DOUG Mcadam CURRENT POSITION
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Performative Citizenship in the Civil Rights and Immigrant Rights Movements
Performative Citizenship in the Civil Rights and Immigrant Rights Movements Kathryn Abrams In August 2013, Maria Teresa Kumar, the executive director of Voto Lat mo, spoke aJongside civil rights leaders at the fiftieth anniversary of the March on Washington. A month earlier, immigrant activists invited the Reverend Al Sharpton to join a press conference outside the federal court building as they celebrated a legal victory over joe Arpaio, the anti-immigrant sheriff of Maricopa County. Undocumented youth orga nizing for immigration reform explained their persistence with Marlin Luther King's statement that "the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towardjustice." 1 The civil rights movement remains a potent reminder that politically marginalized groups can shape the Jaw through mobilization and col lective action. This has made the movement a crucial source of sym bolism for those activists who have come after. But it has also been a source of what sociologist Doug McAdam has called "cultural innova uons"2: transformative strategies and tactics that can be embraced and modified by later movements. This chapter examines the legacy of the Civil Rights Act by revisiting the social movement that produced it and comparing that movement to a recent and galvanizing successor, the movement for immigrant rights.3 This movement has not simply used the storied tactics of the civil rights movement; it has modified them 2 A Nation of Widening Opportunities in ways that render them more performative: undocumented activists implement the familiar tactics that enact, in daring and surprising ways, the public belonging to which they aspire.4 This performative dimen sion would seem to distinguish the immigrant rights movement, at the level of organizational strategy, from its civil rights counterpart, whose participants were constitutionally acknowledged as citizens. -
The Radical Feminist Manifesto As Generic Appropriation: Gender, Genre, and Second Wave Resistance
Southern Journal of Communication ISSN: 1041-794X (Print) 1930-3203 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsjc20 The radical feminist manifesto as generic appropriation: Gender, genre, and second wave resistance Kimber Charles Pearce To cite this article: Kimber Charles Pearce (1999) The radical feminist manifesto as generic appropriation: Gender, genre, and second wave resistance, Southern Journal of Communication, 64:4, 307-315, DOI: 10.1080/10417949909373145 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10417949909373145 Published online: 01 Apr 2009. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 578 View related articles Citing articles: 4 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rsjc20 The Radical Feminist Manifesto as Generic Appropriation: Gender, Genre, And Second Wave Resistance Kimber Charles Pearce n June of 1968, self-styled feminist revolutionary Valerie Solanis discovered herself at the heart of a media spectacle after she shot pop artist Andy Warhol, whom she I accused of plagiarizing her ideas. While incarcerated for the attack, she penned the "S.C.U.M. Manifesto"—"The Society for Cutting Up Men." By doing so, Solanis appropriated the traditionally masculine manifesto genre, which had evolved from sov- ereign proclamations of the 1600s into a form of radical protest of the 1960s. Feminist appropriation of the manifesto genre can be traced as far back as the 1848 Seneca Falls Woman's Rights Convention, at which suffragists Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucretia Coffin Mott, Martha Coffin, and Mary Ann McClintock parodied the Declara- tion of Independence with their "Declaration of Sentiments" (Campbell, 1989). -
The US Anti- Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory
BRATYANSKI, JENNIFER A., Ph.D. Mainstreaming Movements: The U.S. Anti- Apartheid Movement and Civil Rights Memory (2012) Directed by Dr. Thomas F. Jackson. 190pp. By the time of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, in 1990, television and film had brought South Africa’s history of racial injustice and human rights violations into living rooms and cinemas across the United States. New media formats such as satellite and cable television widened mobilization efforts for international opposition to apartheid. But at stake for the U.S. based anti-apartheid movement was avoiding the problems of media misrepresentation that previous transnational movements had experienced in previous decades. Movement participants and supporters needed to connect the liberation struggles in South Africa to the historical domestic struggles for racial justice. What resulted was the romanticizing of a domestic civil rights memory through the mediated images of the anti-apartheid struggle which appeared between 1968 and 1994. Ultimately, both the anti-apartheid and civil rights movements were sanitized of their radical roots, which threatened the ongoing struggles for black economic advancement in both countries. MAINSTREAMING MOVEMENTS: THE U.S. ANTI-APARTHEID MOVEMENT AND CIVIL RIGHTS MEMEORY by Jennifer A. Bratyanski A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate School at The University of North Carolina at Greensboro in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Greensboro 2012 Approved by Thomas F. Jackson Committee -
Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements
Passionate Politics Passionate Politics Emotions and Social Movements Edited by Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London Jeff Goodwin is associate professor of sociology at New York University and author of No Other Way Out: States and Revolutionary Movements, 1945–1991. James M. Jasper is an independent scholar and the author of Restless Nation and The Art of Moral Protest. Francesca Polletta is associ- ate professor of sociology at Columbia University, and the author of Free- dom Is an Endless Meeting: Democracy in American Social Movements (forthcoming). The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London 2001 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. Published 2001 Printed in the United States of America 10987654321 54321 ISBN (cloth): 0-226-30398-5 ISBN (paper): 0-226-30399-3 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Passionate politics : emotions and social movements / edited by Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-226-30398-5 (cloth) — ISBN 0-226-30399-3 (pbk.) 1. Social movements. 2. Emotions. 3. Political science. I. Goodwin, Jeff. II. Jasper, James M., 1957–. III. Polletta, Francesca. HM881 .P38 2001 303.48′4—dc21 2001000938 ᭺∞ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992. To all those who have pursued social justice with passion Contents Preface and Acknowledgments xi Introduction: Why Emotions Matter Jeff Goodwin, James M. -
Women and the Presidency
Women and the Presidency By Cynthia Richie Terrell* I. Introduction As six women entered the field of Democratic presidential candidates in 2019, the political media rushed to declare 2020 a new “year of the woman.” In the Washington Post, one political commentator proclaimed that “2020 may be historic for women in more ways than one”1 given that four of these woman presidential candidates were already holding a U.S. Senate seat. A writer for Vox similarly hailed the “unprecedented range of solid women” seeking the nomination and urged Democrats to nominate one of them.2 Politico ran a piece definitively declaring that “2020 will be the year of the woman” and went on to suggest that the “Democratic primary landscape looks to be tilted to another woman presidential nominee.”3 The excited tone projected by the media carried an air of inevitability: after Hillary Clinton lost in 2016, despite receiving 2.8 million more popular votes than her opponent, ever more women were running for the presidency. There is a reason, however, why historical inevitably has not yet been realized. Although Americans have selected a president 58 times, a man has won every one of these contests. Before 2019, a major party’s presidential debates had never featured more than one woman. Progress toward gender balance in politics has moved at a glacial pace. In 1937, seventeen years after passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, Gallup conducted a poll in which Americans were asked whether they would support a woman for president “if she were qualified in every other respect?”4 * Cynthia Richie Terrell is the founder and executive director of RepresentWomen, an organization dedicated to advancing women’s representation and leadership in the United States. -
THEORIES of SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Week 1
THEORIES OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Fall, 1999 James M. Jasper This course will examine the main approaches to the study of social movements over the last forty years, with an emphasis on theoretical assumptions rather than on empirical or methodological aspects. Each student will also read an empirical study, selected from the list below. Weekly memos will address the applicability of the readings to that case, using empirical evidence to launch an evaluation of the approach. I have tried to pick case studies that are relatively free from heavy theoretical selection of the materials presented. Let me know if you have other cases you would prefer to use. You need to start reading these immediately. Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters. (On the civil rights movement) Craig Calhoun, Neither Gods nor Emperors. (Chinese student movement) James Jasper and Dorothy Nelkin, The Animal Rights Crusade. David Meyer, Winter of our Discontent. (The freeze movement) Jonathan Rieder, Canarsie. (Backlash against affirmative action and civil rights) Verta Taylor, Rock-a-Bye Baby. (Post-partum depression self-help movement) Nancy Whittier, Feminist Generations. Week 1. Economic Models, Rational Individuals. Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action (Harvard University Press, 1965). Week 2. Resource Mobilization Models: Political and Economic Versions. Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Addison-Wesley, 1978). John McCarthy and Mayer Zald, "Resource Mobilization in Social Movements," American Journal of Sociology 82 (1977). 2 Week 3. Political Process Models. Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement, second edition (Cambridge, 1998). Herbert Kitschelt, "Protest Strategies and Policy Impacts of Social Movements: A Comparison of Anti-nuclear Movements in Four Countries," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986). -
