Labial-Coronal Vs. Labial-Velar Consonant Sequences: an Articulatory Study
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Acoustic-Phonetics of Coronal Stops
Acoustic-phonetics of coronal stops: A cross-language study of Canadian English and Canadian French ͒ Megha Sundaraa School of Communication Sciences & Disorders, McGill University 1266 Pine Avenue West, Montreal, QC H3G 1A8 Canada ͑Received 1 November 2004; revised 24 May 2005; accepted 25 May 2005͒ The study was conducted to provide an acoustic description of coronal stops in Canadian English ͑CE͒ and Canadian French ͑CF͒. CE and CF stops differ in VOT and place of articulation. CE has a two-way voicing distinction ͑in syllable initial position͒ between simultaneous and aspirated release; coronal stops are articulated at alveolar place. CF, on the other hand, has a two-way voicing distinction between prevoiced and simultaneous release; coronal stops are articulated at dental place. Acoustic analyses of stop consonants produced by monolingual speakers of CE and of CF, for both VOT and alveolar/dental place of articulation, are reported. Results from the analysis of VOT replicate and confirm differences in phonetic implementation of VOT across the two languages. Analysis of coronal stops with respect to place differences indicates systematic differences across the two languages in relative burst intensity and measures of burst spectral shape, specifically mean frequency, standard deviation, and kurtosis. The majority of CE and CF talkers reliably and consistently produced tokens differing in the SD of burst frequency, a measure of the diffuseness of the burst. Results from the study are interpreted in the context of acoustic and articulatory data on coronal stops from several other languages. © 2005 Acoustical Society of America. ͓DOI: 10.1121/1.1953270͔ PACS number͑s͒: 43.70.Fq, 43.70.Kv, 43.70.Ϫh ͓AL͔ Pages: 1026–1037 I. -
Vowel Acoustics Reliably Differentiate Three Coronal Stops of Wubuy Across Prosodic Contexts
Vowel acoustics reliably differentiate three coronal stops of Wubuy across prosodic contexts Rikke L. BundgaaRd-nieLsena, BRett J. BakeRb, ChRistian kRoosa, MaRk haRveyc and CatheRine t. Besta,d aMARCS Auditory Laboratories, University of Western Sydney bSchool of Languages and Linguistics, University of Melbourne cSchool of Humanities and Social Science, University of Newcastle dHaskins Laboratories, New Haven Abstract The present study investigates the acoustic differentiation of three coronal stops in the indigenous Australian language Wubuy. We test independent claims that only VC (vowel-into-consonant) transitions provide robust acoustic cues for retroflex as compared to alveolar and dental coronal stops, with no differentiating cues among these three coronal stops evident in CV (consonant-into-vowel) transitions. The four-way stop distinction /t, t̪ , ʈ, c/ in Wubuy is contrastive word-initially (Heath 1984) and by implication utterance-initially, i.e., in CV-only contexts, which suggests that acoustic differentiation should be expected to occur in the CV transitions of this language, including in initial positions. Therefore, we examined both VC and CV formant transition information in the three target coronal stops across VCV (word-internal), V#CV (word-initial but utterance-medial) and ##CV (word- and utterance-initial), for /a / vowel contexts, which provide the optimal environment for investigating formant transitions. Results confirm that these coro- nal contrasts are maintained in the CVs in this vowel context, and in all three posi- tions. The patterns of acoustic differences across the three syllable contexts also provide some support for a systematic role of prosodic boundaries in influencing the degree of coronal stop differentiation evident in the vowel formant transitions. -
Part 1: Introduction to The
PREVIEW OF THE IPA HANDBOOK Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet PARTI Introduction to the IPA 1. What is the International Phonetic Alphabet? The aim of the International Phonetic Association is to promote the scientific study of phonetics and the various practical applications of that science. For both these it is necessary to have a consistent way of representing the sounds of language in written form. From its foundation in 1886 the Association has been concerned to develop a system of notation which would be convenient to use, but comprehensive enough to cope with the wide variety of sounds found in the languages of the world; and to encourage the use of thjs notation as widely as possible among those concerned with language. The system is generally known as the International Phonetic Alphabet. Both the Association and its Alphabet are widely referred to by the abbreviation IPA, but here 'IPA' will be used only for the Alphabet. The IPA is based on the Roman alphabet, which has the advantage of being widely familiar, but also includes letters and additional symbols from a variety of other sources. These additions are necessary because the variety of sounds in languages is much greater than the number of letters in the Roman alphabet. The use of sequences of phonetic symbols to represent speech is known as transcription. The IPA can be used for many different purposes. For instance, it can be used as a way to show pronunciation in a dictionary, to record a language in linguistic fieldwork, to form the basis of a writing system for a language, or to annotate acoustic and other displays in the analysis of speech. -
