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A Theory of Fields A Th eory of Fields This page intentionally left blank A Th eory of Fields NEIL FLIGSTEIN DOUG McADAM 1 Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further Oxford University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offi ces in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Th ailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Copyright © 2012 by Oxford University Press Published by Oxford University Press, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 www.oup.com Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitt ed, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Fligstein, Neil. A theory of fi elds / Neil Fligstein, Doug McAdam. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-19-985994-8 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Change. 2. Stability. 3. Social movements. I. McAdam, Doug. II. Title. BD373.F57 2012 303.4—dc23 2011037122 1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper For Heather and Tracy & Kylie, Molly, and Taylor This page intentionally left blank TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments xi 1 . Th e Gist of It 3 T H E C E N T RA L ELEMENTS OF THE THEORY 8 OTHER PERSPECTIVES 23 CONCLUSION 31 2. Microfoundations 34 MEANING AND MEMBERSHIP: ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EXISTENTIAL FUNCTION OF THE SOCIAL 35 THE COLLECTIVE AS EXISTENTIAL REFUGE 40 S O C I A L S K I L L 45 SOCIAL SKILL IN ACTION 50 CONCLUSION 53 3. Macroconsiderations 57 THE “EMBEDDEDNESS” OF STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 59 AN EXCURSUS ON FORMAL ORGANIZATION AND BUREAUCRA CY 64 THE STATE AS A SYSTEM OF STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 67 THE IMPACT OF STATE FIELDS ON NONSTATE STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 71 THE DEPENDENCE OF STATES AND STATE FIELDS ON NONSTATE FIELDS 74 INTERNAL GOVERNANCE UNITS 77 HIGHER EDUCATION AND THE PROFESSIONS 79 CONCLUSION 80 viii Table of Contents 4. Change and Stability in Strategic Action Fields 83 CURRENT DEBATES 83 THE EMERGENCE OF STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 86 S U S TA I N I N G A S E TT LEMENT: THE REPRODUCTION OF FIELDS 96 S E TT LEMENTS AND RUPTURES: STABILITY AND CRISIS IN STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 99 REESTABLISHING FIELD STABILITY 104 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SOCIAL SKILL AND THE STATE OF THE STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELD 108 CONCLUSION 112 5 . Illustrating the Perspective: Contention over Race in the United States, 1932–1980 and the Rise and Fall of the Mortgage Securitization Industry, 1969–2011 114 THE CIVIL RIGHTS STRUGGLE, 1932–1980 115 S E TT ING THE STAGE: CONTENTION OVER RA CE IN THE UNITED STATES, 1781–1877 116 THE FIELD OF RA CIAL POLITICS, 1877–1932 117 DESTABILIZING CHANGES: THE DEPRESSION AND THE COLD WAR 121 THE EPISODE OF CONTENTION AND THE RISE OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT 127 A N E W S E TT LEMENT 129 THE DECLINING SALIENCE OF THE COLD WAR DYNAMIC 130 THE REVENGE OF THE DIXIECRA TS AND THE END OF THE NEW DEAL ELECTORA L REGIME 130 THE RISE OF BLACK POWER AND THE RUPTURE IN THE MOVEMENT STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 132 THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT AND ITS IMPACT ON OTHER STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 134 SUMMING UP: AN IMPORTANT POSTSCRIPT 136 T H E T RA NSFORMATION OF THE U.S. MORTGAGE MARKET, 1969–2011 140 THE DOMINANT STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS OF THE MORTGAGE MARKET, 1934–1987 142 CHANGES THAT DESTABILIZED THE MORTGAGE MARKET, 1969–1987 145 S E TT LEMENT AND THE NEW STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELD 149 THE RISE OF THE INDUSTRIAL MODEL OF THE MBS MARKET, 1993–2007 151 THE CAUSES OF THE CRISIS 157 THE IMPACT OF THE STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELD BASED ON THE INDUSTRIAL MODEL ON OTHER STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 159 CONCLUSION 161 Table of Contents ix 6. Methodological Considerations 164 T H E R O A D M A P 165 HOW TO TELL IF A STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELD EXISTS 167 EMERGENCE, STABILITY, AND CRISIS, PART 1 170 THE PROBLEM OF THE STATE IN RELATION TO STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 173 EMERGENCE, STABILITY, AND CRISIS, PART 2 174 S O C I A L S K I L L , S T RA TEGIC ACTION, AND THE QUESTION OF ENTREPRENEURSHIP 178 CONSIDERING DIFFERENT PHILOSOPHIES OF SCIENCE AND METHODOLOGICAL STRA TEGIES 183 A POSITIVIST APPROACH TO STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 188 REALIST APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF STRA TEGIC ACTION FIELDS 192 THE PROBLEM OF EMPIRICISM 196 CONCLUSION 198 7 . To w a r d a Th eory of Strategic Action Fields 200 S O W H A T I S N E W H E R E ? 