Laskar Jihad Islam, Militancy and the Quest for Identity in Post-New Order Indonesia

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Laskar Jihad Islam, Militancy and the Quest for Identity in Post-New Order Indonesia LASKAR JIHAD ISLAM, MILITANCY AND THE QUEST FOR IDENTITY IN POST-NEW ORDER INDONESIA Laskar Jihad Islam, strijdvaardig activisme en de zoektocht naar identiteit in het Indonesië na de val van de Nieuwe Orde (met een samenvatting in het Nederlands) Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Utrecht op gezag van de Rector Magnificus, Prof. Dr. W.H. Gispen, ingevolge het besluit van het College voor Promoties in het openbaar te verdedigen op dinsdag 14 juni 2005 des ochtends te 10.30 uur door Noorhaidi geboren op 7 december 1971 te Amuntai, Indonesië Promotor : Prof. Dr. M.M. van Bruinessen (Universiteit Utrecht, Faculteit der Letteren en International Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World) Het onderzoek voor deze dissertatie werd verricht in het kader van het KNAW prioriteitsprogramma "The Dissemination of Religious Authority in Twentieth-Century Indonesia", dat wordt uitgevoerd aan het IIAS. Dit promotieonderzoek werd mede mogelijk gemaakt door aanvullende financiële steun van het CNWS en het ISIM. LASKAR JIHAD ISLAM, MILITANCY AND THE QUEST FOR IDENTITY IN POST-NEW ORDER INDONESIA Noorhaidi Cover page design: Noorhaidi Photo: Gatra 24:7 (5 May 2001) v ABSTRACT This study analyses the intellectual and political history of Laskar Jihad, the most spectacular Muslim paramilitary group that emerged in Indonesia in the aftermath of the collapse of the New Order regime in May 1998. Using an interpretive framework derived from social movement theory and identity politics, this study exposes the roots of the group and its transformation into a militant, jihadist movement. Based on extensive fieldwork, numerous interviews and a study of the movement’s literature, this study demonstrates that the very existence of Laskar Jihad cannot be dissociated from Saudi Arabia’s immensely ambitious global campaign for the Wahhabization of the Muslim umma. Operating under the banner of the transnational Salafi da‘wa movement, this campaign has succeeded in disseminating the Wahhabi message around the world. The impact of this campaign has been felt in Indonesia since the mid- 1980s, reflecting the success of the movement’s proponents to attract a significant number of followers and establish an exclusive current of Islamic activism. This study addresses how the rapid efflorescence of the Salafi movement coincided with increasing tension among its protagonists caused by their increasing competition to become the movement’s legitimate representative. Fragmentation and conflict among the Salafis became inevitable. The movement’s main actor was Ja’far Umar Thalib, a typical cadre of Islamism who grew up in the puritanical atmosphere of al-Irsyad and Persis, two reformist Muslim organizations in Indonesia. His militancy matured in Pakistan, and he went to Afghanistan to fight with the Afghan mujāhids. Upon return, he immediately immersed himself in Salafi activism, giving lectures and sermons in Salafi teaching centres scattered among various Indonesian cities. Bolstered by further study with Muqbil ibn Hādī al-Wādi‘ī of Yemen, he quickly emerged as the movement’s most visible, and leading, authority. Utilizing pre-existing networks and interpersonal bonds formed through his activism in the Salafi movement, Ja’far Umar Thalib mobilized thousands of Salafis and other aspirant mujāhids to join Laskar Jihad. Through conspiracy rhetoric blaming Zionist and Christian international powers for the escalation of the Moluccan conflict, he created a pretext for collective action that encouraged an analytical shift from individuals to groups. Based on this pretext, which was strengthened and legitimized by fatwās from prominent religious authorities in the Middle East, the Salafis justified their actions and created a new collective vi identity as heroes for their religion and fellow faithful and as patriots for their beloved state. Thus it is not surprising that they vied with one another to captain the ships that would take them to the frontlines of the Moluccas in a fervid attempt to absorb themselves into a protracted, bloody communal conflict in the islands. For these youths jihad seems not only a demonstration of their commitment to Islam but also a way to express their resentment and frustration in the face of rapid modernization and globalization. From April 2000 until its disbanding in October 2002, Laskar Jihad dispatched more than 7,000 fighters to the Moluccas to confront Christians. This brief episode of jihad activism owed much to the support of military elites who saw it as a chance to use militant Muslim groups to retaliate against Abdurrahman Wahid for having sacked them from key military positions. Ironically, however, most of the Laskar Jihad fighters were unskilled combatants. They