SSC: the Science of Talking
SSC: The Science of Talking (for year 1 students of medicine) Week 3: Sounds of the World’s Languages (vowels and consonants) Michael Ashby, Senior Lecturer in Phonetics, UCL PLIN1101 Introduction to Phonetics and Phonology A Lecture 4 page 1 Vowel Description Essential reading: Ashby & Maidment, Chapter 5 4.1 Aim: To introduce the basics of vowel description and the main characteristics of the vowels of RP English. 4.2 Definition of vowel: Vowels are produced without any major obstruction of the airflow; the intra-oral pressure stays low, and vowels are therefore sonorant sounds. Vowels are normally voiced. Vowels are articulated by raising some part of the tongue body (that is the front or the back of the tongue notnot the tip or blade) towards the roof of the oral cavity (see Figure 1). 4.3 Front vowels are produced by raising the front of the tongue towards the hard palate. Back vowels are produced by raising the back of the tongue towards the soft palate. Central vowels are produced by raising the centre part of the tongue towards the junction of the hard and soft palates. 4.4 The height of a vowel refers to the degree of raising of the relevant part of the tongue. If the tongue is raised so as to be close to the roof of the oral cavity then a close or high vowel is produced. If the tongue is only slightly raised, so that there is a wide gap between its highest point and the roof of the oral cavity, then an open or lowlowlow vowel results. -
A Perceptual Correlate of the Labial-Coronal Effect Marc Sato, Nathalie Vallée, Jean-Luc Schwartz, Isabelle Rousset
A perceptual correlate of the labial-coronal effect Marc Sato, Nathalie Vallée, Jean-Luc Schwartz, Isabelle Rousset To cite this version: Marc Sato, Nathalie Vallée, Jean-Luc Schwartz, Isabelle Rousset. A perceptual correlate of the labial- coronal effect. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research, American Speech-Language- Hearing Association, 2007, 50 (6), pp.1466-1480. 10.1044/1092-4388(2007/101). hal-00194046 HAL Id: hal-00194046 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00194046 Submitted on 5 Dec 2007 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Author manuscript, published in "Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 50, 6 (2007) 1466-1480" DOI : 10.1044/1092-4388(2007/101) A Perceptual correlate of the Labial-Coronal Effect 1 A perceptual correlate of the Labial-Coronal Effect Marc Sato 1,2, Nathalie Vallée 1,*, Jean-Luc Schwartz 1, Isabelle Rousset 1 1 Institut de la Communication Parlée, CNRS UMR 5009, Institut National Polytechnique de Grenoble, Université Stendhal 2 Departimento di Neuroscienze, Sezione di Fisiologia, Universita -
Phonological Degrees of Labiality
Phonological degrees of labiality February 5, 2018 Abstract A [+round] or [labial] feature is traditionally viewed as an elementary phonological unit that has different phonetic realizations depending on the height and backness of the segment that realizes it (Clements and Hume 1995, McCarthy 1988, Halle 1995, Kaun 1997 among oth- ers). In this paper, I make two claims: a) qualitatively different lip-gestures are phonological in some languages, and b) there is more faithfulness to more extreme lip gestures. 1 Introduction While it has long been known that rounding is not realized uniformly across vowel heights, this fact has been considered purely phonetic. This paper proposes an analysis of a phonological phenomenon involving a transfer of labiality from a vowel to a consonant under certain conditions. I argue that the Karata data support the idea that differences in rounding can be phonological1. Karata (kir¯Ïi maţ¯’i, Russian karatinskij jazyk)2 is an understudied Nakh-Daghestanian lan- guage originally spoken in 10 ‘auls’ (i.e. mountain-top villages) in western Daghestan.3 The available literature on Karata consists of a grammatical sketch [Magomedbekova, 1971] , and a dictionary (Karata to Russian) [Magomedova and Khalidova, 2001]. The data presented in this paper come from fieldwork that I carried out in June 2011 and July 2012 and from the above mentioned sources. The structure of the paper is the following. Section 2 gives an overview of the phenomenon investigated and its proposed analysis. Section 3 provides background information on the phonol- ogy of Karata. Section 4 is dedicated to the OT analysis of the Karata. -
Palatalization/Velar Softening: What It Is and What It Tells Us About the Nature of Language Morris Halle
