Turkish Foeign Policy Towards the Balkans
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Whistleblower Protection in Southeast Europe
Whistleblower Protection in Southeast Europe An Overview of Laws, Practice, and Recent Initiatives BLUEPRINT FOR IN PARTNERSHIP FREE SPEECH WITH 2015 Whistleblower Protecon in Southeast Europe An Overview of Laws, Pracce, and Recent Iniaves The research for this report was conducted by Blueprint for Free Speech for the Regional An-Corrupon Iniave The views expressed in this publicaon are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Regional An-corrupon Iniave or its member States. Publisher Regional An-corrupon Iniave Editor Radu Coci, Head of Regional An-corru pon Iniave - Secretariat Author Mark Worth, Blueprint for Free Speech Proofreader Vera Devine Design and Print UrbanGraf, Sarajevo Edi on 300 copies © Regional An-corrupon Iniave, 2015 All rights reserved. Any unauthorized reprint or use of this material is prohibited. CIP - Katalogizacija u publikaciji Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 342(73):343.352(4-12)(047) WORTH, Mark Whistleblower protecon in Southeast Europe : ≠an ≠overview of laws, pracce and recent iniaves / [author Mark Worth]. - Sarajevo : Regional An-corrupon Iniave, 2015. - 62 str. ; 25 cm Bibliografske i druge bilješke uz tekst. ISBN 978-9926-8016-1-8 COBISS.BH-ID 22149638 REGIONAL ANTI-CORRUPTION INITIATIVE Table of Contents Abbreviaons 4 Execuve Summary 5 Country Profiles 9 Albania 9 Bosnia and Herzegovina 13 Bulgaria 18 Croaa 23 Kosovo 28 Macedonia 33 Moldova 38 Montenegro 44 Romania 50 Serbia 55 Further Reading 60 Acknowledgements 61 Whistleblower -
Preventing Balkan Conflict: the Role of Euroatlantic Institutions
No. 226 Strategic Forum April 2007 Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University http://www.ndu.edu/inss Preventing Balkan Conflict: The Role of Euroatlantic Institutions by Jeffrey Simon a union of defense and interior ministers would handle its own security challenges and that Key Points work with the Southeast European Cooperation the European Union (EU) needed to improve Initiative to provide opportunities for West Bal- its military capabilities and be able to deploy Despite 15 years of international peace- kan states to move beyond stabilization toward forces outside its borders. In 1999, the EU integration. keeping and security assistance, the West launched its European Security and Defense Balkans are still beset with major security chal- These stabilization efforts and institu- lenges that will severely test the North Atlantic tional developments are cause for optimism Policy (ESDP) with a Helsinki Headline Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European but no guarantee of success. A NATO–EU Goal that called for a European Union Force Union (EU) in 2007. Balkan strategy that aims at effective and (EUFOR) of 60,000 troops to deploy within 60 Bosnia-Herzegovina still requires the pres- well-integrated national, regional, and subre- days for up to 12 months to focus on the so- ence of NATO and EU police and peacekeepers gional capacity-building efforts will be a vital called Petersberg Tasks comprising humani- and, along with newly independent Montenegro, ingredient in forestalling future conflict. tarian, peacekeeping, and crisis-management needs help in building basic institutions. The missions. EU governments also agreed to sup- same is true for Kosovo. -
SUMMARY Research Issue:Caucasian Direction in Modern Turkey's Foreign Policy. Author:Sotchenko Dmitry Yurievich Academic Adviser
SUMMARY Research issue: Caucasian direction in modern Turkey's foreign policy. Author: Sotchenko Dmitry Yurievich Academic Adviser: Mirgorod D.A., candidate of political sciences, associate professor of the department of international relations, world economy and international law Organization: Institute of International Relations; Department of international relations, world economy and international law; Pyatigorsk State Linguistic University. Research issue topicality is that the Caucasus is a strategically important region for the source of the energy resources of the Caspian Sea and Central Asia, the shortest way to Asia Minor, in the Persian Gulf, a corridor that divides Turkey and the Russian Federation. Taking in an interest that in the South Caucasus and, in particular, in the Northern