State Setting of the Present-Day Bosnia-Herzegovina
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Siege of Sarajevo Endangered Civilians
BALKAN January 8, 2004 Page 6 VIEW FROM THE HAGUE SIEGE OF SARAJEVO ENDANGERED CIVILIANS On 5 December this year, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia sentenced General Stanislav Gali ć to 20 years in prison for spreading terror among the civilian population during the siege of Sarajevo. The city of Sarajevo was under siege for about three and a half years. For almost two years of that time, from September 1992 to August 1994, General Gali ć was the commander of a branch of the Army of Republika Srpska (VRS), called the Sarajevo Romanija Corps, or SRK, which had virtually encircled Sarajevo. Parts of the city were controlled by the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Prosecution alleged that the SRK under General Gali ć's command conducted a campaign of sniping and shelling attacks on civilians in Sarajevo. Under international humanitarian law war as such is not considered unlawful. However, certain principles of warfare apply that military commanders must respect. One such principle obliges military commanders to distinguish between military objectives, on the one hand, and civilians, on the other, and not to attack civilians under any circumstances. And yet, the SRK's campaign resulted in a large number of deaths and injuries to civilians. The Tribunal Prosecution alleged that the SRK, under General Gali ć's command deliberately killed and injured civilians in order to terrorize them. Terrorising civilians Terrorising civilians during armed conflict is specifically prohibited by Article 51 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions of 1949. The former Yugoslavia ratified this protocol in 1978. -
Whistleblower Protection in Southeast Europe
Whistleblower Protection in Southeast Europe An Overview of Laws, Practice, and Recent Initiatives BLUEPRINT FOR IN PARTNERSHIP FREE SPEECH WITH 2015 Whistleblower Protecon in Southeast Europe An Overview of Laws, Pracce, and Recent Iniaves The research for this report was conducted by Blueprint for Free Speech for the Regional An-Corrupon Iniave The views expressed in this publicaon are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Regional An-corrupon Iniave or its member States. Publisher Regional An-corrupon Iniave Editor Radu Coci, Head of Regional An-corru pon Iniave - Secretariat Author Mark Worth, Blueprint for Free Speech Proofreader Vera Devine Design and Print UrbanGraf, Sarajevo Edi on 300 copies © Regional An-corrupon Iniave, 2015 All rights reserved. Any unauthorized reprint or use of this material is prohibited. CIP - Katalogizacija u publikaciji Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 342(73):343.352(4-12)(047) WORTH, Mark Whistleblower protecon in Southeast Europe : ≠an ≠overview of laws, pracce and recent iniaves / [author Mark Worth]. - Sarajevo : Regional An-corrupon Iniave, 2015. - 62 str. ; 25 cm Bibliografske i druge bilješke uz tekst. ISBN 978-9926-8016-1-8 COBISS.BH-ID 22149638 REGIONAL ANTI-CORRUPTION INITIATIVE Table of Contents Abbreviaons 4 Execuve Summary 5 Country Profiles 9 Albania 9 Bosnia and Herzegovina 13 Bulgaria 18 Croaa 23 Kosovo 28 Macedonia 33 Moldova 38 Montenegro 44 Romania 50 Serbia 55 Further Reading 60 Acknowledgements 61 Whistleblower -
Preventing Balkan Conflict: the Role of Euroatlantic Institutions
No. 226 Strategic Forum April 2007 Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University http://www.ndu.edu/inss Preventing Balkan Conflict: The Role of Euroatlantic Institutions by Jeffrey Simon a union of defense and interior ministers would handle its own security challenges and that Key Points work with the Southeast European Cooperation the European Union (EU) needed to improve Initiative to provide opportunities for West Bal- its military capabilities and be able to deploy Despite 15 years of international peace- kan states to move beyond stabilization toward forces outside its borders. In 1999, the EU integration. keeping and security assistance, the West launched its European Security and Defense Balkans are still beset with major security chal- These stabilization efforts and institu- lenges that will severely test the North Atlantic tional developments are cause for optimism Policy (ESDP) with a Helsinki Headline Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European but no guarantee of success. A NATO–EU Goal that called for a European Union Force Union (EU) in 2007. Balkan strategy that aims at effective and (EUFOR) of 60,000 troops to deploy within 60 Bosnia-Herzegovina still requires the pres- well-integrated national, regional, and subre- days for up to 12 months to focus on the so- ence of NATO and EU police and peacekeepers gional capacity-building efforts will be a vital called Petersberg Tasks comprising humani- and, along with newly independent Montenegro, ingredient in forestalling future conflict. tarian, peacekeeping, and crisis-management needs help in building basic institutions. The missions. EU governments also agreed to sup- same is true for Kosovo. -
