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U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion
U.S. JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION U.S. JAPAN Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA 1819 L St NW #300 Washington, DC 20036 [email protected] U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY SASAKAWA USA SASAKAWA PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin and Daniel E. Bob ISBN 9780996656764 51000 > 9 780996 656764 U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin Daniel E. Bob Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA is an independent, American non-profit and non- partisan institution devoted to research, analysis and better understanding of the U.S.-Japan relationship. Sasakawa USA accomplishes its mission through programs that benefit both nations and the broader Asia Pacific region. Our research programs focus on security, diplomacy, economics, trade and technology, and our education programs facilitate people-to-people exchange and discussion among American and Japanese policymakers, influential citizens and the broader public in both countries. ISBN: 978-0-9966567-6-4 Printed in the United States of America. © 2017 by Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA LCCN Number applied for Sasakawa USA does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views expressed herein are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sasakawa USA, its staff or its board. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by and means without permission in writing from Sasakawa USA. Please direct inquiries to: Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Research Department 1819 L Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20036 P: +1 202-296-6694 This publication can be downloaded at no cost at http://spfusa.org/ Cover photo: © EPA/Barbara Walton Contents Preface .............................................................................................................................v Dennis Blair and Yasushi Akashi INTRODUCTION U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion ............................................ -
Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? the Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming
= = = = = = = Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? The Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming Bo Rothstein Rasmus Broms = = = = = = = = = QoG WORKING PAPER SERIES 2010:24= = THE QUALITY OF GOVERNMENT INSTITUTE Department of Political Science University of Gothenburg Box 711 SE 405 30 GÖTEBORG December 2010 ISSN 1653-8919 © 2010 by Bo Rothstein and Rasmus Broms. All rights reserved. Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? The Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming Bo Rothstein Rasmus Broms QoG Working Paper Series 2010:24 December 2010 ISSN 1653-8919 Abstract The absence of a single democracy in the Arab-Muslim world has become a “striking anomaly” for scholars of democratization. The lack of democratization in this part of the world cannot be seen as caused religion as such since there are by now several states with a majority of Muslims that have become democracies. Several other explanations such as values, culture, economic development, rulers’ access to natural resources or the history of colonialism have been refuted. We present a novel explanation for this puzzle that is based on historical variations in “temple financing”. In Northwestern Europe, religion and also secular services managed by local religious institutions have been financed “from below” creating local systems for semi- democratic representation, transparency and accountability. In the Arab-Muslim region, religion and local secular services have been financed “from above” by private foundations that have lacked systems for representation and accountability. It is thus not religion, but how religion has been financed, that is the explanation for the lack of democracy in the Arab-Muslim world. -
U.S. Democracy Promotion from Bush to Obama
Working Paper N. 1 US DEMOCRACY PROMOTION FROM BUSH TO OBAMA (EUSPRING) April 2015 WORKING PAPER NO. 1 U.S. Democracy Promotion from Bush to Obama Emiliano Alessandri, Oz Hassan, Ted Reinerti The German Marshall Fund of the United States; the University of Warwick, UK. EUSPRING – WORKING PAPER N. 1 INTRODUCTION Throughout the twenty-first century the United States (U.S.) has attempted to balance its traditional national security interests, whilst also seeking to promote the long-term transformation of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) towards democracy based on liberal values. With the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks providing a catalyst for policy change, the U.S. has moved away from its twentieth-century policy of pursuing a regional status quo and instinctively balking at political change. Yet, the U.S. has not abandoned its reliance on autocratic regimes that cooperate on more immediate national security interests such as counter-terrorism, counter-proliferation, and the free-flow energy sources into the global market. Rather, U.S. democracy promotion in the MENA has become incremental by design and is characterized by its gradualist and often- collaborative nature. U.S. foreign policy in the MENA is, therefore, depicted by a cautious evolutionary stance rather than supporting revolutionary shifts in power. Whilst the 2003 invasion of Iraq has tarnished public perceptions of “democracy promotion” and the legitimacy of the U.S. projecting its values beyond its shores, there is more substance to democracy promotion than “regime change” and the soaring rhetoric of the G.W. Bush administration’s Freedom Agenda. As a matter of fact, the G.W. -