Caucasus, Turkic-speaking population is not ethnic majority, Turkey and its special services are trying to apply a moderate (“soft”) Islam in the political strategy and subversive activities in the Caucasus. Pan- Turkism – the first step of Turkey's foreign policy. Its goal – joining the Turkish Republic and Azerbaijan for the conquest of the Caucasus and providing geo- strategic outlet to the Caspian Sea and Central Asia. The proclamation of the latest phase of the program implementation of the modernized Pan-Turkism theory in the form of the creation of a “global (Turkic) state” under the protectorate of Turkey. It is considered as a serious threat to the national interests of Russia, Armenia, Iran, China and the rest are not Turkic states. Together with the fact that globalization of Pan-Turkism and contrary to the interests of a number of Turkic peoples and states. Research objective is to analyze the current Turkish foreign policy in the Caucasus region. -
The Ottoman Origins of Capitalism
Ottoman Origins Paper for Millennium Conference 2012 Kerem Nisancioglu Before the Deluge: The Ottom an Origins of Capitalism Abstract Recent extensions of Trotsky’s theory of Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD) have revived the potential for original research within the historical materialist research programme. However, the scope of its explanatory power across historical case studies remains a point of contention. Indeed, numerous critics and sympathisers have argued that its applicability is limited to capitalism. In this paper, I seek to turn this claim on its head by arguing that U&CD played an integral role in the very origins of capitalism itself. In dominant historical accounts, the emergence of capitalism has been credited as sui generis European, thus contributing to the Eurocentric ideal of the ‘Rise of the West’. Commensurate with such historiography, the Ottoman Empire (insofar as it is mentioned at all) has generally been portrayed as Europe’s Other – the passive non-European and pre-modern mirror against which Renaissance Europe defined itself. I argue that this negative comparison is representative of a material relation of unevenness – the backwardness of Europe vis-à-vis the Ottomans – and that far from the passive Other of Orientalist lore, the Ottomans were active participants in European affairs. Consequently, European history of this period is inseparable from its interactions with the Ottoman Empire who, through war, diplomacy and trade, decisively determined the conditions within which the making of capitalism took place. ~ 1 ~ Ottoman Origins Paper for Millennium Conference 2012 Kerem Nisancioglu “Modern history of Europe begins under stress of the Ottoman conquest.” Lord Acton ‘The concrete is concrete because it is the concentration of many determinations, hence the unity of the diverse’ Karl Marx Introduction For any scholar with an interest in the materialism of International Relations (IR), German Renaissance painter Hans Holbein’s 1532 masterpiece The Ambassadors (fig. -
Balkan Tarihi Cilt 1.Pdf
BALKAN TARĠHĠ BĠRĠNCĠ CĠLT EDĠTÖRLER Prof. Dr. Zafer GÖLEN Yrd. Doç. Dr. Abidin TEMĠZER Osmanlı Mirası ve Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Derneği Yayınları 1 II ĠÇĠNDEKĠLER ÖN SÖZ I. BÖLÜM Balkanlar’da ġehir ve Sosyal Yapı Mehmet Ali ÜNAL EVLĠYA ÇELEBĠ‟YE GÖRE BALKANLAR‟DA KURULAN PAZARLAR VE PANAYIRLAR -17. YÜZYILDA BALKANLAR‟DA TĠCARET ............................................................................................................... 1 Füsun Gülsüm GENÇ EVLĠYA ÇELEBĠ TUNA KIYISINDA: 17. YÜZYILIN ĠKĠNCĠ YARISINDA RUSÇUK, YERGÖĞÜ VE NĠĞBOLU .............................. 41 Mehmet Ali KARAMAN SULTAN REġAD‟IN RUMELĠ SEYAHATĠ .............................................. 57 Hasan Hüseyin YILMAZ TAHRĠR DEFTERLERĠNE GÖRE ġUMNU KAZASINDAKĠ KAYIP YERLEġMELER ................................................................................................ 77 Selçuk DEMĠR XVI. YÜZYILDA NĠĞBOLU SANCAĞINDA NESL-Ġ TĠMURHANLAR ............................................................................................... 97 Orhan KILIÇ RUMĠLĠ EYALETĠ‟NE BAĞLI SANCAKLARIN 18. YÜZYILDAKĠ ĠDARĠ STATÜLERĠ ........................................................................................ 111 Ġbrahim Etem ÇAKIR XVIII. YÜZYILIN ORTALARINDA PRAVADĠ KAZASI .................. 125 Mehmet ĠNBAġI DELVĠNE SANCAĞI VE ĠDARECĠLERĠ (1750-1800) ........................ 145 Ahmet KÖÇ XVIII. YÜZYILDA ORTAKOL YOL SĠSTEMĠ ÜZERĠNDEKĠ HALKALIPINAR MENZĠLĠNE PALANKA ĠNġASI VE YAġANAN SORUNLAR ..................................................................................................... -