The 2016 REFERENDUM in BOSNIA and HERZEGOVINA Kurt W
East European Quarterly Vol. 45, No. 1-2 pp. 99-111, March-June 2017 © Central European University 2017 ISSN: 0012-8449 (print) 2469-4827 (online) The 2016 REFERENDUM IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Kurt W. Bassuener Democratization Policy Council Berlin Armina Mujanovic Democratization Policy Council Sarajevo Outline The referendum, the first since the 1992-1995 war, was held on September 25, 2016 in the Republika Srpska (RS), one of the country's two entities. The referendum was called by RS President Milorad Dodik as a plebiscite on maintaining January 9 as Republika Srpska Day, which the BiH Constitutional Court ruled unconstitutional. The referendum unsurprisingly elicited a vote in favor of maintaining RS Day, although turnout, at just under 56%, was lower than Prime Minister Dodik desired. The RS opposition fared poorly in the municipal elections which followed a week later, on October 2. RS President Dodik stated immediately afterward that he would hold a referendum on RS independence in 2018. Background Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has a particularly complex governance structure, owing to the 1992-1995 war and the Dayton Peace Accords which ended it. The country is comprised of two entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter “the Federation”) and the Republika Srpska (hereafter RS), each comprising roughly half the territory, as well as the Brcko District, created by binding arbitration after the war, which was disputed in the Dayton negotiations. BiH’s state structure at Dayton was largely designed around the prerogatives of the entities (and in the Federation’s case, ten cantons), including many governing functions that would typically be held at the state level, such as justice, defense, and internal affairs. -
Bosnia and Herzegovina Prosecutor's Office Of
BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA PROSECUTOR'S OFFICE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA SARAJEVO Special Department for War Crimes Regional Team II Number: KT-RZ - 56/09 Sarajevo, 10 July 20098 COURT OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA SARAJEVO - Preliminary Hearing Judge - Pursuant to Article 35 (2) item h) and Article 226 (1) of the CPC BiH. T hereby file the following: INDICTMENT Against: 1. ZORAN MARIe, aka Dole, son of Branko and mother Stoja, nee Dobretic, born on 15 April 1964 in the place of LjoljiCi, the mlmicipality of Jajce - Jezero, residing in Stara Pazova, Njegoseva no no. Street, Republic of Serbia, Serb by ethnicity, of Orthodox faith, citizen of BiH, Personal ID number: 1504964102084, brick layer by profession, married, father of three, served the military in Novi Sad in 1983, no prior convictions, no other criminal proceedings pending against him, ordered into custody pursuant to the Decision of the Court of BiH, No. X-KRN/05/96 of 08 July 2009. Because: During the state of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the armed conflict in the territory of Jajce municipality between the Army of Republika Srpska, on the one side, and the Army of BiH and HVO (Croat Defense Council) on the other, as a member of the Army of Republika Srpska, he acted in violation of the rules of Article 3, paragraph 1, subparagraphs a) and c) as read with Article 147 of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949, in as much as he, - On 10 September 1992, after the burial of a killed soldier of the Army of Republika Srpska, Rade Savic, as an organized group of armed people, which consisted of Jovo Jandric, Mirko Pekez son of Spiro, Simo Savic, Mirko Pekez son of Mile, Milorad Savic son of Ljupko, Zoran Marie, Slobodan Pekez. -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the -
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina Haris Kušmić interviewed Jovan Divjak Interview date: 7 August 2019 Kušmić: Allow me to formally introduce myself. I am Haris Kušmić, currently working with the WFD [Westminster Foundation for Democracy]. I am interviewing Mr Jovan Divjak, whose biography I cannot possibly fit into a few opening sentences. Let me instead say something I have said before in conversation with him: that he is someone who has built and defended and given everything he had to this country in periods of both war and peace. Mr Divjak, thank you very much for inviting me here and giving me an opportunity to interview you. Unlike other interviews, the questions here may relate more to your personality. We are certainly