Developing Democracy: Concepts, Measures, and Empirical Relationships
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Citizen Participation in Government
Autocracy, Oligarchy, & Democracy © 2014 Brain Wrinkles In each country, the people have different rights to participate in the government. •In some countries, any citizen can run for office or vote in elections. •In other countries, there are restrictions placed on who can run for office and who can vote. •There are also countries where NO citizen can vote and there are no elections. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles Types of Government are based on two key questions: 1. Who governs the country? 2. What is the citizen participation like? The way a country answers these questions determines its government type: Autocracy Oligarchy Democracy © 2014 Brain Wrinkles • Have a single ruler with unlimited power. • Citizens cannot participate in the selection of the ruler or vote on the country’s laws. • One benefit – decisions for the country can be made quickly. • However…the needs of the citizens may be ignored. • The leader may make poor or selfish decisions that hurt the citizens. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles Generally the power to rule the country is inherited (kings/queens) or is taken by military force. There are two main types of autocracies: Dictatorshi Absolute Monarchy • Thep leader uses force • The monarch has to control the citizens. absolute power (no • Example: Hitler constitution) over the citizens. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles © 2014 Brain Wrinkles • The country is ruled by a small group of people. •The group gets their power from either religion, military force, or wealth & resources. • The citizens do not select the members of this group or vote on the country’s laws. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles The citizens hold the power of the government. -
Direct E-Democracy and Political Party Websites: in the United States and Sweden
Rochester Institute of Technology RIT Scholar Works Theses 5-1-2015 Direct E-Democracy and Political Party Websites: In the United States and Sweden Kirk M. Winans Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.rit.edu/theses Recommended Citation Winans, Kirk M., "Direct E-Democracy and Political Party Websites: In the United States and Sweden" (2015). Thesis. Rochester Institute of Technology. Accessed from This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by RIT Scholar Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses by an authorized administrator of RIT Scholar Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Running head: E-DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL PARTY WEBSITES Direct E-Democracy and Political Party Websites: In the United States and Sweden by Kirk M. Winans Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Graduation Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science Science, Technology and Public Policy Department of Public Policy College of Liberal Arts Rochester Institute of Technology May 1, 2015 E-DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL PARTY WEBSITES Direct E-Democracy and Political Party Websites: In the United States and Sweden A thesis submitted to The Public Policy Department at Rochester Institute of Technology By Kirk M. Winans Under the faculty guidance of Franz Foltz, Ph.D. Submitted by: Kirk M. Winans Signature Date Accepted by: Dr. Franz Foltz Thesis Advisor, Graduate Coordinator Signature Date Associate Professor, Dept. of STS/Public Policy Rochester Institute of Technology Dr. Rudy Pugliese Committee Member Signature Date Professor, School of Communication Rochester Institute of Technology Dr. Ryan Garcia Committee Member Signature Date Assistant Professor, Dept. -
The Center for Systemic Peace (CSP) Was Founded in 1997, And
Global Report 2009 Conflict, Governance, and State Fragility Monty G. Marshall Benjamin R. Cole Center for Systemic Peace Center for Global Policy CENTER FOR SYSTEMIC PEACE The Center for Systemic Peace (CSP) was founded in 1997. The Center is engaged in innovative research focused on the problem of political violence within the structural context of the dynamic global system, that is, global systems analysis. The Center supports scientific research, data collection, and quantitative analysis in many issue areas related to the fundamental problem of political violence in both human social relations and societal development. The focus of CSP research is on the possibilities of complex, systemic management of all manner of societal and systemic conflicts. Recognizing that the foundation of liberal democratic governance is an informed, active public, the Center regularly monitors and reports on general trends in societal-system performance, at the global, regional, and state levels of analysis and in the key systemic dimensions of conflict, governance, and (human and physical) development. www.systemicpeace.org CENTER FOR GLOBAL POLICY The Center for Global Policy in the School of Public Policy at George Mason University conducts research on a wide range of global policy issues. Faculty members affiliated with the Center undertake basic academic research on such topics as foreign trade, democratization and state-building, and transnational networks and analyze specific policy issues for a variety of government agencies, including the US Government’s Political Instability Task Force. globalpolicy.gmu.edu This report is published jointly by The Center for Systemic Peace and the Center for Global Policy. The 2009 edition of the Global Report series was made possible through the generous support of the One Earth Future Foundation. -
Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? the Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming
= = = = = = = Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? The Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming Bo Rothstein Rasmus Broms = = = = = = = = = QoG WORKING PAPER SERIES 2010:24= = THE QUALITY OF GOVERNMENT INSTITUTE Department of Political Science University of Gothenburg Box 711 SE 405 30 GÖTEBORG December 2010 ISSN 1653-8919 © 2010 by Bo Rothstein and Rasmus Broms. All rights reserved. Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? The Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming Bo Rothstein Rasmus Broms QoG Working Paper Series 2010:24 December 2010 ISSN 1653-8919 Abstract The absence of a single democracy in the Arab-Muslim world has become a “striking anomaly” for scholars of democratization. The lack of democratization in this part of the world cannot be seen as caused religion as such since there are by now several states with a majority of Muslims that have become democracies. Several other explanations such as values, culture, economic development, rulers’ access to natural resources or the history of colonialism have been refuted. We present a novel explanation for this puzzle that is based on historical variations in “temple financing”. In Northwestern Europe, religion and also secular services managed by local religious institutions have been financed “from below” creating local systems for semi- democratic representation, transparency and accountability. In the Arab-Muslim region, religion and local secular services have been financed “from above” by private foundations that have lacked systems for representation and accountability. It is thus not religion, but how religion has been financed, that is the explanation for the lack of democracy in the Arab-Muslim world. -
Procedural Democracy, the Bulwark of Equal Liberty Author(S): Maria Paula Saffon and Nadia Urbinati Source: Political Theory, Vol
Procedural Democracy, the Bulwark of Equal Liberty Author(s): Maria Paula Saffon and Nadia Urbinati Source: Political Theory, Vol. 41, No. 3 (June 2013), pp. 441-481 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23484433 Accessed: 06-05-2020 03:17 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23484433?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Sage Publications, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Political Theory This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Wed, 06 May 2020 03:17:25 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Political Theory 41(3) 441-481 Procedural Democracy, © 2013 SAGE Publications Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav the Bulwark of Equal DOI: 10.1177/0090591713476872 Liberty ptx.sagepub.com María Paula Saffon1 and Nadia Urbinati1 Abstract This essay reclaims a political proceduralist vision of democracy as the best normative defense of democracy in contemporary politics.We distinguish this vision from three main approaches that are representative in the current academic debate: the epistemic conception of democracy as a process of truth seeking; the populist defense of democracy as a mobilizing politics that defies procedures; and the classical minimalist or Schumpeterian definition of democracy as a competitive method for selecting leaders. -
Making the World Safe for Partial Democracy? Making the World Safe Arthur A
Making the World Safe for Partial Democracy? Making the World Safe Arthur A. Goldsmith for Partial Democracy? Questioning the Premises of Democracy Promotion Should the United States promote democracy abroad? Will moves toward democracy, particularly in the Muslim world, advance U.S. interests? To what extent can the United States bring about democratic change? What are the odds of success, and how great are the risks should democracy promotion fail? The answers to these questions are vital to U.S. foreign policy. Even after the debacle in Iraq, there remains broad agreement in Washington that the United States should work to foster a less autocratic world, which, in turn, is predicted to lead to less anti- Americanism and diminished threats to U.S. interests. This article calls attention to two errors in reasoning and evidence that al- most everyone in the debate over democracy promotion seems to have over- looked. First, if democracy enhances international security, that does not necessarily mean that “every step toward freedom in the world makes our country safer,” to quote President George W. Bush.1 Frequently, the suc- cessor regime to a dictatorship is a partial democracy, which can pose an even greater security threat. Second, having the laudable purpose of furthering democracy is not a relevant reason for claiming that this goal is attainable. De- spite its signiªcant inºuence, the United States cannot consistently shape for- eign political systems to its liking, particularly in the short term. Democracy promotion’s limitations were brushed aside in the Bush admin- istration’s “forward strategy of freedom” or “freedom agenda,” which became the cornerstone of its foreign policy. -
Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa Richard Joseph
“The third wave of democracy did sweep across much of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, but has now subsided, except for ripples and eddies.” Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa richarD Joseph n July 2009, President Barack Obama declared This is an appropriate moment, therefore, to in Accra, Ghana, that Africa no longer needs step back from the volatility and try to under- Istrongmen—it needs strong institutions. stand the deeper dynamics of political change Almost a year later, at a meeting of the African and continuity in the region. In this exercise, Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Secretary of State the perspective of Richard L. Sklar, a longtime Hillary Clinton contended that many African lead- student of African affairs and retired professor of ers seem more concerned with staying eternally political science at the University of California, in power than with ably serving their people. In Los Angeles, is helpful. Sklar has argued for the some cases, she said, democracy “as one election, importance of studying power and the means by one time” still prevails. which it is acquired and exercised. He contends How much do these views correspond with what that all governmental systems are mixed, and is taking place in African countries? What patterns everything that is good in governance may not emerge in the configuration of political power? And necessarily be “democratic.” finally, how do we assess Africa’s democratic pros- Sklar calls attention, for example, to the sig- pects in light of global developments? nificance of oligarchic entities, such as the US As once impregnable autocracies fall in North Supreme Court or the British House of Lords, Africa, the people of sub-Saharan Africa can in capitalist democracies. -
