A Perceptual Correlate of the Labial-Coronal Effect Marc Sato, Nathalie Vallée, Jean-Luc Schwartz, Isabelle Rousset
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Acoustic-Phonetics of Coronal Stops
Acoustic-phonetics of coronal stops: A cross-language study of Canadian English and Canadian French ͒ Megha Sundaraa School of Communication Sciences & Disorders, McGill University 1266 Pine Avenue West, Montreal, QC H3G 1A8 Canada ͑Received 1 November 2004; revised 24 May 2005; accepted 25 May 2005͒ The study was conducted to provide an acoustic description of coronal stops in Canadian English ͑CE͒ and Canadian French ͑CF͒. CE and CF stops differ in VOT and place of articulation. CE has a two-way voicing distinction ͑in syllable initial position͒ between simultaneous and aspirated release; coronal stops are articulated at alveolar place. CF, on the other hand, has a two-way voicing distinction between prevoiced and simultaneous release; coronal stops are articulated at dental place. Acoustic analyses of stop consonants produced by monolingual speakers of CE and of CF, for both VOT and alveolar/dental place of articulation, are reported. Results from the analysis of VOT replicate and confirm differences in phonetic implementation of VOT across the two languages. Analysis of coronal stops with respect to place differences indicates systematic differences across the two languages in relative burst intensity and measures of burst spectral shape, specifically mean frequency, standard deviation, and kurtosis. The majority of CE and CF talkers reliably and consistently produced tokens differing in the SD of burst frequency, a measure of the diffuseness of the burst. Results from the study are interpreted in the context of acoustic and articulatory data on coronal stops from several other languages. © 2005 Acoustical Society of America. ͓DOI: 10.1121/1.1953270͔ PACS number͑s͒: 43.70.Fq, 43.70.Kv, 43.70.Ϫh ͓AL͔ Pages: 1026–1037 I. -
Vowel Acoustics Reliably Differentiate Three Coronal Stops of Wubuy Across Prosodic Contexts
Vowel acoustics reliably differentiate three coronal stops of Wubuy across prosodic contexts Rikke L. BundgaaRd-nieLsena, BRett J. BakeRb, ChRistian kRoosa, MaRk haRveyc and CatheRine t. Besta,d aMARCS Auditory Laboratories, University of Western Sydney bSchool of Languages and Linguistics, University of Melbourne cSchool of Humanities and Social Science, University of Newcastle dHaskins Laboratories, New Haven Abstract The present study investigates the acoustic differentiation of three coronal stops in the indigenous Australian language Wubuy. We test independent claims that only VC (vowel-into-consonant) transitions provide robust acoustic cues for retroflex as compared to alveolar and dental coronal stops, with no differentiating cues among these three coronal stops evident in CV (consonant-into-vowel) transitions. The four-way stop distinction /t, t̪ , ʈ, c/ in Wubuy is contrastive word-initially (Heath 1984) and by implication utterance-initially, i.e., in CV-only contexts, which suggests that acoustic differentiation should be expected to occur in the CV transitions of this language, including in initial positions. Therefore, we examined both VC and CV formant transition information in the three target coronal stops across VCV (word-internal), V#CV (word-initial but utterance-medial) and ##CV (word- and utterance-initial), for /a / vowel contexts, which provide the optimal environment for investigating formant transitions. Results confirm that these coro- nal contrasts are maintained in the CVs in this vowel context, and in all three posi- tions. The patterns of acoustic differences across the three syllable contexts also provide some support for a systematic role of prosodic boundaries in influencing the degree of coronal stop differentiation evident in the vowel formant transitions. -
Phonological Degrees of Labiality