going to touch on things that you have gone through, that the general public is familiar with, but the goal of this interview is to try and see Jovan Divjak as Jovan Divjak: you as a person, things you have gone through in your life, from childhood on—which may well be appropriate, as you are working on your book. We hope you will succeed in publishing it. Divjak: And its title is “Do Not Shoot.” Kušmić: And its title is “Do Not Shoot.” Exactly. Well, we can begin with your early life, when you were a child. Could you perhaps tell me something about your childhood? Divjak: Well, my childhood is somewhat fresh in my memory as I often write and speak about it in interviews. I begin with the story of me bringing my parents joy on 11 March 1937. -
Bosnia and Herzegovina Pre-Election Watch: October 2010 General
Bosnia and Herzegovina Pre-Election Watch: October 2010 General Elections The citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) will head to the polls on October 3 in what has been described by many in the international community as a crucial election. The outcome will likely play an important role in determining the direction of the country's European Union accession process. At the least, citizens would like to see these elections result in a government that ends the political gridlock that has stifled economic growth and legislative initiatives for the past five years. The last few months have provided little reason for optimism. Politicians eschew issue- based dialogue in favor of divisive, ethnic rhetoric that plays on the nationalistic fears and passions of citizens. While the official campaign started on September 3, ruling political elites began aggravating ethnic tensions months ago. Bosnian Serb leaders threatened Bosnia's unity with calls for an independence referendum; Bosnian Croats raised the possibility of further dividing the country by establishing a third regional entity for themselves; meanwhile, Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) insist on greater centralization and unification. BiH's divisive atmosphere reflects the shortcomings of the Dayton Peace Accord that ended the country's 1992-95 war. While the accord was successful in ending the hostilities, its political framework planted the seeds for the ethnic divisions that exist today. Under the peace agreement, BiH was divided into two autonomous regions - the Serb dominated Republika Srpska (RS) and the Bosniak-Croat Federation. The two entities are linked by weak central institutions, while much of the real power is vested in the Office of the High Representative (OHR), an international institution established to oversee the implementation of the Dayton agreement. -
The Case of Croatian Wikipedia: Encyclopaedia of Knowledge Or Encyclopaedia for the Nation?
The Case of Croatian Wikipedia: Encyclopaedia of Knowledge or Encyclopaedia for the Nation? 1 Authorial statement: This report represents the evaluation of the Croatian disinformation case by an external expert on the subject matter, who after conducting a thorough analysis of the Croatian community setting, provides three recommendations to address the ongoing challenges. The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Wikimedia Foundation. The Wikimedia Foundation is publishing the report for transparency. Executive Summary Croatian Wikipedia (Hr.WP) has been struggling with content and conduct-related challenges, causing repeated concerns in the global volunteer community for more than a decade. With support of the Wikimedia Foundation Board of Trustees, the Foundation retained an external expert to evaluate the challenges faced by the project. The evaluation, conducted between February and May 2021, sought to assess whether there have been organized attempts to introduce disinformation into Croatian Wikipedia and whether the project has been captured by ideologically driven users who are structurally misaligned with Wikipedia’s five pillars guiding the traditional editorial project setup of the Wikipedia projects. Croatian Wikipedia represents the Croatian standard variant of the Serbo-Croatian language. Unlike other pluricentric Wikipedia language projects, such as English, French, German, and Spanish, Serbo-Croatian Wikipedia’s community was split up into Croatian, Bosnian, Serbian, and the original Serbo-Croatian wikis starting in 2003. The report concludes that this structure enabled local language communities to sort by points of view on each project, often falling along political party lines in the respective regions. -
“They” Wanted Them, and “He” Did Not