An Ottoman Global Moment
AN OTTOMAN GLOBAL MOMENT: WAR OF SECOND COALITION IN THE LEVANT A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History By Kahraman Sakul, M.A Washington, DC November, 18, 2009 Copyright 2009 by Kahraman Sakul All Rights Reserved ii AN OTTOMAN GLOBAL MOMENT: WAR OF SECOND COALITION IN THE LEVANT Kahraman Sakul, M.A. Dissertation Advisor: Gabor Agoston, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This dissertation aims to place the Ottoman Empire within its proper context in the Napoleonic Age and calls for a recognition of the crucial role of the Sublime Porte in the War of Second Coalition (1798-1802). The Ottoman-Russian joint naval expedition (1798-1800) to the Ionian Islands under the French occupation provides the framework for an examination of the Ottoman willingness to join the European system of alliance in the Napoleonic age which brought the victory against France in the Levant in the War of Second Coalition (1798-1802). Collections of the Ottoman Archives and Topkapı Palace Archives in Istanbul as well as various chronicles and treatises in Turkish supply most of the primary sources for this dissertation. Appendices, charts and maps are provided to make the findings on the expedition, finance and logistics more readable. The body of the dissertation is divided into nine chapters discussing in order the global setting and domestic situation prior to the forming of the second coalition, the Adriatic expedition, its financial and logistical aspects with the ensuing socio-economic problems in the Morea, the Sublime Porte’s relations with its protectorate – The Republic of Seven United Islands, and finally the post-war diplomacy. -
The Political, Economic and Cultural Influences of Neo-Ottomanism in Post-Yugoslavian Countries
POLSKA AKADEMIA UMIEJĘTNOŚCI TOM XXVI STUDIA ŚRODKOWOEUROPEJSKIE I BAŁKANISTYCZNE 2017 DOI 10.4467/2543733XSSB.17.026.8324 DANUTA GIBAS-KRZAK Jan Długosz University in Częstochowa THE POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL INFLUENCES OF NEO-OTTOMANISM IN POST-YUGOSLAVIAN COUNTRIES. AN ANALYSIS ILLUSTRATED WITH SELECTED EXAMPLES Key words: neo-Ottomanism, Islamic terrorism, Turkish policy, post-Yugoslavian countries, religious fundamentalism, the Balkans, economic influence, Islamization. An ideology of neo-Ottomanism, which has become part of the Turkish foreign policy in the 21st century, dates back to the period of the rule of the Ottomans in the Balkans. However, it is difficult to distinguish Islamization from the influence of Turkish factors, but other Muslim countries are also active in the Balkans, for example, Saudi Arabia or Iran. In the 21st century, Muslim inspirations in many areas of life are noticed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia (and in the strict sense in Bulgaria and Greece). The goal of this analysis was to show expansion of Turkish policy, defined as neo- -Ottomanism, in post-Yugoslavian countries, and its effect in the spheres of political, economic and cultural life. Therefore, the following question must be asked: do Turkish influences contribute to the specific culture of European Islam, of which goal, despite pre- vailing Islamophobia, is to disseminate ideals of tolerance between nations and religions? Does the Turkish capital contribute only to the economic development of post-Yugoslavi- an countries through investments? On the other hand, the reactivation of neo-Ottomanism may contribute to the development of radical tendencies, including religious fundamen- talism, which is, in many aspects, pose a threat to post-Yugoslavian countries. -
Albanian National Army
