Information to Users

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Information to Users INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographicaily in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 UMI* GROUNDING JUl’HOANSI ROOT PHONOTACTICS: THE PHONETICS OF THE GUTTURAL OCP AND OTHER ACOUSTIC MODULATIONS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Amanda Miller-Ockhuizen, M.A. The Ohio State University 2001 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Mary. E. Beckman, Adviser % Elizabeth V. Hume O’Haire Adviser Keith A. Johnson Department of Linguistics Marjorie Chan UMI Number 3022548 Copyright 2001 by Miller-Ockhuizen, Amanda Lynne All rights reserved. UMI UMI Microform 3022548 Copyright 2001 by Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Bell & Howell Information and Leaming Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ©Copyright by Amanda Miller-Ockhuizen August 2001 ABSTRACT GROUNDING JU|HOANSI ROOT PHONOTACTICS: THE PHONETICS OF THE GUTTURAL OCP AND OTHER ACOUSTIC MODULATIONS Amanda Miller-Ockhuizen This dissertation describes several strong phonotactic constraints that operate over the root in the Khoisan language Jujhoansi via patterns examined over a recorded database collected and re-transcribed for 6 speakers balanced for gender. Functional bases for the constraints described are suggested, calling on language specific strategies that are expected to assist listeners in parsing the root, as well as a universal perceptual constraint that requires sufficient contrast in paradigmatic relationships. The results of a single acoustic case study that provides more detailed grounding of a new guttural OCP constraint in the voice quality cues associated with guttural consonants and vowels is also provided. The results of the acoustic study also elucidate novel voice quality cues associated with pharyngeal consonants and vowels. Jujlioansi has a rich system of contrasting air-stream mechanisms and phonation types on both consonants and vowels, giving it one of the largest phoneme inventories in the world. These airstream mechanisms and guttural release properties are grouped together in a natural class of guttural sounds, all of which are licensed in root initial position, bom on obstruent consonants with stop bursts. Click consonants, which are the most frequent consonants in initial position contain extremely intense noise burst, and ii thus can e viewed as enhanced stop consonants (Traill, 1997; Stevens, 1998). In contrast, only four sonorant consonants are found in root medial position. These are the two plain nasals [m,n] and two sonorant consonants [g, r], which are all unmarked laryngeally, and articulated forward of the uvular region. Additionally, guttural vowels, which include breathy, glottalized, and epiglottalized vowels are also only licensed in V1 position of roots with only modal voice being licensed in V2 position. The acoustic voice quality cues associated with the laryngeal and pharyngeal contrasts at the beginning of the root, together with the typically rising tone contour over the first two moras, thus constitute a robust perceptual landmark for the beginning of roots in lexical access. The importance of this modulation in the phonotactics of the language is evident from the fact that there are only 121 roots in the language (out of 1878 known native roots) that do not have a contour either in voice quality, vowel quality or tone (Miller-Ockhuizen, 2001). A second phonotactic constraint rules out the co-occurrence of a guttural sound in Cl position with a guttural vowel in VI position. This constraint is perceptually grounded in a more universal phonetic constraint, that there should be sufficient contrast between different paradigmatic analyses of segmental material. Guttural coarticulation leads to voice quality cues on the vowel adjacent to guttural consonants, which are very similar to those found on guttural vowels. The co-occurrence of guttural consonants and vowels would lead to ambiguity about the paradigmatic position that is associated with the noise present in the vowel. The guttural OCP constraint assures that this ambiguity does not arise. This work offers a prototype for other perceptually grounded OCP constraints. As a result of having both guttural consonants and vowels, as well as diphthongs in voice quality in the phonemic inventory, lu|Tioansi has a unique