THE EU, NATO and the European System of Liberal-Democratic Security Communities
Research project funded by the NATO Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council Individual Research Fellowships – 2000-2002 Programme FINAL REPORT PEACE AND DEMOCRACY: THE REDISCOVERED LINK THE EU, NATO and the European System of Liberal-Democratic Security Communities Sonia Lucarelli Author’s addresses: Sonia Lucarelli, PhD Jean Monnet Fellow Forum on the Problems of Peace and War Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Via G.P.Orsini 44 European University Institute I-50126 Firenze - Italy Via dei Roccettini 9 tel. (+39)055.6800165 I -50016 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) - Italy Tel. (+39)055.4685.828; Fax (+39)055.4685.804 e-mail: [email protected] FINAL REPORT PEACE AND DEMOCRACY: THE REDISCOVERED LINK THE EU, NATO and the European System of Liberal-Democratic Security Communities Sonia Lucarelli ABSTRACT Since the beginning of the last decade, the major actors of the Western European security community have been putting increasing or new emphasis on the need to develop liberal democracy as a form of foreign and/or security policy in the post-bipolar era. Apparently rediscovering the theory of democratic peace of Kantian memory, all institutions of the so- called European security architecture, plus the US, have dedicated a substantial part of their redefined (external) role to democratisation. This (re)discovered emphasis has clearly been a response to post-bipolar security (lack of clearly defined) challenges but has had implications that have gone beyond the specific interests of each actor involved. The discourse and practice of democracy-export has in fact contributed to creating the conditions for the definition of a system of democratic security communities characterised by different degrees of maturity and tightness (Adler & Barnett 1998), but with a common sense of “us”: liberal democracy. -
Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa Richard Joseph
“The third wave of democracy did sweep across much of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, but has now subsided, except for ripples and eddies.” Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa richarD Joseph n July 2009, President Barack Obama declared This is an appropriate moment, therefore, to in Accra, Ghana, that Africa no longer needs step back from the volatility and try to under- Istrongmen—it needs strong institutions. stand the deeper dynamics of political change Almost a year later, at a meeting of the African and continuity in the region. In this exercise, Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Secretary of State the perspective of Richard L. Sklar, a longtime Hillary Clinton contended that many African lead- student of African affairs and retired professor of ers seem more concerned with staying eternally political science at the University of California, in power than with ably serving their people. In Los Angeles, is helpful. Sklar has argued for the some cases, she said, democracy “as one election, importance of studying power and the means by one time” still prevails. which it is acquired and exercised. He contends How much do these views correspond with what that all governmental systems are mixed, and is taking place in African countries? What patterns everything that is good in governance may not emerge in the configuration of political power? And necessarily be “democratic.” finally, how do we assess Africa’s democratic pros- Sklar calls attention, for example, to the sig- pects in light of global developments? nificance of oligarchic entities, such as the US As once impregnable autocracies fall in North Supreme Court or the British House of Lords, Africa, the people of sub-Saharan Africa can in capitalist democracies. -
“The Infrastructure of American Democracy Promotion”
