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A Sequel to Minkova (2003: Ch. 4) Ricardo The history of English phrase-level syllabification: a sequel to Minkova (2003: ch. 4) Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero University of Manchester INTRODUCTION §1 • This talk addresses the history of phrase-level syllabification in English, focusing on the behaviour of word-final consonants immediately followed by a vowel across a word boundary. • Minkova (2003: ch. 4) provides an authoritative account of phrase-level syllabification in OE and ME based on internal linguistic evidence and on data from poetic metre. The aim of the talk is to supply the link between Minkova’s narrative and the synchronic situation in PDE. • I shall argue that ambisyllabicity fails to provide a satisfactory answer to this question: by attempting to channel all the effects of prosody on segmental allophony through syllable structure, theories of ambisyllabicity get caught in representational paradoxes. • In contrast, stratal-cyclic models of phonology, specially Stratal OT, provide a straightforward interpretation of the English facts in terms of the diachronic life- cycle of phonological processes. MINKOVA’S NARRATIVE [Б]-insertion blocks resyllabification in OE §2 Minkova (2003: ch. 4) makes a strong case for assuming that, like present-day German, OE avoided stressed onsetless syllables by means of [Б]-epenthesis: [Б]-insertion σs O R X X ∅ → Б / __ §3 Since root-initial syllables bear primary stress in OE, [Б]-insertion blocks the resyllabification of word-final consonants before lexical words beginning with a vowel: Ēadmund æþeling ‘prince Edmund’ (The battle of Brunanburh 3a) UR /ædmund æeli/ SR [⎆Бæd.mund.Бæ.e.li] not *[æd.mun.dæ.e.li] www.bermudez-otero.com/sequel.pdf Inaugural event of the Historical Linguistics Research Cluster, Cambridge, 10 May 2010 2 Minkova adduces evidence from both metrical and nonmetrical language. §4 Vowel alliteration In OE metre, any vowel-initial stressed syllable can alliterate with any other vowel-initial stressed syllable, regardless of the quality of the vowels. This suggests that the alliteration requirement is satisfied by epenthetic [Б]. hū þā [Б]æðelingas [Б]ellen fremedon (Beowulf 3) ‘how the leaders courage accomplished’ [Б]Æþelstān cyning [Б]eorla dryhten (Brunanburh 1) ‘King Æthelstan, lord of noblemen’ §5 Absence of elision In OE metre, word-final unstressed vowels always count for metrical purposes, even when immediately followed by a word-initial stressed vowel. Epenthetic [Б] prevents the vowels from merging: ―´ × ―´ × lan.ge [Б]āh.te ‘long reigned’ (Beowulf 31b) Each halfline must contain at least four metrical positions. If elision applied to the final vowel of lange, the halfline would be rendered unmetrical (subminimal). Cf. synaloepha in Spanish syllable-counting verse: Era del año la⍝estación florida (Góngora, Soledades, I, 1) [e.a.e.la.o.laes.ta.jon.flo.i.<a>] §6 Hiatus between prefix and stem In OE, the final vowel of a prefix is retained before the initial stressed vowel of the stem. Examples from poetry where noncontraction is essential to the metre include: ―´ × ―´ × oft ge.[Б]æh.ted ‘often praised’ (Beowulf 1885a) Contraction was limited to negative ne plus a weakly stressed verb (e.g. nis ‘is not’), or be plus a weakly stressed adverb (e.g. binnan ‘within’). §7 Inorganic <-h> OE scribes sometimes used the letter <h> to indicate the glottal stop: e.g. <Ða se hælmihtiga> ‘when the Almighty’ (Guthlac 950b) We know that this was not hypercorrection for h-loss because: (i) The dialect geography of h-loss in subsequent periods suggests that it had not yet started in OE. (ii) The phenomenon involves inserting <h-> where there is no etymological [h-], but there is no concomitant omission of <h-> where there is. (iii) There is more inorganic <h> in verse manuscripts (where stress and syllabification are crucial) than in prose documents. This suggests that the scribes are using <h> to represent a phonological phenomenon associated with stress. www.bermudez-otero.com/sequel.pdf 3 Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero Full resyllabification in ME §8 Minkova demonstrates that, during the ME period, [Б]-insertion became optional, and that this resulted in the possibility of full resyllabification of word-final prevocalic consonants into the onset. §9 The decline of vowel alliteration In ME alliterative verse, the overall frequency of vowel alliteration drops dramatically: OE (Beowulf): 15.5% ME (Wynnere and Wastoure) 2.1% Just as significantly, the proportion of cases of vowel alliteration involving identical vowels increases, suggesting that epenthetic [Б] is no longer there to satisfy the requirement of onset identity. §10 Elision and contraction In ME verse, the metre often requires that unstressed word-final vowels should not count when immediately followed by a vowel-initial word. This indicates that epenthetic [Б] was no longer there to block vowel merger: W S W S W S W S þatt Godess Sun(e) AllmahhtiЋ Godd (Ormulum 11042) ‘that God’s Son Almighty God’ Contraction: W S W S W S W þin blettsinng tunnderrganngenn (Ormulum 10661) ‘to receive your blessing’ §11 Stab der Liaison In ME alliterative verse, a word-final consonant resyllabified into the onset of a stressed syllable can participate in alliteration: /t/ /t/ /t/ ‘þat schal I telle te trwly,’ quoþ þa.t⍝o.