three-way contrast in iii the timing of aspiration noise associated with a spread glottal configuration within a single syllable, and a three-way timing contrast in the association of epiglottal voice quality to a single syllable. The harmonics-to-noise ratio and spectral slopes associated with guttural consonants and vowels are very similar in the amount and type of noise present throughout the vowel. The paradigmatic contrast between consonant features and vowel features is maintained by the increased voice onset times associated with guttural consonants that is lacking in guttural vowels. The guttural natural class, which has been so difficult to define articulatorily (McCarthy, 1994; Goldstein, 1994; Zawaydeh, forthcoming), can be easily defined with reference to the acoustic spectral slope and HNR cues associated with gutturals. That is, guttural coarticulation leads to competing analyses for cues to breathy, creaky, or pharyngeal specifications during the C-V transition. I propose an auditory [Spectral Slope] feature that is specified on all guttural consonants and vowels. This feature correctly predicts that voiced consonants and modally voiced vowels should not pattern with gutturals phonologically, and when combined with the feature [Pharyngeal] predicts just the right number of contrasts found in Juj’hoansi. IV For Aiya, |asa Debe, who always reminded me of my own inner strength by simply asking me “Aren’t you a woman?” and to Xoajl’an |ui, mi luma de mi are, who taught me Ju|’hoansi Kokxui ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my adviser, Mary Beckman, who was a true mentor, always allowing me to formulate my own ideas about phonetics and about the phonetics - phonology interface, but always ready and eager to provide insights into how they might be grounded in the reality of acoustics and articulation. I would also like to thank Keith Johnson, who listened patiently as I formulated ideas, only softly pointing out where the holes in my ideas lay and allowing me to work them out in my own quiet way. He was also an excellent model for the way in which phoneticians attack problems, and I learned from his example. I also thank Beth Hume who was exremely encouraging and full of enthsiasum for my work. I value most the way in which she sees the creative capacity of phonological theories as equally important as the constraints on those theories. Many of the ideas in this dissertation were developed in Keith Johnson’s seminar on Phonological parsing, Beth Hume’s seminar on Positional Specification, as well as Beth and Keith’s joint seminar on The Role o f Perception in Phonology. It is the constant encouragement and excitement about linguistics as an empirical science which unites all three of my committee members, and for which I value all of them more than I can express in words. I would also like to thank David Odden, who helped me to achieve a strong background in phonology, and for his help with the initial set up of the database. vi Chuck Kisseberth and Jennifer Cole also had a great impact on my view of phonology. Chuck’s view that phonological constraints can be functionally unified was the impetus for my early view of the integration of phonetics and phonology. His belief in the importance of what I was doing, always gave me the encouragement I needed to complete my dissertation, even when I wasn’t in close contact with him. Jennifer Cole was also a great source of ideas, and her excitement about the interface between phonetics and phonology was contagious. Simon Donnelly, Khalil Iskarous and Molly Homer also provided friendship and showed interest in my work at UIUC. I also owe a great deal of gratitude to the Labbies, particularly Jennifer Venditti, Kiyoko Yoneyama, Mariapaola D’imperio, Rebecca Herman, Matt Makashay, Pauline Welby and Elizabeth Strand who were always willing to share scripts, their own views about phonetics in general, and quick easy ways to get things done. Allison Blodgett, Laurie Maynell, Janice Eon, Georgios Tserdanelis, Steve Winters, Huang Tsan, Peggy Wong, Craig Hilts, Shelome Gooden, and Satoko Katagiri were always available for helpful advice, and contributed to the warm cooperative atmosphere found at the OSU Linguistics Lab. Friendships with Jennifer Venditti, Mariapaola Dimperio, Rebecca Herman and Marcellino Liphola meant the world to me when I was re-establishing myself in a new academic setting.