Palatalization/Velar Softening: What It Is and What It Tells Us about the Nature of Language Morris Halle This study proposes an account both of the consonantal changes in- volved in palatalization/velar softening and of the fact that this change is encountered before front vowels. The change is a straightforward case of feature assimilation provided that segments/phonemes are viewed as complexes of features organized into the ‘‘bottle brush’’ model illustrated in example (4) and elsewhere in the text, and that the universal set of features includes, in addition to the familiar binary features, six unary features, which specify the designated articulator(s) for every segment (not only for consonants). Keywords: phonetics, palatalization, velar softening, features, articula- tors For Ken Stevens, friend and colleague, on his 80th birthday My purpose in this study is to present an account of the very common alternation between dorsal and coronal consonants often referred to as palatalization or velar softening. This alternation, exemplified by English electri[k] ϳ electri[s]ity, occurs most often before front vowels. In spite of its extremely common occurrence in the languages of the world, to this time there has been no proper account of palatalization that would relate it to the other properties of language, in particular, to the fact that it is found most commonly before front vowels. In the course of working on these remarks, it became clear to me that palatalization raises numerous theoretical questions about which there is at present no agreement among phonologists. Since these include matters of the most fundamental importance for phonology, I start by exten- sively discussing the main issues and the views on them that seem to me most persuasive at this time (section 1). -
Methods for Quantifying Tongue Shape and Complexity Using Ultrasound Imaging 1960 Katherine M
CLINICAL LINGUISTICS & PHONETICS 2016, VOL. 30, NOS. 3–5, 328–344 http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/02699206.2015.1099164 Methods for quantifying tongue shape and complexity using ultrasound imaging 1960 Katherine M. Dawsona,b, Mark K. Tiedeb, and D. H. Whalena,b,c aDepartment of Speech-Language-Hearing Sciences, City University of New York Graduate Center, New York, NY, USA; bHaskins Laboratories, New Haven, CT, USA; cDepartment of Linguistics, Yale University, New Haven, CT, USA ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY Quantification of tongue shape is potentially useful for indexing Received 3 February 2015 articulatory strategies arising from intervention, therapy and devel- Revised 18 September 2015 opment. Tongue shape complexity is a parameter that can be used Accepted 20 September to reflect regional functional independence of the tongue muscu- 2015 lature. This paper considers three different shape quantification KEYWORDS methods – based on Procrustes analysis, curvature inflections and Articulation; complexity; Fourier coefficients – and uses a linear discriminant analysis to test speech production how well each method is able to classify tongue shapes from measurement; tongue different phonemes. Test data are taken from six native speakers shape; ultrasound of American English producing 15 phoneme types. Results classify tongue shapes accurately when combined across quantification methods. These methods hold promise for extending the use of ultrasound in clinical assessments of speech deficits. Introduction The shaping of the tongue during speech is a finely controlled motor activity involving the coordination of a complex array of intrinsic and extrinsic agonist–antagonist muscles (Takemoto, 2001). However, measuring and quantifying tongue shape has proved challen- ging, as the tongue, a muscular hydrostat, is a difficult structure to image. -
Velar Segments in Old English and Old Irish
In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.) Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference on Historical Linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1985, 267-79. Velar segments in Old English and Old Irish Raymond Hickey University of Bonn The purpose of this paper is to look at a section of the phoneme inventories of the oldest attested stage of English and Irish, velar segments, to see how they are manifested phonetically and to consider how they relate to each other on the phonological level. The reason I have chosen to look at two languages is that it is precisely when one compares two language systems that one notices that structural differences between languages on one level will be correlated by differences on other levels demonstrating their interrelatedness. Furthermore it is necessary to view segments on a given level in relation to other segments. The group under consideration here is just one of several groups. Velar segments viewed within the phonological system of both Old English and Old Irish cor relate with three other major groups, defined by place of articulation: palatals, dentals, and labials. The relationship between these groups is not the same in each language for reasons which are morphological: in Old Irish changes in grammatical category are frequently indicated by palatalizing a final non-palatal segment (labial, dental, or velar). The same function in Old English is fulfilled by suffixes and /or prefixes. This has meant that for Old English the phonetically natural and lower-level alternation of velar elements with palatal elements in a palatal environ ment was to be found whereas in Old Irish this alternation had been denaturalized and had lost its automatic character. -
The Articulatory Modeling of German Coronal Consonants Using TADA