Phonological degrees of labiality February 5, 2018 Abstract A [+round] or [labial] feature is traditionally viewed as an elementary phonological unit that has different phonetic realizations depending on the height and backness of the segment that realizes it (Clements and Hume 1995, McCarthy 1988, Halle 1995, Kaun 1997 among oth- ers). In this paper, I make two claims: a) qualitatively different lip-gestures are phonological in some languages, and b) there is more faithfulness to more extreme lip gestures. 1 Introduction While it has long been known that rounding is not realized uniformly across vowel heights, this fact has been considered purely phonetic. This paper proposes an analysis of a phonological phenomenon involving a transfer of labiality from a vowel to a consonant under certain conditions. I argue that the Karata data support the idea that differences in rounding can be phonological1. Karata (kir¯Ïi maţ¯’i, Russian karatinskij jazyk)2 is an understudied Nakh-Daghestanian lan- guage originally spoken in 10 ‘auls’ (i.e. mountain-top villages) in western Daghestan.3 The available literature on Karata consists of a grammatical sketch [Magomedbekova, 1971] , and a dictionary (Karata to Russian) [Magomedova and Khalidova, 2001]. The data presented in this paper come from fieldwork that I carried out in June 2011 and July 2012 and from the above mentioned sources. The structure of the paper is the following. Section 2 gives an overview of the phenomenon investigated and its proposed analysis. Section 3 provides background information on the phonol- ogy of Karata. Section 4 is dedicated to the OT analysis of the Karata. -
Palatalization/Velar Softening: What It Is and What It Tells Us About the Nature of Language Morris Halle
Palatalization/Velar Softening: What It Is and What It Tells Us about the Nature of Language Morris Halle This study proposes an account both of the consonantal changes in- volved in palatalization/velar softening and of the fact that this change is encountered before front vowels. The change is a straightforward case of feature assimilation provided that segments/phonemes are viewed as complexes of features organized into the ‘‘bottle brush’’ model illustrated in example (4) and elsewhere in the text, and that the universal set of features includes, in addition to the familiar binary features, six unary features, which specify the designated articulator(s) for every segment (not only for consonants). Keywords: phonetics, palatalization, velar softening, features, articula- tors For Ken Stevens, friend and colleague, on his 80th birthday My purpose in this study is to present an account of the very common alternation between dorsal and coronal consonants often referred to as palatalization or velar softening. This alternation, exemplified by English electri[k] ϳ electri[s]ity, occurs most often before front vowels. In spite of its extremely common occurrence in the languages of the world, to this time there has been no proper account of palatalization that would relate it to the other properties of language, in particular, to the fact that it is found most commonly before front vowels. In the course of working on these remarks, it became clear to me that palatalization raises numerous theoretical questions about which there is at present no agreement among phonologists. Since these include matters of the most fundamental importance for phonology, I start by exten- sively discussing the main issues and the views on them that seem to me most persuasive at this time (section 1). -
The Articulatory Modeling of German Coronal Consonants Using TADA
The articulatory modeling of German coronal consonants using TADA Manfred Pastätter, Marianne Pouplier Institute of Phonetics and Speech Processing, Ludwig-Maximilians-University, Munich, Germany [email protected], [email protected] Abstract spring equations, that is, each gesture is specified for a rest po- sition (i.e., target), as well as a stiffness and damping parameter. We present a modeling study on German coronals using the task The stiffness parameter serves to distinguish between classes dynamic synthesizer TADA to provide new aspects to the dis- of sounds with vowel gestures having a lower stiffness setting cussion whether coronals should be generally specified for a than consonant gestures (e.g. Fowler 1980, Perkell 1969, Roon tongue body target to control the tongue-shape globally. We ar- et al. 2007). Each gesture hierarchically controls an ensemble gue that all coronals must be specified for a tongue body target of articulators which are yoked in a task-specific fashion in or- in order to avoid inappropriate dominance of the vowel dur- der to achieve a particular constriction goal. For instance, a ing the consonant. This target must be weighted more strongly lip closure gesture is associated with the articulators upper lip, compared to the temporally co-existing vowel gesture. We fur- lower lip, jaw. If temporally overlapping gestures call on the ther study the effects of changing the consonant:vowel stiffness same articulators with conflicting demands, weighting param- ratio on CV and VC transitions. The stiffness settings employed eters specify the degree to which one gesture may dominate in TADA for American English lead to general vowel diphthon- in its control over a given articulator. -