Recommended publications
  • Phonation Types of Korean Fricatives and Affricates
    ISSN 2005-8063 2017. 12. 31. 말소리와 음성과학 Vol.9 No.4 pp. 51-57 http://dx.doi.org/10.13064/KSSS.2017.9.4.051 Phonation types of Korean fricatives and affricates Goun Lee* Abstract The current study compared the acoustic features of the two phonation types for Korean fricatives (plain: /s/, fortis : /s’/) and the three types for affricates (aspirated : /tsʰ/, lenis : /ts/, and fortis : /ts’/) in order to determine the phonetic status of the plain fricative /s/. Considering the different manners of articulation between fricatives and affricates, we examined four acoustic parameters (rise time, intensity, fundamental frequency, and Cepstral Peak Prominence (CPP) values) of the 20 Korean native speakers’ productions. The results showed that unlike Korean affricates, F0 cannot distinguish two fricatives, and voice quality (CPP values) only distinguishes phonation types of Korean fricatives and affricates by grouping non-fortis sibilants together. Therefore, based on the similarity found in /tsʰ/ and /ts/ and the idiosyncratic pattern found in /s/, this research concludes that non-fortis fricative /s/ cannot be categorized as belonging to either phonation type. Keywords: Korean fricatives, Korean affricates, phonation type, acoustic characteristics, breathy voice 1. Introduction aspirated-like characteristic by remaining voiceless in intervocalic position. Whereas the lenis stops become voiced in intervocalic Korean has very well established three-way contrasts (e.g., position (e.g., /pata/ → / [pada] ‘sea’), the aspirated stops do not aspirated, lenis, and fortis) both in stops and affricates in three undergo intervocalic voicing (e.g., /patʰaŋ/ → [patʰaŋ] places of articulation (bilabial, alveolar, velar). However, this ‘foundation’). Since the plain fricative /s/, like the aspirated stops, distinction does not occur in fricatives, leaving only a two-way does not undergo intervocalic voicing, categorizing the plain contrast between fortis fricative /s’/ and non-fortis (hereafter, plain) fricative as aspirated is also possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Recognition of Nasalized and Non- Nasalized Vowels
    RECOGNITION OF NASALIZED AND NON- NASALIZED VOWELS Submitted By: BILAL A. RAJA Advised by: Dr. Carol Espy Wilson and Tarun Pruthi Speech Communication Lab, Dept of Electrical & Computer Engineering University of Maryland, College Park Maryland Engineering Research Internship Teams (MERIT) Program 2006 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1- Abstract 3 2- What Is Nasalization? 3 2.1 – Production of Nasal Sound 3 2.2 – Common Spectral Characteristics of Nasalization 4 3 – Expected Results 6 3.1 – Related Previous Researches 6 3.2 – Hypothesis 7 4- Method 7 4.1 – The Task 7 4.2 – The Technique Used 8 4.3 – HMM Tool Kit (HTK) 8 4.3.1 – Data Preparation 9 4.3.2 – Training 9 4.3.3 – Testing 9 4.3.4 – Analysis 9 5 – Results 10 5.1 – Experiment 1 11 5.2 – Experiment 2 11 6 – Conclusion 12 7- References 13 2 1 - ABSTRACT When vowels are adjacent to nasal consonants (/m,n,ng/), they often become nasalized for at least some part of their duration. This nasalization is known to lead to changes in perceived vowel quality. The goal of this project is to verify if it is beneficial to first recognize nasalization in vowels and treat the three groups of vowels (those occurring before nasal consonants, those occurring after nasal consonants, and the oral vowels which are vowels that are not adjacent to nasal consonants) separately rather than collectively for recognizing the vowel identities. The standard Mel-Frequency Cepstral Coefficients (MFCCs) and the Hidden Markov Model (HMM) paradigm have been used for this purpose. The results show that when the system is trained on vowels in general, the recognition of nasalized vowels is 17% below that of oral vowels.
    [Show full text]
  • Nasal Assimilation in Quranic Recitation Table of Contents
    EmanQuotah Linguistics Senior Paper Hadass Sheffer, Advisor Swarthmore College December 9, 1994 Nasal Assimilation in Quranic Recitation Table of Contents Introduction 1 TheQuran 3 Recitation and Tajwi:d 7 Nasal Assimilation in Quranic Recitation 10 Arabic geminates 12 Nasal assimilation rules 15 Blocking of assimilation by pauses 24 Conclusion 26 Bibliography Grateful acknowledgements to my father, my mother and my brothers, and to Hadass Sheffer and Donna Jo Napoli. Introduction This paper is concerned with the analysis of certain rules governing nasality and nasal assimilation during recitation of the holy Quran. I These rules are a subset of tajwi:d, a set of rules governing the correct prescribed recitation and pronunciation of the Islamic scriptures. The first part of the paper will describe the historical and cultural importance of the Quran and tajwi:d, with the proposition that a tension or conflict between the necessity for clarity and enunciation and the desire for beautification of the divine words of God is the driving force behind tajwi:d's importance. Though the rules are functional rather than "natural," these prescriptive rules can be integrated into a study lexical phonology and feature geometry, as discussed in the second section, since prescriptive rules must work within those rules set by the language's grammar. Muslims consider the Quran a divine and holy text, untampered with and unchangeable by humankind. Western scholars have attempted to identify it as the writings of the Prophet Muhammad, a humanly written text like any other. Viewing the holy Quran in this way ignores the religious, social and linguistic implications of its perceived unchangeability, and does disservice to the beliefs of many Muslims.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Berkeley Dissertations, Department of Linguistics