Response to Information Request ZZZ102898.E Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada www.irb-cisr.gc.ca Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Home > Research > Responses to Information Requests RESPONSES TO INFORMATION REQUESTS (RIRs) New Search | About RIRs | Help The Board 27 August 2008 About the Board ZZZ102898.E Biographies Organization Chart Kosovo/Albania: Albanian National Army (Armata Kombetare Shqiptare, AKSh) operating in Kosovo Employment Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Ottawa Legal and Policy References Background Publications Tribunal Jane's Information Group, an intelligence provider used by business, Refugee Protection government and military decision-makers (n.d.), reports that the Albanian National Division Army (Armata Kombetare Shqiptare, AKSh) has existed since 1999 (6 Apr. 2005). In slight contrast, a Southeast European Times (SE Times) article states that the Immigration Division AKSh was established in 2001 (14 Nov. 2007). Immigration Appeal Division A Kosovo-based Research Associate at Durham University who specializes in Decisions security matters stated in a telephone interview with the Research Directorate that the AKSh is a pan-Albanian movement that seeks to unify all Albanian-speaking Forms territories (Research Associate 30 July 2008; AP 21 Nov. 2007) including Albania, Statistics Kosovo, southern Serbia, western Macedonia, southern Montenegro (PHW 2007 Research 2007, 19-20) and northern Greece (Research Associate 30 July 2008; see also BIRN 2008). Similarly, Freedom House states that the AKSh supports "creating a Research Program 'Greater Albania' in the Balkans" (2008). In contrast, Arberi, identified by two National media sources as the leader of the AKSh (B92 21 Jan. -
Download Article (PDF)
Südosteuropa 57 (2009), H . 2/3, S . 284-304 DEMOCRACY AND MARKET ECONOMY WIM VAN MEURS Romania: New Membership and Old Habits? Abstract. Political developments in Romania as well as the resulting deficits in transition management since EU accession raise a number of fundamental but difficult questions . Should Romania’s “old habits” be thought of as a Huntingtonian blend of the country’s pre-communist political institutions and political culture mixed with “Ceauşescuism”, that is, Romania’s exceptional type of state socialism, sometimes dubbed “sultanism”? Or should these “old habits” actually be explained in terms of an event as recent as Romania’s EU accession proc- ess – and thus be seen as a sort of “post-accession syndrome”? Or should at least some part of the supposed Romanian or Balkan exceptionalism, to which Romania’s “old habits” are often attributed, be viewed in comparison with recent trends in the political culture – that is, the democratic attitudes of the citizens and the informal rules of the political process – in West European polities? Questioning path-dependencies cannot alleviate the problems caused by the obvious flaws in Romania’s political process, but thinking through negative pan-European trends does imply rethinking stereotypes about the Balkans . Wim van Meurs is an Associate Professor at the History Department of Radboud University, Nijmegen . History and Characteristics of Transformation Historically, Romania has been characterized by a modernization gap be- tween its southern and eastern regions, which remained under Ottoman rule until 1878, and its more modern, urbanized western and northwestern regions, which were under Habsburg rule until 1918 . -
General Characteristics of the Ottoman State Policy During the Xviiith and the Xixth Centuries*
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE OTTOMAN STATE POLICY DURING THE XVIIITH AND THE XIXTH CENTURIES* Prof. Dr. YAŞAR YÜCEL — Prof. Dr. ÖZER ERGENÇ This paper is designed to explain the general characteristics of the Ottoman State policy during the XVIIth and the XVIIIth centuries. Two factors made this essential. The first was the effects the late XVIIIth century socio-economic and cultural changes of the world had on the Otto- man Empire. The second was the chain of developments which extended from 1683 through 1918. These dramatic developments joined with one another and resulted in the collapse of classical empires of the world, Otto- man Empire being one of them. In other words, the First World War ended monarchical empires of classical structures1. Hence, new and inde- pendent states were formed in various regions of wide-spread territories which once were under sovereignty if a single administration recognized as «pax ottomana». What were the causes of these developments? What was the attitude of the Ottoman Empire of classical structure upon these developments? How can the Ottoman approach be evaluated historically? The fundemental causes of each and every development requires a close consideration in order to reach sound verdicts over these questions. It is a well known fact that by the begining of the XVIIth century, the Ottoman Empire no longer had the homogeneous structure it once possessed. The Ottoman victories in the east and the west developed the state into a hetorogeneous empire, stretching over three continents 2. In the west, the entire Balkan region and a large portion of Hungary was under Ottoman rule. -