The Democracy Bureaucracy The Infrastructure of American Democracy Promotion A discussion paper prepared for the Princeton Project on National Security Working Group on Global Institutions and Foreign Policy Infrastructure by Thomas O. Melia Institute for the Study of Diplomacy Walsh School of Foreign Service Georgetown University September 2005 Comments and corrections are welcome. Contact author with comments at: [email protected] I come from a country where, as late as mid-1989, while all around us totalitarian icebergs were cracking and thawing, the stupid, repressive regime remained strong. Together with other people of a similar mindset, I was in prison. Yet by the end of that same year, I was elected the president of a free Czechoslovakia. Seemingly unshakable totalitarian monoliths are in fact sometimes as cohesive as proverbial houses of cards, and fall just as quickly. Vaclav Havel, Washington Post, June 15, 2005 Introduction George W. Bush has elevated the long-standing American interest in the spread of democracy worldwide to an urgent national security objective by integrating it with the fight against terrorism. President Bush, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and other senior U.S. officials have spoken with increasing frequency and conviction since September 11, 2001 of democracy promotion as critical to rooting out one of the major sources of anti-American terrorism – by ridding the world of the dictators who either support terrorism or provoke it by their repression. Indeed, with his Second Inaugural Address, Bush effectively altered the meaning of the bureaucratic short-hand “GWOT” from a Global War on Terrorism to a more encompassing Global War on Tyranny. -
Electronic Democracy the World of Political Science— the Development of the Discipline
Electronic Democracy The World of Political Science— The development of the discipline Book series edited by Michael Stein and John Trent Professors Michael B. Stein and John E. Trent are the co-editors of the book series “The World of Political Science”. The former is visiting professor of Political Science, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada and Emeritus Professor, McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. The latter is a Fellow in the Center of Governance of the University of Ottawa, in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada, and a former professor in its Department of Political Science. Norbert Kersting (ed.) Electronic Democracy Barbara Budrich Publishers Opladen • Berlin • Toronto 2012 An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access for the public good. The Open Access ISBN for this book is 978-3-86649-546-3. More information about the initiative and links to the Open Access version can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org © 2012 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0. (CC- BY-SA 4.0) It permits use, duplication, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you share under the same license, give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ © 2012 Dieses Werk ist beim Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH erschienen und steht unter der Creative Commons Lizenz Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0): https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Diese Lizenz erlaubt die Verbreitung, Speicherung, Vervielfältigung und Bearbeitung bei Verwendung der gleichen CC-BY-SA 4.0-Lizenz und unter Angabe der UrheberInnen, Rechte, Änderungen und verwendeten Lizenz. -
PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY PROMOTION What We Can Learn from History for Securing the Future of Democracy DEN JEWEILIGEN KAPITELNAMEN HIER EINSETZEN
ANALYSIS Democracy promotion should become more political, more historically aware and capable DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS of dealing with conflict, and in doing so should reflect more strongly the wealth of historical experiences accumulated by PROGRESSIVE democratisation processes. DEMOCRACY Democracy promotion must devote more attention to the relationship between PROMOTION democracy and capitalism. What We Can Learn from History for Securing the Future of Democracy ,Embedded’ democracy pro- motion is needed in order to Matthias Jobelius, Jochen Steinhilber better understand the dynamic September 2020 of social conflicts. Democracy is a story. Successful democracy movements require powerful narratives. DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY PROMOTION What We Can Learn from History for Securing the Future of Democracy DEN JEWEILIGEN KAPITELNAMEN HIER EINSETZEN Contents 1. IS WINTER COMING? EXTERNAL DEMOCRACY PROMOTION FACES NEW QUESTIONS 3 2. SIX LESSONS FROM HISTORY 6 2.1 ‘Too early to tell’: Democratisation still has a long way to go 6 2.2 ‘Circumstances transmitted from the past’: Every democratisation follows a different course 7 2.3 Distribution conflicts and power resources: Democratisation is never conflict-free 8 2.4 Democracy requires strong democratic institutions – and people who protect them 8 2.5 ‘Disembedded’: Capitalism is not democratic 10 2.6 The power of ideas: Democracy requires a narrative 11 3. SIX GUIDELINES FOR PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY PROMOTION 14 3.1 From democratic interventionism to embedded democracy promotion 14 3.2 Identify and promote change agents 15 3.3 Strengthen the effective power of democratic forces 16 3.4 Establish transformative institutions 18 3.5 Dare to promote economic democracy 18 3.6 Develop narratives for democracy promotion for our time 19 4. -
International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding. -
Upgrading Authoritarianism in the Arab World