þer þenne (SGGK 2444) §12 False junctures ME sees an increased incidence of misanalyses where listeners misparse a resyllabified word-final consonant as word-initial an eke name > a neke name an extra name a nickname www.bermudez-otero.com/sequel.pdf Inaugural event of the Historical Linguistics Research Cluster, Cambridge, 10 May 2010 4 WHAT HAPPENED NEXT? The problem of phrase-level syllabification in PDE §13 The key difficulty: in PDE, word-final prevocalic consonants have both onset-like properties and coda-like properties. The ambiguous behaviour of word-final prevocalic r §14 Linking and intrusive r Most nonrhotic dialects of English (e.g. RP): • [Ѣ] is allowed in canonical onset positions e.g. rack [Ѣæk] (word-initially before a stressed vowel) raccoon [Ѣkun] (word-initially before an unstressed vowel) • [Ѣ] is forbidden in canonical coda position e.g. car [k, *kѢ] (prepausally) cart [kt, *kѢt] (preconsonantally) • [Ѣ] is allowed word-finally before a vowel e.g. car alarm [kѢ lm] (linking r) law officer [lѢ fs] (intrusive r) ∴ In these dialects, word-final prevocalic /Ѣ/ has an onset attachment on the surface. There are nonrhotic dialects with other patters of /Ѣ/-distribution: • no linking or intrusive r: e.g. AAVE [mst (Б)ædmz] (Gick 2002: 171); • [Ѣ] forbidden in non-foot-initial onsets: e.g. Southern US ve[∅]y, pa[∅]ent (Harris 2006: 4). §15 /Ѣ/-lenition Word-final prevocalic /Ѣ/, including linking and intrusive r in nonrhotic dialects, exhibits lenition (is less consonantal, more vocalic) in comparison with canonical onset /Ѣ/: • smaller duration (Cruttenden 2001: 289 on nonrhotic RP) • less lip protrusion and rounding (Wells 1990a on nonrhotic RP) • smaller magnitude of the tongue tip gesture (Gick 1999: 47-49 on rhotic US dialects) • more energy at all frequencies (McCarthy 1993: 179 on nonrhotic Eastern Massachusetts: e.g. saw eels [sѢ ilz] ≠ saw reels [s Ѣilz]) ∴ Word-final prevocalic /Ѣ/ must either have a coda attachment on the surface, or have a coda attachment at some earlier point in the derivation. www.bermudez-otero.com/sequel.pdf 5 Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero The ambiguous behaviour of word-final prevocalic /l/ §16 /l/-vocalization Following Scobbie and Wrench (2003), I define /l/-vocalization as the absence of linguoalveolar contact in the articulation of /l/. Scobbie and Wrench (2003) studied /l/-vocalization in 8 speakers of nonvernacular English varieties from England (South East and North), Scotland (Glasgow), and the US: “Seven of the eight speakers have a categorical alternation of word-final /l/ in which alveolar contact is conditioned prevocalically but not preconsonantally (“/l/ sandhi”). (Scobbie and Wrench 2003: 1874) ∴ Word-final prevocalic /l/ cannot be in the same position in syllable structure as word- final preconsonantal /l/: it must have an onset attachment on the surface. §17 /l/-darkening Following Sproat and Fujimura (1993) and Browman and Goldstein (1995), I define /l/- darkening as follows: [l] (‘clear /l/’) = coronal lead (the coronal gesture precedes the dorsal gesture) [l] (‘dark /l/’) = coronal lag (the coronal gesture follows the dorsal gesture) Assuming a feature geometry such as that of Clements (1991): coronal gesture = articulatory realization of C-place features dorsal gesture = articulatory realization of V-place features Sproat and Fujimura (1993) report the following pattern of /l/-darkening for 4 Midwestern US speakers: • clear /l/ in canonical onset position: e.g. Mr B. [l]ikkóvsky’s • dark /l/ in canonical coda position: e.g. Mr Bee[l⍶] word-finally before a vowel: e.g. Bee[l] equates Gick (2003) replicated Sproat and Fujimura’s findings in a study of a Southern Californian speaker. ∴ Word-final prevocalic /l/ must either have a coda attachment on the surface or have a coda attachment at some earlier point in the derivation. Summary: the conundrum of phrase-level liquid syllabification in English §18 The r-conundrum Segment Position Example Realization /V#ѢV/ saw reels [Ѣ] (unlenited) /Ѣ/ in most nonrhotic dialects /V(Ѣ)#V/ more eels [Ѣ] (lenited) /V(Ѣ)#C/ more heels [∅] (zero) www.bermudez-otero.com/sequel.pdf Inaugural event of the Historical Linguistics Research Cluster, Cambridge, 10 May 2010 6 §19 The l-conundrum Segment Position Example Realization /V#lV/ see Lynn [l] (consonantal, clear) /l/ in some (US) dialects /Vl#V/ seal it [l] (consonantal, dark) (Vl#C/ seal bins [׹] (vocalic, dark/ AMBISYLLABICITY IS NOT THE ANSWER The idea § 20 • Synchronically, PDE word-final prevocalic consonants display both onset-like and coda-like properties because they are ambisyllabic (by Onset Capture: Kahn 1976, Gussenhoven 1986). • Diachronically, ambisyllabification replaces full resyllabification during ModE as word-final prevocalic consonants recover their coda attachment by analogy with their counterparts in nonprevocalic position.
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