The Production and Perception of Coronal Fricatives in Seoul Korean the Case for a Fourth Laryngeal Category
The production and perception of coronal fricatives in Seoul Korean The case for a fourth laryngeal category Charles B. Chang New York University & The Graduate Center, City University of New York This article presents new data on the contrast between the two voiceless coronal fricatives of Korean, variously described as a lenis/fortis or aspirated/fortis con- trast. In utterance-initial position, the fricatives were found to differ in centroid frequency; duration of frication, aspiration, and the following vowel; and several aspects of the following vowel onset, including intensity profile, spectral tilt, and F1 onset. The between-fricative differences varied across vowel contexts, however, and spectral differences in the vowel onset especially were more pro- nounced for /a/ than for /i, ɯ, u/. This disparity led to the hypothesis that cues in the following vowel onset would exert a weaker influence on perception for high vowels than for low vowels. Perception data provided general support for this hypothesis, indicating that while vowel onset cues had the largest impact on perception for both high- and low-vowel stimuli, this influence was weaker for high vowels. Perception was also strongly influenced by aspiration duration, with modest contributions from frication duration and f0 onset. Taken together, these findings suggest that the ‘non-fortis’ fricative is best characterized not in terms of the lenis or aspirated categories for stops, but in terms of a unique representation that is both lenis and aspirated. Keywords: fricatives, laryngeal contrast, vowel onset, aspiration, duration, perceptual cues 1. Introduction The three-way laryngeal contrast in Korean has attracted a great deal of atten- tion in the phonetics literature due to its typological rarity. -
FINAL OBSTRUENT VOICING in LAKOTA: PHONETIC EVIDENCE and PHONOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Juliette Blevins Ander Egurtzegi Jan Ullrich
FINAL OBSTRUENT VOICING IN LAKOTA: PHONETIC EVIDENCE AND PHONOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Juliette Blevins Ander Egurtzegi Jan Ullrich The Graduate Center, Centre National de la Recherche The Language City University of New York Scientifique / IKER (UMR5478) Conservancy Final obstruent devoicing is common in the world’s languages and constitutes a clear case of parallel phonological evolution. Final obstruent voicing, in contrast, is claimed to be rare or non - existent. Two distinct theoretical approaches crystalize around obstruent voicing patterns. Tradi - tional markedness accounts view these sound patterns as consequences of universal markedness constraints prohibiting voicing, or favoring voicelessness, in final position, and predict that final obstruent voicing does not exist. In contrast, phonetic-historical accounts explain skewed patterns of voicing in terms of common phonetically based devoicing tendencies, allowing for rare cases of final obstruent voicing under special conditions. In this article, phonetic and phonological evi - dence is offered for final obstruent voicing in Lakota, an indigenous Siouan language of the Great Plains of North America. In Lakota, oral stops /p/, /t/, and /k/ are regularly pronounced as [b], [l], and [ɡ] in word- and syllable-final position when phrase-final devoicing and preobstruent devoic - ing do not occur.* Keywords : final voicing, final devoicing, markedness, Lakota, rare sound patterns, laboratory phonology 1. Final obstruent devoicing and final obstruent voicing in phonological theory . There is wide agreement among phonologists and phoneticians that many of the world’s languages show evidence of final obstruent devoicing (Iverson & Salmons 2011). Like many common sound patterns, final obstruent devoicing has two basic in - stantiations: an active form, involving alternations, and a passive form, involving static distributional constraints. -
Input, Intake, and Phonological Development; the Case Of