The Western Balkans and the Alliance: All Is Not Well on NATO’S Southern Flank? Kacper Rękawek
No. 14 (62), June 2013 © PISM Editors: Marcin Zaborowski (Editor-in-Chief) . Wojciech Lorenz (Managing Editor) Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz . Artur Gradziuk . Piotr Kościński Roderick Parkes . Marcin Terlikowski . Beata Wojna The Western Balkans and the Alliance: All Is Not Well on NATO’s Southern Flank? Kacper Rękawek NATO maintains its dedication to its “open door policy,” and the Western Balkans effectively constitute the only potential enlargement area for the Alliance in the near future. Three Western Balkan countries are official membership candidates but their NATO bids suffer from a string of problems which have already delayed and could potentially also derail their Alliance prospects. Currently, the main tasks of Macedonia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina are to construct a positive political discourse related to their Euro-Atlantic prospects and to persevere with their NATO ambitions. Such a feat, however, will not be achieved without completion of Alliance related “homework.” Introduction During the last 14 years, NATO has seen three rounds of enlargement with 12 Central, Eastern and Southern European states joining the Alliance in 1999, 2004 and 2009. Looking at the timings of these events, one could conclude that the next NATO summit, in 2014, five years after the entry of Albania and Croatia into the Alliance, and ten and fifteen years after previous enlargements, will indeed be an enlargement summit, as stated by the then U.S. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, in 2012.1 Evidently, however, keeping up with the seeming tradition of enlarging NATO every five years is in itself far from enough to guarantee that invitations will be extended to new potential members at the 2014 gathering. -
The Urbanization and Ottomanization of the Halvetiye Sufi Order by the City of Amasya in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries
The City as a Historical Actor: The Urbanization and Ottomanization of the Halvetiye Sufi Order by the City of Amasya in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries By Hasan Karatas A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Near Eastern Studies in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Hamid Algar, Chair Professor Leslie Peirce Professor Beshara Doumani Professor Wali Ahmadi Spring 2011 The City as a Historical Actor: The Urbanization and Ottomanization of the Halvetiye Sufi Order by the City of Amasya in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries ©2011 by Hasan Karatas Abstract The City as a Historical Actor: The Urbanization and Ottomanization of the Halvetiye Sufi Order by the City of Amasya in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries by Hasan Karatas Doctor of Philosophy in Near Eastern Studies University of California, Berkeley Professor Hamid Algar, Chair This dissertation argues for the historical agency of the North Anatolian city of Amasya through an analysis of the social and political history of Islamic mysticism in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Ottoman Empire. The story of the transmission of the Halvetiye Sufi order from geographical and political margins to the imperial center in both ideological and physical sense underlines Amasya’s contribution to the making of the socio-religious scene of the Ottoman capital at its formative stages. The city exerted its agency as it urbanized, “Ottomanized” and catapulted marginalized Halvetiye Sufi order to Istanbul where the Ottoman socio-religious fabric was in the making. This study constitutes one of the first broad-ranging histories of an Ottoman Sufi order, as a social group shaped by regional networks of politics and patronage in the formative fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.