The articulatory modeling of German coronal consonants using TADA Manfred Pastätter, Marianne Pouplier Institute of Phonetics and Speech Processing, Ludwig-Maximilians-University, Munich, Germany [email protected], [email protected] Abstract spring equations, that is, each gesture is specified for a rest po- sition (i.e., target), as well as a stiffness and damping parameter. We present a modeling study on German coronals using the task The stiffness parameter serves to distinguish between classes dynamic synthesizer TADA to provide new aspects to the dis- of sounds with vowel gestures having a lower stiffness setting cussion whether coronals should be generally specified for a than consonant gestures (e.g. Fowler 1980, Perkell 1969, Roon tongue body target to control the tongue-shape globally. We ar- et al. 2007). Each gesture hierarchically controls an ensemble gue that all coronals must be specified for a tongue body target of articulators which are yoked in a task-specific fashion in or- in order to avoid inappropriate dominance of the vowel dur- der to achieve a particular constriction goal. For instance, a ing the consonant. This target must be weighted more strongly lip closure gesture is associated with the articulators upper lip, compared to the temporally co-existing vowel gesture. We fur- lower lip, jaw. If temporally overlapping gestures call on the ther study the effects of changing the consonant:vowel stiffness same articulators with conflicting demands, weighting param- ratio on CV and VC transitions. The stiffness settings employed eters specify the degree to which one gesture may dominate in TADA for American English lead to general vowel diphthon- in its control over a given articulator. -
The Production and Perception of Coronal Fricatives in Seoul Korean the Case for a Fourth Laryngeal Category
The production and perception of coronal fricatives in Seoul Korean The case for a fourth laryngeal category Charles B. Chang New York University & The Graduate Center, City University of New York This article presents new data on the contrast between the two voiceless coronal fricatives of Korean, variously described as a lenis/fortis or aspirated/fortis con- trast. In utterance-initial position, the fricatives were found to differ in centroid frequency; duration of frication, aspiration, and the following vowel; and several aspects of the following vowel onset, including intensity profile, spectral tilt, and F1 onset. The between-fricative differences varied across vowel contexts, however, and spectral differences in the vowel onset especially were more pro- nounced for /a/ than for /i, ɯ, u/. This disparity led to the hypothesis that cues in the following vowel onset would exert a weaker influence on perception for high vowels than for low vowels. Perception data provided general support for this hypothesis, indicating that while vowel onset cues had the largest impact on perception for both high- and low-vowel stimuli, this influence was weaker for high vowels. Perception was also strongly influenced by aspiration duration, with modest contributions from frication duration and f0 onset. Taken together, these findings suggest that the ‘non-fortis’ fricative is best characterized not in terms of the lenis or aspirated categories for stops, but in terms of a unique representation that is both lenis and aspirated. Keywords: fricatives, laryngeal contrast, vowel onset, aspiration, duration, perceptual cues 1. Introduction The three-way laryngeal contrast in Korean has attracted a great deal of atten- tion in the phonetics literature due to its typological rarity. -
Input, Intake, and Phonological Development; the Case Of
Input, Intake, and Phonological Development; The case of Consonant Harmony 0. Introduction A puzzling observation about Consonant Harmony in Dutch- and English child language is that while for English both Labial and Dorsal Harmony is reported, Dutch data exhibit almost exclusively Labial Harmony. Consonant Harmony (CH) is usually described as a process in which two non-adjacent consonants within a word come to share one or more phonological features. In the most frequently occurring – and most commented on - type of CH the two non-adjacent consonants share their primary Place of Articulation (PoA) feature. Examples from PoA-Harmony in English and Dutch child language are in (1). (1) PoA Consonant Harmony a. duck /dѩk/ [gѩk] Dorsal Harmony b. take /teik/ [geik] Dorsal Harmony c. soep /sup/ soup [fup] Labial Harmony d. slapen /slapђ/ sleep [fapђ] Labial Harmony From a purely theoretical, in casu, Optimality theoretical perspective, this inter- linguistic difference is not expected; If child language data reflect an initial Markedness >> Faithfulness ordering of universal constraints, and CH forms are considered to be unmarked output forms, resulting from some highly ranked universal Markedness constraint, then we would expect similar CH data for both types of language learners, at least in a particular developmental stage. However, it is not the case that Dutch children either come from, or go to a grammatical stage in which Dorsal Harmony is present, nor do English children start out with only Labial Harmony, and add Dorsal Harmony later. Our explanation appears simple: the observed difference results from different distributions of Place of Articulation features in the two languages.