Input, Intake, and Phonological Development; The case of Consonant Harmony 0. Introduction A puzzling observation about Consonant Harmony in Dutch- and English child language is that while for English both Labial and Dorsal Harmony is reported, Dutch data exhibit almost exclusively Labial Harmony. Consonant Harmony (CH) is usually described as a process in which two non-adjacent consonants within a word come to share one or more phonological features. In the most frequently occurring – and most commented on - type of CH the two non-adjacent consonants share their primary Place of Articulation (PoA) feature. Examples from PoA-Harmony in English and Dutch child language are in (1). (1) PoA Consonant Harmony a. duck /dѩk/ [gѩk] Dorsal Harmony b. take /teik/ [geik] Dorsal Harmony c. soep /sup/ soup [fup] Labial Harmony d. slapen /slapђ/ sleep [fapђ] Labial Harmony From a purely theoretical, in casu, Optimality theoretical perspective, this inter- linguistic difference is not expected; If child language data reflect an initial Markedness >> Faithfulness ordering of universal constraints, and CH forms are considered to be unmarked output forms, resulting from some highly ranked universal Markedness constraint, then we would expect similar CH data for both types of language learners, at least in a particular developmental stage. However, it is not the case that Dutch children either come from, or go to a grammatical stage in which Dorsal Harmony is present, nor do English children start out with only Labial Harmony, and add Dorsal Harmony later. Our explanation appears simple: the observed difference results from different distributions of Place of Articulation features in the two languages. -
Studies in African Linguistics Volume 21, Number 3, December 1990
Studies in African Linguistics Volume 21, Number 3, December 1990 CONTEXTUAL LABIALIZATION IN NA WURI* Roderic F. Casali Ghana Institute of Linguistics Literacy and Bible Translation and UCLA A spectrographic investigation into the non-contrastive labialization of consonants before round vowels in Nawuri (a Kwa language of Ghana) sup ports the notion that this labialization is the result of a phonological, feature spreading rule and not simply an automatic transitional process. This as sumption is further warranted in that it allows for a more natural treatment of some other phonological processes in the language. The fact that labial ization before round vowels is generally not very audible is explained in terms of a principle of speech perception. A final topic addressed is the question of why (both in Nawuri and apparently in a number of other Ghanaian languages as well) contextual labialization does tend to be more perceptible in certain restricted environments. o. Introduction This paper deals with the allophonic labialization of consonants before round vowels in Nawuri, a Kwa language of Ghana.! While such labialization is gener ally not very audible, spectrographic evidence suggests that it is strongly present, * The spectrograms in this study were produced at the phonetics lab of the University of Texas at Arlington using equipment provided through a grant of the Permanent University Fund of the University of Texas system. I would like to thank the following people for their valuable comments and suggestions: Joan Baart, Don Burquest, Mike Cahill, Jerry Edmondson, Norris McKinney, Bob Mugele, Tony Naden, and Keith Snider. I would also like to express my appreciation to Russell Schuh and an anonymous referee for this journal for their helpful criticism of an earlier version, and to Mary Steele for some helpful discussion concerning labialization in Konkomba. -
Lip-Pellet Positions During Vowels and Labial Consonants
Journal of Phonetics (1997) 25, 405Ð 419 Lip-pellet positions during vowels and labial consonants John R. Westbury and Michiko Hashi Waisman Center and Department of Communicative Disorders, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1500 Highland Avenue, Madison, WI 53705Ð2280, U.S.A. Received 15th July 1996, and in revised form 8th April 1997 Sagittal-plane movements of small markers attached to the upper and lower lips were analyzed for ten speakers of American English, and seven speakers of Japanese. Each speaker produced simple utterances containing vowels and labial consonants. The data were analyzed to better understand: (1) patterns of pellet motions associated with labial consonant production; (2) pellet positions at discrete, acoustically- defined moments during selected speech sounds; and (3) the relationship between midline separation between the lip surfaces and