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Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographicaily in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 UMI* GROUNDING JUl’HOANSI ROOT PHONOTACTICS: THE PHONETICS OF THE GUTTURAL OCP AND OTHER ACOUSTIC MODULATIONS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Amanda Miller-Ockhuizen, M.A. The Ohio State University 2001 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Mary. E. Beckman, Adviser % Elizabeth V. Hume O’Haire Adviser Keith A. Johnson Department of Linguistics Marjorie Chan UMI Number 3022548 Copyright 2001 by Miller-Ockhuizen, Amanda Lynne All rights reserved. UMI UMI Microform 3022548 Copyright 2001 by Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Bell & Howell Information and Leaming Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ©Copyright by Amanda Miller-Ockhuizen August 2001 ABSTRACT GROUNDING JU|HOANSI ROOT PHONOTACTICS: THE PHONETICS OF THE GUTTURAL OCP AND OTHER ACOUSTIC MODULATIONS Amanda Miller-Ockhuizen This dissertation describes several strong phonotactic constraints that operate over the root in the Khoisan language Jujhoansi via patterns examined over a recorded database collected and re-transcribed for 6 speakers balanced for gender. Functional bases for the constraints described are suggested, calling on language specific strategies that are expected to assist listeners in parsing the root, as well as a universal perceptual constraint that requires sufficient contrast in paradigmatic relationships. The results of a single acoustic case study that provides more detailed grounding of a new guttural OCP constraint in the voice quality cues associated with guttural consonants and vowels is also provided. The results of the acoustic study also elucidate novel voice quality cues associated with pharyngeal consonants and vowels. Jujlioansi has a rich system of contrasting air-stream mechanisms and phonation types on both consonants and vowels, giving it one of the largest phoneme inventories in the world. These airstream mechanisms and guttural release properties are grouped together in a natural class of guttural sounds, all of which are licensed in root initial position, bom on obstruent consonants with stop bursts. Click consonants, which are the most frequent consonants in initial position contain extremely intense noise burst, and ii thus can e viewed as enhanced stop consonants (Traill, 1997; Stevens, 1998). In contrast, only four sonorant consonants are found in root medial position. These are the two plain nasals [m,n] and two sonorant consonants [g, r], which are all unmarked laryngeally, and articulated forward of the uvular region. Additionally, guttural vowels, which include breathy, glottalized, and epiglottalized vowels are also only licensed in V1 position of roots with only modal voice being licensed in V2 position. The acoustic voice quality cues associated with the laryngeal and pharyngeal contrasts at the beginning of the root, together with the typically rising tone contour over the first two moras, thus constitute a robust perceptual landmark for the beginning of roots in lexical access. The importance of this modulation in the phonotactics of the language is evident from the fact that there are only 121 roots in the language (out of 1878 known native roots) that do not have a contour either in voice quality, vowel quality or tone (Miller-Ockhuizen, 2001). A second phonotactic constraint rules out the co-occurrence of a guttural sound in Cl position with a guttural vowel in VI position. This constraint is perceptually grounded in a more universal phonetic constraint, that there should be sufficient contrast between different paradigmatic analyses of segmental material. Guttural coarticulation leads to voice quality cues on the vowel adjacent to guttural consonants, which are very similar to those found on guttural vowels. The co-occurrence of guttural consonants and vowels would lead to ambiguity about the paradigmatic position that is associated with the noise present in the vowel. The guttural OCP constraint assures that this ambiguity does not arise. This work offers a prototype for other perceptually grounded OCP constraints. As a result of having both guttural consonants and vowels, as well as diphthongs in voice quality in the phonemic inventory, lu|Tioansi has a unique three-way contrast in iii the timing of aspiration noise associated with a spread glottal configuration within a single syllable, and a three-way timing contrast in the association of epiglottal voice quality to a single syllable. The harmonics-to-noise ratio and spectral slopes associated with guttural consonants and vowels are very similar in the amount and type of noise present throughout the vowel. The paradigmatic contrast between consonant features and vowel features is maintained by the increased voice onset times associated with guttural consonants that is lacking in guttural vowels. The guttural natural class, which has been so difficult to define articulatorily (McCarthy, 1994; Goldstein, 1994; Zawaydeh, forthcoming), can be easily defined with reference to the acoustic spectral slope and HNR cues associated with gutturals. That is, guttural coarticulation leads to competing analyses for cues to breathy, creaky, or pharyngeal specifications during the C-V transition. I propose an auditory [Spectral Slope] feature that is specified on all guttural consonants and vowels. This feature correctly predicts that voiced consonants and modally voiced vowels should not pattern with gutturals phonologically, and when combined with the feature [Pharyngeal] predicts just the right number of contrasts found in Juj’hoansi. IV For Aiya, |asa Debe, who always reminded me of my own inner strength by simply asking me “Aren’t you a woman?” and to Xoajl’an |ui, mi luma de mi are, who taught me Ju|’hoansi Kokxui ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my adviser, Mary Beckman, who was a true mentor, always allowing me to formulate my own ideas about phonetics and about the phonetics - phonology interface, but always ready and eager to provide insights into how they might be grounded in the reality of acoustics and articulation. I would also like to thank Keith Johnson, who listened patiently as I formulated ideas, only softly pointing out where the holes in my ideas lay and allowing me to work them out in my own quiet way. He was also an excellent model for the way in which phoneticians attack problems, and I learned from his example. I also thank Beth Hume who was exremely encouraging and full of enthsiasum for my work. I value most the way in which she sees the creative capacity of phonological theories as equally important as the constraints on those theories. Many of the ideas in this dissertation were developed in Keith Johnson’s seminar on Phonological parsing, Beth Hume’s seminar on Positional Specification, as well as Beth and Keith’s joint seminar on The Role o f Perception in Phonology. It is the constant encouragement and excitement about linguistics as an empirical science which unites all three of my committee members, and for which I value all of them more than I can express in words. I would also like to thank David Odden, who helped me to achieve a strong background in phonology, and for his help with the initial set up of the database. vi Chuck Kisseberth and Jennifer Cole also had a great impact on my view of phonology. Chuck’s view that phonological constraints can be functionally unified was the impetus for my early view of the integration of phonetics and phonology. His belief in the importance of what I was doing, always gave me the encouragement I needed to complete my dissertation, even when I wasn’t in close contact with him. Jennifer Cole was also a great source of ideas, and her excitement about the interface between phonetics and phonology was contagious. Simon Donnelly, Khalil Iskarous and Molly Homer also provided friendship and showed interest in my work at UIUC. I also owe a great deal of gratitude to the Labbies, particularly Jennifer Venditti, Kiyoko Yoneyama, Mariapaola D’imperio, Rebecca Herman, Matt Makashay, Pauline Welby and Elizabeth Strand who were always willing to share scripts, their own views about phonetics in general, and quick easy ways to get things done. Allison Blodgett, Laurie Maynell, Janice Eon, Georgios Tserdanelis, Steve Winters, Huang Tsan, Peggy Wong, Craig Hilts, Shelome Gooden, and Satoko Katagiri were always available for helpful advice, and contributed to the warm cooperative atmosphere found at the OSU Linguistics Lab. Friendships with Jennifer Venditti, Mariapaola Dimperio, Rebecca Herman and Marcellino Liphola meant the world to me when I was re-establishing myself in a new academic setting.