went to the Moluccas with limited experience and an untried fighting capacity. Their greatest achievement perhaps lay in creating propaganda that successfully influenced public opinion through the media. Given this fact, this study argues that the jihad conducted by Laskar Jihad can be more accurately described as drama: an endeavour by the Salafis to shore up their self- image as the most committed defenders of Islam, and thereby to put their identity on the map of Indonesian Islam. vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The process of conceiving and writing this book has involved a large number of people that I cannot mention them all. It would have been an almost impossible task had it not been for the assistance and kindness shown to me throughout this endeavour. The first person to whom I would like to express my gratitude is Professor Martin M. van Bruinessen, my supervisor whose innovative and inspiring comments and suggestions have guided my thinking and writing, and who has helped me in numerous other ways. My special appreciation is also due to Dr. Nico J.G. Kaptein and Josine Stremmelaar, the coordinator and co- coordinator of the project of the “Dissemination of Religious Authority in Twentieth-Century Indonesia” at the International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS), Leiden, the Netherlands, for their assistance and facilities rendered to me during my research. I am also indebted to Prof. Wim Stokhof, the director of the International Institute for Asian Studies, whose kindness has enabled me to work at the stimulating international atmosphere at the institute. I would like to offer my sincere thanks to some scholars who have been involved in one way or another in discussing certain parts of my research. These include Prof. M. Khalid Masud, Prof. Asef Bayat, Prof. Cees van Dijk, Dr. Nico J.G. Kaptein, Dr. Michael Laffan, Prof. Karel Steenbrink, Prof. Henk Schulte Nordholt, Prof. Herman L. Beck, Prof. Michael Gilsenan, Prof. Amien Abdullah, Prof. Azyumardi Azra, Dr. Margot Lyon, Dr. Andree Feillard, Dr. Johan H. Meuleman, Dr. Farish Noor, Dr. Remy Madinier, Dr. Patricia Martinez, Dr. Michael Feener, Dr. Mathias Diederich, Dr. Claudia Derichs and Dr. Andi Faysal Bakti. I am also indebted to all my colleagues at the International Institute for Asian Studies and the Indonesian-Netherlands Cooperation for Islamic Studies, and all the parties who helped me in different ways during one and a half year fieldwork in Indonesia. In addition, I would like to express my special appreciation to Ibu Rosemary Robson for her patience and prudence in correcting and editing my English. Special thanks are also due to Lee Gillette, who gave a final touch to my English, and Michael Wille, who translated my English summary into the Dutch. I am grateful to the financial support provided by the Dutch government through KNAW, IIAS, ISIM and CNWS so that I could complete this book. My special thank is also due to the State Islamic University Sunan Kalijaga, Yogyakarta as well as the Department of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, which permitted me to leave my academic duties in Indonesia for viii around four years in order to study in the Netherlands. Additionally, I would like to thank KITLV Library, University Library, and Social Science Faculty Library in Leiden. The helpfulness of the staff of these institutions made research pleasant and enjoyable. Last but not least, I would like to express my sincere thanks to my family. My father, Amir Hasan and my mother, Siti Mahani, as well as my father-in-law and my mother-in-law have always supported me and prayed for the success of my study. My wife, Euis Nurlaelawati, and my daughter, Afrouza Sabiela Paramasita, have been there for me with devotion and love. This book is dedicated to all them. ix TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract v Acknowledgements vii Table of Contents ix Note on Transliteration xiii List of Figures xv List of Abbreviations xvii Chapter I INTRODUCTION 1 Laskar Pembela Islam 3 Laskar Jihad 5 Laskar Mujahidin Indonesia 7 Anti-Americanism 9 Political Islam in an Era of Transition 12 The Focus of the Study 15 Methodological Notes 18 The Structure of the Book 19 Chapter II THE EXPANSION OF ‘SALAFIS’ AND THE ZEAL OF ISLAMIC RESURGENCE 23 Islamic Reform in Indonesia 25 Saudi Arabian Geopolitics 29 Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (DDII) 32 Islamic Activism on the Campus 36 Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Islam dan Bahasa Arab (LIPIA) 41 A New Type of Middle Eastern Graduate 44 Salafi Foundations 48 Post-Gulf War Drift 53 Chapter III COMPETITION AND CONFLICT IN THE SALAFI MOVEMENT 57 Hadrami Background 59 Persis Legacy 62 Afghan Experience 66 Pesantren Al-Irsyad Tengaran 68 Revitalizing the Yemeni Connection 73 x The Surūriyya Issue 77 The Periodical Salafy 81 The Ihyaus Sunnah Network
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