“THEY” WANTED THEM, AND “HE” DID NOT “THEY” WANTED THEM, AND “HE” DID NOT: ABOUT THE CONTEXT, ORGANIZATION AND FORM OF THE FORCIBLE CONSCRIPTION OF REFUGEES IN SERBIA IN 1995 Borislav Radović Borislav Radović The training camp of the Serbian Volunteer Guard is situated in Erdut. Big barracks with spacious grounds were renovated and transformed into a contemporary facility comparable with the best international centers of this kind...It is busy like in a bee-hive every morning since 6 o’ clock, when a new working day begins. There are morning calisthenics, breakfast and inspection. The trumpeter plays the Serbian anthem and a new day starts. A strenuous training awaits them…Sunday is a day off. They attend the mess in the church, play sports on various playgrounds, go out…but everything as deserved, because disrespect of the rules of this stoic school of humanity can bring the old Serbian measure: 25 strokes on the buttocks, in front of the entire ranks.1 This is not a promotional flyer for some slightly bizarre fitness-center, but a falsely idyllic description of the decor of one of the darkest episodes of the contemporary Serbian history. In this “stoic school of humanity” occured acts and treatments so inhuman that even today they represent a genuine nightmare for those who experienced them. 1 “Kako je nastala Srska dobrovoljačka garda: Ponovo u stroju”, Srpsko jedinstvo, broj 10, jun, 1995, p. 13. 11 THE CONTEXT The main reason of poverty in Serbia is too much money the citizens have.2 The events we will speak about took place in the summer of 1995. -
International Decision-Making in the Age of Genocide: Srebrenica 1993-1995 Conference in the Hague, June 29 – July 1, 2015
International Decision-Making in the Age of Genocide: Srebrenica 1993-1995 Conference in The Hague, June 29 – July 1, 2015 Annex B - Documents Cited Pre-1991 Date Title Author Cable #/Link 6/26/45 Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the n/a Link International Court of Justice 12/9/48 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the UNGA Link Crime of Genocide 8/12/49 Geneva Convention IV: Relative to the Protection of n/a Link Civilian Persons in Time of War 1991 Date Title Author Cable #/Link 6/29/91 Mladić Diary 6/29/91-8/25/91 Mladić Link 8/27/91 Mladić Diary 8/27/91-11/23/91 Mladić Link 9/25/91 Resolution 713 (1991) UN Security Council Link 9/25/91 “European Peace Talks Offer Little Hope of Yugoslav Moseley (Chicago Link Settlement” Tribune) 11/23/91 Mladić Diary 11/23/91-12/29/91 Mladić Link 11/25/91 Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to Paragraph 3 de Cuellar S/23169 of Security Council Resolution 713 (1991) 12/11/91 Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to Security de Cuellar S/23280 Council Resolution 721 (1991) 12/15/91 Resolution 724 (1991) UN Security Council Link 12/30/91 Mladić Diary 12/20/91-2/14/92 Mladić Link 1992 Date Title Author Cable #/Link 1/5/92 Further Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to Boutros-Ghali S/23363 Security Council Resolution 721 (1991) 2/14/92 Mladić Diary 2/14/92-5/25/92 Mladić Link 2/15/92 Further Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to Boutros-Ghali S/23592 Security Council Resolution 721 (1991) 2/21/92 Resolution 743 (1992) UN Security Council Link 4/2/92 Report of -
Presidential and General Elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina 3Rd October 2010
BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA European Elections monitor Presidential and General Elections from Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy in Bosnia-Herzegovina 3rd October 2010 ANALYSIS 1 month before the poll On 5th May last the Central Electoral Commission announced that 3,129,599 Bosnian voters (the Bosnians in Bosnia-Herzegovina are divided into three main communities: Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs) would be called to ballot on 3rd October next to elect the three members of the Collegial Presidency and the 42 MPs who sit in the Chamber of Representatives, the Lower Chamber of the Parliament of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The inhabitants of the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina (a unit which represents 51% of its ter- ritory) will renew the 98 members of the Chamber of Representatives of their Parliament and of their local assemblies; the inhabitants of the Serb Republic (49% of the country’s territory) will elect the 83 members of the National Assembly as well as their Presidents and Vice-Presidents. More than 8000 candidates from 47 political parties and 14 independent candidates are standing in all of the elections. Of the 400,000 Bosnians living abroad only 30,000 are registered to vote. For the first time they will be able to fulfil their civic duty in all embassies and consulates. Not many Bosnians living abroad turn out to vote. The authorities are expecting around 8% of them to vote. “Because of domestic political problems Bosnia-Herzegovina has still not adopted the law on the diaspora which should define a clear national strategy with regard to this.