200 THE PROBLEM OF THE ACCUMULATION OF KNOWLEDGE IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 208 THE SURPRISING DISCOVERY OF FIELDS 209 T O W A R D A C O L L A B O RA TIVE PROGRA M OF THEORY AND RESEARCH ON FIELDS 215 Bibliography 223 Index 233 This page intentionally left blank ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Th is book marks the end of a very long journey. We began talking about this book in the late 1980s when we were both newly tenured faculty members at the University of Arizona. At the time, Doug was working on his book Freedom Summer, and Neil was working on Th e Transformation of Corporate Control. Our conversations about our respective projects and past work led us to a startling conclusion: we came to see that, in many ways, we were working on the same generic sociological problem. At the most general level, both of us were inter- ested in understanding strategic action and stability and change in emerging or established “fi elds.” In the case of the civil rights movement, we were struck by how a combination of international and domestic change processes in the middle decades of the twentieth century had undermined a host of established fi elds—including the international system of nation-states, U.S. constitutional law, and the Democratic Party—granting civil rights forces the leverage to press for signifi cant racial change. Eventually, these changes would grant civil rights activists—such as those responsible for planning and carrying out the Freedom Summer project—the opportunity to successfully challenge the system of racial politics in the United States. In much the same way, we came to see that the emergence of large corpora- tions in the United States was a result of a series of severe economic crises, crises whereby the owners of large corporations sought out ways to create a new kind of market world. Th ey invented the modern corporation and its identities, tac- tics, and strategies to stabilize their world. Th e twentieth century continued to provide shocks to corporations, and they responded by fi nding new ways to in- novate and create new worlds (and markets). Based on what we saw as the common features of our cases, we began a series of discussions that ranged over several years. We talked about writing a book together but burdened with many other projects, never quite got around to it. xixi xii Acknowledgments Finally, in the spring of 1990, when Neil accepted a position at Berkeley we were moved to act. In hopes of gett ing our basic ideas down on paper, we spent the summer and fall of 1990 writing feverishly, ultimately producing some 150 pages of text. Th at manuscript forms the basis of this one. To be sure, our thinking has evolved in a host of signifi cant ways since 1990, but still this book remains re- markably similar in substance and spirit to the original document. Armed with our 150 pages, we tried several times to return to the manuscript, but living in two diff erent places made it hard to do. It was also the case that each of us took turns working on one or another major project that prevented us from devoting our full att ention to the book. So, the 1990s passed and the manuscript continued to reside mainly on our word processors. In 2003 we tried again to fi nish the book but only got as far as rewriting the fi rst two chapters. But some of the ideas that animated the original manuscript started to enter intellectual cir- culation. Th ere were several versions of a general article we had writt en titled “A Political–Cultural Approach to the Problem of Strategic Action” that circulated widely. We presented that article in several venues, including the Asolimar Con- ference sponsored by the Stanford Center for Organizational Research; gave joint talks at the American Sociological Association meetings (several times); and gave individual talks in various departments around the country. All the while the core ideas of the project continued to enrich and inform the work we did individually. Both of us gave pieces of the original manuscript to graduate students, who used it to shape their dissertation projects. Th en, too, countless other graduate students were exposed to the core ideas of the project through our classes. And eventually some of those ideas did fi nd their way into print. Neil published the core of the theory of strategic action—the theory of social skill— in two pieces, one that appeared in the American Behavioral Scientist in 1989 and the other in Sociological Th eory in 2001.
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