University Microfilms, a XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
71-27,503 KREPS, Gary Alden, 1944- INNOVATION IN CRISIS RELEVANT ORGANIZATIONS: A MODEL OF THE PROCESS OF ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1971 Sociology, general University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED INNOVATION 'm CRISIS RELEVANT ORGAN IZATICHS : A MODEL OF THE PROCESS OF ORGAEIZAYIOFAl. CHANGE D IS S ERTA'f ION Pro sen 1: ec! in Partial Fulfil iment of Lhe. Requirements for the Degree. Doctor of Philosophy in the Gradual; e School of The Ohio State University By Gary Alden Keeps, B.A., M.A. The Ohio State University 1971 Approved by Advisor Department of Sociology Please Note: Some pages have very light type. Filmed as received. University Microfilms. ACKbOWJJfOGliENTS This study was made possible by a grant from the Center for Studies of Mental Health and Social Problems, Applied Research Branch, The National Institute of Mental Health (PH3 Grant 5 R01 MH 15399-03). I am deeply grateful to Professor Russell. R. Dynes and Professor E . L. Quarantelli, Go-Directors o£ the Disaster Research Center. The sociological insight of these two men has been a constant stimulant to my educational development. The project would not have been possible without the able assistance of Professor Dynes, my advisor, whose guidance, encouragement, and time were generously contributed throughout the study. Professor Quarantelli was greatly instrumental in the development of the study and proved to be a continuing source of constructive criticism and suggestions. I am also grateful for the assistance of Professor Ronald Corwin, who served on my dissertation committee and has provided an excellent role model for research on complex organiza tions. -
The Equal Rights Amendment Revisited
Notre Dame Law Review Volume 94 | Issue 2 Article 10 1-2019 The qualE Rights Amendment Revisited Bridget L. Murphy Notre Dame Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation 94 Notre Dame L. Rev. 937 (2019). This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Notre Dame Law Review at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review by an authorized editor of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\94-2\NDL210.txt unknown Seq: 1 18-DEC-18 7:48 THE EQUAL RIGHTS AMENDMENT REVISITED Bridget L. Murphy* [I]t’s humiliating. A new amendment we vote on declaring that I am equal under the law to a man. I am mortified to discover there’s reason to believe I wasn’t before. I am a citizen of this country. I am not a special subset in need of your protection. I do not have to have my rights handed down to me by a bunch of old, white men. The same [Amendment] Fourteen that protects you, protects me. And I went to law school just to make sure. —Ainsley Hayes, 20011 If I could choose an amendment to add to this constitution, it would be the Equal Rights Amendment . It means that women are people equal in stature before the law. And that’s a fundamental constitutional principle. I think we have achieved that through legislation. -
GEOGRAPHY and SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Comparing
GEOGRAPHY AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Social Movements, Protest, and Contention Series Editor: Bert Klandermans, Free University, Amsterdam Associate Editors: Sidney Tarrow, Cornell University Verta A. Taylor, The Ohio State University Ron R. Aminzade, University of Minnesota Volume 12 Byron A. Miller, Geography and Social Movements: Comparing Antinuclear Activism in the Boston Area Volume 11 Mona N. Younis, Liberation and Democratization: The South African and Palestinian National Movements Volume 10 Marco Giugni, Doug McAdam, and Charles Tilly, editors, How Social Movements Matter Volume 9 Cynthia Irvin, Militant Nationalism: Between Movement and Party in Ireland and the Basque Country Volume 8 Raka Ray, Fields of Protest: Women’s Movements in India Volume 7 Michael P. Hanagan, Leslie Page Moch, and Wayne te Brake, editors, Challenging Authority: The Historical Study of Contentious Politics Volume 6 Donatella della Porta and Herbert Reiter, editors, Policing Protest: The Control of Mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies Volume 5 Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak, and Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis Volume 4 Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture Volume 3 J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, editors, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements Volume 2 John Foran, editor, A Century of Revolution: Social Movements in Iran Volume 1 Andrew Szasz, EcoPopulism: Toxic Waste and the Movement for Environmental Justice GEOGRAPHY AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Comparing Antinuclear Activism in the Boston Area Byron A. Miller Social Movements, Protest, and Contention Volume 12 University of Minnesota Press Minneapolis • London Portions of this book were previously published in “Collective Action and Rational Choice: Place, Community, and the Limits to Individual Self-Interest,” Economic Geography 68, no. -