    UC Berkeley Dissertations, Department of Linguistics Title The Aeroacoustics of Nasalized Fricatives Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/00h9g9gg Author Shosted, Ryan K Publication Date 2006 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Aeroacoustics of Nasalized Fricatives by Ryan Keith Shosted B.A. (Brigham Young University) 2000 M.A. (University of California, Berkeley) 2003 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: John J. Ohala, Chair Keith Johnson Milton M. Azevedo Fall 2006 The dissertation of Ryan Keith Shosted is approved: Chair Date Date Date University of California, Berkeley Fall 2006 The Aeroacoustics of Nasalized Fricatives Copyright 2006 by Ryan Keith Shosted 1 Abstract The Aeroacoustics of Nasalized Fricatives by Ryan Keith Shosted Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley John J. Ohala, Chair Understanding the relationship of aerodynamic laws to the unique geometry of the hu- man vocal tract allows us to make phonological and typological predictions about speech sounds typified by particular aerodynamic regimes. For example, some have argued that the realization of nasalized fricatives is improbable because fricatives and nasals have an- tagonistic aerodynamic specifications. Fricatives require high pressure behind the suprala- ryngeal constriction as a precondition for high particle velocity. Nasalization, on the other hand, vents back pressure by allowing air to escape through the velopharyngeal orifice. This implies that an open velopharyngeal port will reduce oral particle velocity, thereby potentially extinguishing frication. By using a mechanical model of the vocal tract and spoken fricatives that have undergone coarticulatory nasalization, it is shown that nasal- ization must alter the spectral characteristics of fricatives, e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Part 1: Introduction to The
    PREVIEW OF THE IPA HANDBOOK Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet PARTI Introduction to the IPA 1. What is the International Phonetic Alphabet? The aim of the International Phonetic Association is to promote the scientific study of phonetics and the various practical applications of that science. For both these it is necessary to have a consistent way of representing the sounds of language in written form. From its foundation in 1886 the Association has been concerned to develop a system of notation which would be convenient to use, but comprehensive enough to cope with the wide variety of sounds found in the languages of the world; and to encourage the use of thjs notation as widely as possible among those concerned with language. The system is generally known as the International Phonetic Alphabet. Both the Association and its Alphabet are widely referred to by the abbreviation IPA, but here 'IPA' will be used only for the Alphabet. The IPA is based on the Roman alphabet, which has the advantage of being widely familiar, but also includes letters and additional symbols from a variety of other sources. These additions are necessary because the variety of sounds in languages is much greater than the number of letters in the Roman alphabet. The use of sequences of phonetic symbols to represent speech is known as transcription. The IPA can be used for many different purposes. For instance, it can be used as a way to show pronunciation in a dictionary, to record a language in linguistic fieldwork, to form the basis of a writing system for a language, or to annotate acoustic and other displays in the analysis of speech.
    [Show full text]
  • Voicing on the Fringe: Towards an Analysis of ‘Quirkyʼ Phonology in Ju and Beyond
    Voicing on the fringe: towards an analysis of ‘quirkyʼ phonology in Ju and beyond Lee J. Pratchett Abstract The binary voice contrast is a productive feature of the sound systems of Khoisan languages but is especially pervasive in Ju (Kx’a) and Taa (Tuu) in which it yields phonologically contrastive segments with phonetically complex gestures like click clusters. This paper investigates further the stability of these ‘quirky’ segments in the Ju language complex in light of new data from under-documented varieties spoken in Botswana that demonstrate an almost systematic devoicing of such segments, pointing to a sound change in progress in varieties that one might least expect. After outlining a multi-causal explanation of this phenomenon, the investigation shifts to a diachronic enquiry. In the spirit of Anthony Traill (2001), using the most recent knowledge on Khoisan languages, this paper seeks to unveil more on language history in the Kalahari Basin Area from these typologically and areally unique sounds. Keywords: Khoisan, historical linguistics, phonology, Ju, typology (AFRICaNa LINGUISTICa 24 (2018 100 Introduction A phonological voice distinction is common to more than two thirds of the world’s languages: whilst largely ubiquitous in African languages, a voice contrast is almost completely absent in the languages of Australia (Maddison 2013). The particularly pervasive voice dimension in Khoisan1 languages is especially interesting for two reasons. Firstly, the feature is productive even with articulatory complex combinations of clicks and other ejective consonants, gestures that, from a typological perspective, are incompatible with the realisation of voicing. Secondly, these phonological contrasts are robustly found in only two unrelated languages, Taa (Tuu) and Ju (Kx’a) (for a classification see Güldemann 2014).
