of HCC characters Frasierand Niles. Disabledby gunshotto hip while on duty, wal*s with cane;lives with Frasierwith whom he often quarrels. Widower. REanond(Everyb ody Loves Mid-thirties family man, lives in zuburbanNew york homewith Raymond) wife Debraand two yormg chitdre,n.His pareirtslive acrossthe qfigq[. His brother,a police officer, lives Doug(Kingoffueens) Earlyto mid-thirties, marriedto Carrie,lives in housein Que,ens,NewYork with his wife andher father Works as

Frasier (Frasier) Early forties, popular Seattleradio psychologrst.Divorce4 sharesa fashionablehigh-rise condomiaiumwith LCC father, plus his fafher's physicaltherapist Daphne and dog. Highly intglligent and educated;also rather DomDousand oretentiou Niles (Frasier) Late thirtieg brother of Frasier. Also a psychologis! recently divorcedfrom domineeringwife. Frequentvisitor to Frasier's home. An unapologeticsnob, very precisein dressand manner, evenfirssier thanhis brother. They are closefriends but also

WLll(Wiil & Grace) Mid-thirties, gay, recelrtlypemployed and re-employed attorney,Iives acrosshall from bestfriend Crace. An all-around "good guyn,generally interested in personalstyle in dressand "shaight Cneg(Dharma& Greg) Early thirties, arrow" comically marriedto boherrian child-of-hippiesDhann4 with whom he sharesa loft in San Francisco. Comesfrom very wealthy.fanily. An attorneywho a lucrative position to "find himself." TABLE 2: Descriptionof Characters(cont.)

?tstrAj$'d, t'. :,,..fi,i;i;.;i',,,.;;i't,i:; Carrie(King of Queens) Early to mid-thirties, recently marriedto Doug, atfractivg definedin tenns of relationshipwith husbandbut can also stand her own ground when necessary.Considers herself the pretty, sexyone in contrastto her husban4 the chubby but funny and affable one. Also plays daughterrole; her fbther shres their house. Debra(Everybody Loves Mid-thirties, married to Raymond two young children, lives Raymond) acrossthe streetfrom her in-laws, can also standher own ground. Frequentlyfinds herselfhaving to compeNrsatefor her husband'ssocial, domestic,or parentalineptitude. Seemsto have little identiw aoartfrom beins Rawond's wife. "works" Karsn(WiU & Grace) Mid to late-thirties, wittr Gracein interior decorating businessthough the runningjoke is that shedoes nothing all day but improve her vanity. Sheis married to a wealthy man who sheis neverwith, and drinks heavily. jFElyi r.1i''i:r.:1Ji,:..,j: Monica (Friends) Late 20's, employedas a chet thin, attractive;shared aparfnent wi& girtfriend Rachelbut recently tradedher for new live-in boyfriend Chmdler. Likeable but very fu.ry, "anal rete,ntive" abouther aparfrnentand all of its firnrishings. Gtace(Will & Grace) Late20's, a designer,who moved in with her best friend Will (gay mate)after shebroke offher eNrgagem€Nrt.Realizing that shewas too dependenton Wiil, shemoved into her own aparffiient(across from him) at the beginningof the season.She is also likeable but hyper. Kitty (Dharma & Greg) Mid-fifties; of a wealthy family, also married into wealth. Stereotypicalricb lady. Mother of Greg, sheis horrified by his ecce,ntricwife (Dharma)md in-laws. Stutry and pretentious, not afraid to usemonev to advanceher interests.

Phoebe (Friends) Late 20's, single; ecce,ntriccoffeehouse singer and massage ttrerapist. Highly self-directed,perhaps a bit "ditsy." Adds a skewedperspective to the otherwiserelatively "nomal" Friends

Dhrnra @harma & Greg) Lale20's, femalehalf of odd-couplemarriage with Greg. Very eccentric,bohemian, self-directed; inherited her New Age ethic from her aginghippie parents. Acts in ways that often confound Greg and horrify Greg's mother Kitty. Living with Greg has infioducedher to "good life"; sheis occasionallyseduced by his