How Sex Got Into Title VII: Persistent Opportunism As a Maker of Public Policy
Minnesota Journal of Law & Inequality Volume 9 Issue 2 Article 1 June 1991 How Sex Got into Title VII: Persistent Opportunism as a Maker of Public Policy Jo Freeman Follow this and additional works at: https://lawandinequality.org/ Recommended Citation Jo Freeman, How Sex Got into Title VII: Persistent Opportunism as a Maker of Public Policy, 9(2) LAW & INEQ. 163 (1991). Available at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/lawineq/vol9/iss2/1 Minnesota Journal of Law & Inequality is published by the University of Minnesota Libraries Publishing. How "Sex" Got Into Title VII: Persistent Opportunism as a Maker of Public Policy Jo Freeman* The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was a milestone of federal legis- lation. Like much major legislation, it had "incubated" for decades but was birthed in turmoil. On June 19, 1963, after the civil rights movement of the fifties and early sixties had focused national at- tention on racial injustice, President John F. Kennedy sent a draft omnibus civil rights bill to the Congress.' On February 8, 1964, while the bill was being debated on the House floor, Rep. Howard W. Smith of Virginia, Chairman of the Rules Committee and staunch opponent of all civil rights legislation, rose up and offered a one-word amendment to Title VII, which prohibited employment discrimination. He proposed to add "sex" to the bill in order "to prevent discrimination against another minority group, the women . "2 This stimulated several hours of humorous debate, later en- shrined as "Ladies Day in the House," 3 before the amendment was passed by a teller vote of 168 to 133. -
Women's Liberation: Seeing the Revolution Clearly
Sara M. EvanS Women’s Liberation: Seeing the Revolution Clearly Approximately fifty members of the five Chicago radical women’s groups met on Saturday, May 18, 1968, to hold a citywide conference. The main purposes of the conference were to create and strengthen ties among groups and individuals, to generate a heightened sense of common history and purpose, and to provoke imaginative pro- grammatic ideas and plans. In other words, the conference was an early step in the process of movement building. —Voice of Women’s Liberation Movement, June 19681 EvEry account of thE rE-EmErgEncE of feminism in the United States in the late twentieth century notes the ferment that took place in 1967 and 1968. The five groups meeting in Chicago in May 1968 had, for instance, flowered from what had been a single Chicago group just a year before. By the time of the conference in 1968, activists who used the term “women’s liberation” understood themselves to be building a movement. Embedded in national networks of student, civil rights, and antiwar movements, these activists were aware that sister women’s liber- ation groups were rapidly forming across the country. Yet despite some 1. Sarah Boyte (now Sara M. Evans, the author of this article), “from Chicago,” Voice of the Women’s Liberation Movement, June 1968, p. 7. I am grateful to Elizabeth Faue for serendipitously sending this document from the first newsletter of the women’s liberation movement created by Jo Freeman. 138 Feminist Studies 41, no. 1. © 2015 by Feminist Studies, Inc. Sara M. Evans 139 early work, including my own, the particular formation calling itself the women’s liberation movement has not been the focus of most scholar- ship on late twentieth-century feminism. -
Visual Media and the Fate of Nonviolent Social Movement Activism
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 From Print to Pixel: Visual Media and The Fate of Nonviolent Social Movement Activism Ksenia O. Gorbenko University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Gorbenko, Ksenia O., "From Print to Pixel: Visual Media and The Fate of Nonviolent Social Movement Activism" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 636. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/636 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/636 For more information, please contact [email protected]. From Print to Pixel: Visual Media and The Fate of Nonviolent Social Movement Activism Abstract In order to be heard or seen, nonviolent social movements (NVSMs) require an audience. News images of nonviolent protests become the means through which awareness of social movements is created. Comparative historical and semiotic analysis of journalistic images demonstrates that violence is a prominent theme within news coverage of nonviolent struggles. Four types of violence within nonviolence are identified: state violence, third-party violence, self-inflicted violence and symbolic violence. The examination of news images of these four types of violence showed the different ways in which challengers and the state contest power in the public domain through the media, in both text and images. Various actors (the state, social movements, journalists, the audience) use news images to historicize and construct their narratives of unfolding events, as well as make transhistorical claims. In this process, they deliberately employ news images to advocate for their causes, align themselves with previous heroes of civil disobedience and play on the popular understandings of good and evil.