THE BROOKINGS INSTIT U TION 1775 MASSACH U SETTS AVE ., NW WASHINGTON , D.C. 20036-2103 ANALYSIS PAPER www.brookings.edu Number 13, October 2007 UPGRADING AU THORITARIANISM IN THE ARAB WORLD STEVEN HEYDEMANN ANALYSIS PAPER Number 13, October 2007 UPGRADING AU THORITARIANISM IN THE ARAB WORLD STEVEN HEYDEMANN TABLE OF CONTENTS AC KNO W LEDGMENTS ......................................................................V EXE cu TIVE SU MMARY .................................................................... VII THE AU THOR ...........................................................................IX UPGRADING AU THORITARIANISM ..............................................................1 KEY FEAT U RES OF AU THORITARIAN UPGRADING ...................................................5 EMERGING PATTERNS IN ARAB GOVERNAN C E : THE NORMALIZATION OF ARAB AU THORITARIANISM .............................................27 CRA C KS IN THE WALL ? AU THORITARIAN UPGRADING AND U.S. DEMO C RA C Y PROMOTION ..................31 T HE SABAN CEN T ER A T THE BROOKING S IN st I T U T ION III AC KNO W LEDGMENTS wish to acknowledge, with thanks, the generous support of the Smith-Richardson Foundation for a larger project I of which this analysis paper is a part. Ariel Ahram provided invaluable research assistance in the preparation of this paper. The views presented here are solely those of the author. T HE SABAN CEN T ER A T THE BROOKING S IN st I T U T ION V EXE cu TIVE SU MMARY uthoritarianism in the Arab world is not what it promotion and to recognize, in particular, that Arab Aused to be. Indeed, it might well be stronger, more regimes are converging around policies that are explic- flexible, and more resilient than ever, despite the best itly designed to stabilize and preserve authoritarian efforts of the United States, its European Union part- rule in the context of ongoing demands for political ners, and Arab democrats to bring about sustained and change. -
Democracy Does Cause Growth∗
Democracy Does Cause Growth∗ Daron Acemoglu Suresh Naidu Pascual Restrepo James A. Robinson MIT Columbia BU Chicago April 2017 Abstract We provide evidence that democracy has a significant and robust positive effect on GDP per capita. Our empirical strategy controls for country fixed effects and the rich dynamics of GDP, which otherwise confound the effect of democracy on economic growth. To reduce measurement error, we introduce a new dichotomous measure of democracy that consolidates the information from several sources. Our baseline results use a dynamic panel model for GDP, and show that democratizations increase GDP per capita by about 20% in the long run. We find similar effects of democratizations on annual GDP when we control for the estimated propensity of a country to democratize based on past GDP dynamics. We obtain comparable estimates when we instrument democracy using regional waves of democratizations and reversals. Our results suggest that democ- racy increases GDP by encouraging investment, increasing schooling, inducing economic reforms, improving the provision of public goods, and reducing social unrest. We find little support for the view that democracy is a constraint on economic growth for less developed economies. Keywords: Democracy, Growth, Political Development. JEL Classification: P16, O10. ∗ We thank Isaiah Andrews, Joshua Angrist, Jushan Bai, Harald Uhlig, two referees, and seminar participants at AEA 2015, NYU-Abu Dhabi, Boston University and Harvard for very useful comments. Acemoglu gratefully acknowledges support from the Bradley Foundation and ARO MURI Award No. W911NF-12-1-0509. 1 Introduction With the spectacular economic growth under nondemocracy in China, the eclipse of the Arab Spring, and the recent rise of populist politics in Europe and the United States, the view that democratic institutions are at best irrelevant and at worst a hindrance for economic growth has become increasingly popular both in academia and policy discourse. -
Democracy Promotion, National Security and Strategy During the Reagan Administration 1981-1986
DEMOCRACY PROMOTION, NATIONAL SECURITY AND STRATEGY DURING THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION 1981-1986 BY ROBERT EDWARD PEE A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of American and Canadian Studies School of English, Drama and American & Canadian Studies University of Birmingham September 2013 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT This study examines the relationship of democracy promotion to national security in US strategy through an examination of the influence of geopolitical, bureaucratic and organisational considerations on the effort to create a coherent strategic approach fusing democracy promotion and national security under the Reagan administration. This process highlighted geopolitical and organisational tensions between democracy promotion and US national security. Groups within the administration, Congress and the private sphere disagreed over whether US geopolitical interests required the limited deployment of democracy promotion against Soviet Communism or a more expansive effort aimed at both Communist and pro-US dictatorships. These debates were linked to clashes over the credibility and effectiveness of competing state-centred or privately-implemented organisational frameworks.