inter-lip-pellet distance. Results from the study provide qualitative information about the dynamics of labial gestures for consonants involving lip closure. The data also indicate that the English and Japanese speakers positioned and moved their lips in generally similar ways during the test sounds analyzed. Finally, results suggest that plausible estimates of mid-line inter-lip separation can be derived from the trajectories of two pellets, one on each lip, as long as the possibility of lip-body deformation is taken into account. ( 1997 Academic Press Limited 1. Introduction Houde (1968) introduced the phrase ‘‘point-parameterized’’ to refer to records of speech movement that take the form of trajectories of discrete, point-like ‘‘markers’’ (e.g., pellets, coils, light-emitting diodes, reflecting disks, or even bony landmarks) on an articulator. -
Neutralization of Vowels / Ɨ/ and /U/ After a Labial Consonant in Korean
3 Phonetics and Speech Sciences Vol. 6 No. 1 (March 31, 2014) www.speechsciences.or.kr ISSN 2005-8063, pp. 3~10 http://dx.doi.org/10.13064/KSSS.2014.6.1.003 Neutralization of Vowels /ɨ/ and /u/ after a Labial Consonant in Korean: A Cross-generational Study Kang, Hyunsook1) ABSTRACT This study investigated whether Korean vowels, /ɨ/ and /u/, are distinctively perceived after a labial consonant given the fact that native and Sino-Korean nouns showed only vowel /u/ after a labial consonant while this pattern was massively broken by the recent introduction of loanwords. For this purpose, a perception experiment was conducted with V1C1V2 sequences in which different vowels /a, i, u/ and consonants /p, t, k/ occurred in V1 and C1 before the target V2, /ɨ/ and /u/. The data was produced by six speakers each from two different age groups, Age20 and Age40/50 in the read speech style. The results showed that consonant /p/ attracted significantly more responses of /u/ from /VCɨ/ sequences and significantly less responses of /u/ from /VCu/ sequence than the other consonants did in both age groups. Furthermore, Age20 group showed significantly less percentage of /u/ responses than Age40 group when the preceding consonant was /p/ regardless of the target vowel. We suggest therefore that unlike the traditional belief of labial assimilation, there is neutralization after a labial consonant in which vowels /ɨ/ and /u/ are often realized as any sound between two vowels, /ɨ/ and /u/. That is, this vowel change is not categorial but it rather produces an ambiguous stimulus which attracts different responses from different listeners. -
Diverse Repairs for Multiple Labial Consonants
Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2009) 27: 197–224 DOI 10.1007/s11049-008-9061-1 ORIGINAL PAPER Diverse repairs for multiple labial consonants Kie Zuraw · Yu-An Lu Received: 19 February 2008 / Accepted: 30 November 2008 / Published online: 17 February 2009 © The Author(s) 2009. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract The relationship between constraints on surface forms and operations that alter representations is of central interest in phonological theory. This squib presents a case of diverse “repairs” in response to a marked structure—labial . labial sequences—created by um-infixation in stems beginning with (or, in some cases, merely containing) labial consonants in Austronesian languages. We review several strategies, which for the most part do not cluster according to subfamilies: tolerance, gaps, loss of stem consonant, loss of infix nasality, stem dissimilation, infix dissimila- tion, prefixation, and non-realization of infix. The evidence indicates that avoidance of these sequences applies only within the root-and-infix domain, and only in de- rived environments. This diversity of repairs seems unexpected if changes should be perceptually minimal; we suggest possible explanations. Keywords Infixation · Austronesian · Obligatory Contour Principle · Dissimilation, heterogeneity of process · Too-many-solutions problem · Phonological typology 1 Diverse repairs for multiple labial consonants The relationship between constraints on surface forms and operations that alter rep- resentations is of central interest in phonological theory. Classic Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) predicts that, cross-linguistically, multifari- ous “repairs” can occur in response to a markedness constraint. For example, Pater (1999—though see Pater 2001) describes diverse ways in which languages avoid a K.