    [Show full text]
  • Learning [Voice]
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations Fall 2010 Learning [Voice] Joshua Ian Tauberer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the First and Second Language Acquisition Commons Recommended Citation Tauberer, Joshua Ian, "Learning [Voice]" (2010). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 288. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/288 Please see my home page, http://razor.occams.info, for the data files and scripts that make this reproducible research. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/288 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Learning [Voice] Abstract The [voice] distinction between homorganic stops and fricatives is made by a number of acoustic correlates including voicing, segment duration, and preceding vowel duration. The present work looks at [voice] from a number of multidimensional perspectives. This dissertation's focus is a corpus study of the phonetic realization of [voice] in two English-learning infants aged 1;1--3;5. While preceding vowel duration has been studied before in infants, the other correlates of post-vocalic voicing investigated here --- preceding F1, consonant duration, and closure voicing intensity --- had not been measured before in infant speech. The study makes empirical contributions regarding the development of the production of [voice] in infants, not just from a surface- level perspective but also with implications for the phonetics-phonology interface in the adult and developing linguistic systems. Additionally, several methodological contributions will be made in the use of large sized corpora and data modeling techniques. The study revealed that even in infants, F1 at the midpoint of a vowel preceding a voiced consonant was lower by roughly 50 Hz compared to a vowel before a voiceless consonant, which is in line with the effect found in adults.
    [Show full text]
  • Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English A-Tensing
    University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 23 Issue 1 Proceedings of the 40th Annual Penn Article 21 Linguistics Conference 2017 Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing Yining Nie New York University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Nie, Yining (2017) "Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 23 : Iss. 1 , Article 21. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol23/iss1/21 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol23/iss1/21 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing Abstract English a-tensing has received numerous treatments in the phonological and sociolinguistic literature, but the question of why it occurs (i) at all and (ii) in seemingly unnatural disjunctive phonological environments has not been settled. This paper presents a novel phonetic enhancement account of a-tensing in Philadelphia, New York City and Belfast English. I propose that a-tensing is best understood as an allophonic process which facilitates the perceptual identity and articulatory ease of nasality, voicing and/or segment duration in the following consonant. This approach unifies the apparently unnatural phonological environments in which the two a variants surface and predicts the attested dialectal patterns. A synchronic account of a-tensing also provides
    [Show full text]
  • Aspirated and Unaspirated Voiceless Consonants in Old Tibetan*
    LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS 8.2:471-493, 2007 2007-0-008-002-000248-1 Aspirated and Unaspirated Voiceless Consonants * in Old Tibetan Nathan W. Hill Harvard University Although Tibetan orthography distinguishes aspirated and unaspirated voiceless consonants, various authors have viewed this distinction as not phonemic. An examination of the unaspirated voiceless initials in the Old Tibetan Inscriptions, together with unaspirated voiceless consonants in several Tibetan dialects confirms that aspiration was either not phonemic in Old Tibetan, or only just emerging as a distinction due to loan words. The data examined also affords evidence for the nature of the phonetic word in Old Tibetan. Key words: Tibetan orthography, aspiration, Old Tibetan 1. Introduction The distribution between voiceless aspirated and voiceless unaspirated stops in Written Tibetan is nearly complementary. This fact has been marshalled in support of the reconstruction of only two stop series (voiced and voiceless) in Proto-Tibeto- Burman. However, in order for Tibetan data to support a two-way manner distinction in Proto-Tibeto-Burman it is necessary to demonstrate that the three-way distinction of voiced, voiceless aspirated, and voiceless unaspirated in Written Tibetan is derivable from an earlier two-way voicing distinction. Those environments in which voiceless aspirated and unaspirated stops are not complimentary must be thoroughly explained. The Tibetan script distinguishes the unaspirated consonant series k, c, t, p, ts from the aspirated consonant series kh, ch, th, ph, tsh. The combination of letters hr and lh are not to be regarded as representing aspiration but rather the voiceless counterparts to r and l respectively (Hahn 1973:434).
    [Show full text]
  • Variation in English /L
    The University of Manchester Research Variation in English /l/ Link to publication record in Manchester Research Explorer Citation for published version (APA): Turton, D. (2014). Variation in English /l/: synchronic reections of the life cycle of phonological processes. University of Manchester. Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on Manchester Research Explorer is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Proof version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Explorer are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Takedown policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please refer to the University of Manchester’s Takedown Procedures [http://man.ac.uk/04Y6Bo] or contact [email protected] providing relevant details, so we can investigate your claim. Download date:08. Oct. 2021 Variation in English /l/: Synchronic reections of the life cycle of phonological processes A thesis submitted to The University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2014 Danielle Turton School of Arts, Languages and Cultures Contents List of Figures 7 List of Tables 11 Abstract 15 Declaration 16 Copyright 17 Acknowledgements 18 1 Introduction 20 1.1 Goals of the thesis . 21 1.1.1 Theoretical issues . 21 1.1.2 Empirical issues . 22 1.1.3 Peripheral goals .
    [Show full text]
  • Dominance in Coronal Nasal Place Assimilation: the Case of Classical Arabic
    http://elr.sciedupress.com English Linguistics Research Vol. 9, No. 3; 2020 Dominance in Coronal Nasal Place Assimilation: The Case of Classical Arabic Zainab Sa’aida Correspondence: Zainab Sa’aida, Department of English, Tafila Technical University, Tafila 66110, Jordan. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6645-6957, E-mail: [email protected] Received: August 16, 2020 Accepted: Sep. 15, 2020 Online Published: Sep. 21, 2020 doi:10.5430/elr.v9n3p25 URL: https://doi.org/10.5430/elr.v9n3p25 Abstract The aim of this study is to investigate place assimilation processes of coronal nasal in classical Arabic. I hypothesise that coronal nasal behaves differently in different assimilatory situations in classical Arabic. Data of the study were collected from the Holy Quran. It was referred to Quran.com for the pronunciations and translations of the data. Data of the study were analysed from the perspective of Mohanan’s dominance in assimilation model. Findings of the study have revealed that coronal nasal shows different assimilatory behaviours when it occurs in different syllable positions. Coronal nasal onset seems to fail to assimilate a whole or a portion of the matrix of a preceding obstruent or sonorant coda within a phonological word. However, coronal nasal in the coda position shows different phonological behaviours. Keywords: assimilation, dominance, coronal nasal, onset, coda, classical Arabic 1. Introduction An assimilatory situation in natural languages has two elements in which one element dominates the other. Nasal place assimilation occurs when a nasal phoneme takes on place features of an adjacent consonant. This study aims at investigating place assimilation processes of coronal nasal in classical Arabic (CA, henceforth).
    [Show full text]
  • A Perceptual Correlate of the Labial-Coronal Effect Marc Sato, Nathalie Vallée, Jean-Luc Schwartz, Isabelle Rousset
    A perceptual correlate of the labial-coronal effect Marc Sato, Nathalie Vallée, Jean-Luc Schwartz, Isabelle Rousset To cite this version: Marc Sato, Nathalie Vallée, Jean-Luc Schwartz, Isabelle Rousset. A perceptual correlate of the labial- coronal effect. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, American Speech-Language- Hearing Association, 2007, 50 (6), pp.1466-1480. 10.1044/1092-4388(2007/101). hal-00194046 HAL Id: hal-00194046 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00194046 Submitted on 5 Dec 2007 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Author manuscript, published in "Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 50, 6 (2007) 1466-1480" DOI : 10.1044/1092-4388(2007/101) A Perceptual correlate of the Labial-Coronal Effect 1 A perceptual correlate of the Labial-Coronal Effect Marc Sato 1,2, Nathalie Vallée 1,*, Jean-Luc Schwartz 1, Isabelle Rousset 1 1 Institut de la Communication Parlée, CNRS UMR 5009, Institut National Polytechnique de Grenoble, Université Stendhal 2 Departimento di Neuroscienze, Sezione di Fisiologia, Universita
    [Show full text]