Electronic Democracy the World of Political Science— the Development of the Discipline
Electronic Democracy The World of Political Science— The development of the discipline Book series edited by Michael Stein and John Trent Professors Michael B. Stein and John E. Trent are the co-editors of the book series “The World of Political Science”. The former is visiting professor of Political Science, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada and Emeritus Professor, McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. The latter is a Fellow in the Center of Governance of the University of Ottawa, in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada, and a former professor in its Department of Political Science. Norbert Kersting (ed.) Electronic Democracy Barbara Budrich Publishers Opladen • Berlin • Toronto 2012 An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access for the public good. The Open Access ISBN for this book is 978-3-86649-546-3. More information about the initiative and links to the Open Access version can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org © 2012 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0. (CC- BY-SA 4.0) It permits use, duplication, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you share under the same license, give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license and indicate if changes were made. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ © 2012 Dieses Werk ist beim Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH erschienen und steht unter der Creative Commons Lizenz Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0): https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Diese Lizenz erlaubt die Verbreitung, Speicherung, Vervielfältigung und Bearbeitung bei Verwendung der gleichen CC-BY-SA 4.0-Lizenz und unter Angabe der UrheberInnen, Rechte, Änderungen und verwendeten Lizenz. -
Global Energy Security Index and Its Application on National Level
energies Article Global Energy Security Index and Its Application on National Level Abdelrahman Azzuni * and Christian Breyer School of Energy Systems, LUT University, Yliopistonkatu 34, 53850 Lappeenranta, Finland; Christian.Breyer@lut.fi * Correspondence: Abdelrahman.Azzuni@lut.fi; Tel.: +358-414978458 Received: 30 April 2020; Accepted: 13 May 2020; Published: 15 May 2020 Abstract: Energy security is an international concern for all countries in the world, particularly, for the policymakers looking for the wellbeing of citizens. While proper methods to measure energy security without ignoring the different aspects and multidimensional interplay is necessary, the need for an objective evaluation with numerical indicators is of utmost importance. This research covers these gaps by providing a detailed numerical method to formulate an energy security index that is globally comprehensive, but also nationally applicable to all countries in the world. This implies to include all needed aspects and dimensions of energy security. Results of this research show the global performance of all countries in the world in energy security and the performance of these countries in each of the 15 dimensions that articulate energy security. Germany and the United States performed best in the world, when it comes to overall energy security levels, whereas the Central African Republic and Turkmenistan are on the lowest end of performance. Conclusions show that there is not a single way for development and enhancing energy security but rather different alternatives and options. Countries need to learn from each other to identify what works best for their context and implement these strategies in order to enhance energy security. Keywords: energy security; index; dimensions; parameters; indicators 1. -
Audit Tool Survey
Audit Tool Survey Argyro Kartsonaki & Stefan Wolff Institute for Conflict, Cooperation and Security, University of Birmingham A. Introduction: Audit tools as instruments for complex social change Audit tools have significantly grown in popularity over the past decade as part of a global drive to measure the performance of various institutions against a set of indicators and to score performance in a range of indices. As such, they constitute a form of power in international and transnational governance (Lebaron and Lister 2015, Sending and Lie 2015). Because of the resultant institutional and behavioural effects that the increasing reliance on auditing and benchmarking has, significant responsibility rests with those involved in the design and conduct of audits and in follow-up actions, including advocacy and policy advice (Power 2003). In this section, we therefore, first, address two issues that are central to the GCP’s considerations for developing a pluralism audit tool—legitimacy and credibility. Legitimacy and credibility of audit tools are closely intertwined with each other and derive, in part, from the same components underpinning the design of audit tools and the conduct of audits. Regardless of the methodology by which an audit is to be conducted, audits require data gathering and analysis according to pre-defined indicators and, more often than not, involve the scoring of measurements against equally pre-defined benchmarks. This can create a normative trap: as benchmarking represents a normative vision of what things should be like (Broome and Quirk 2015), audit results tend to attribute responsibility directly or indirectly, either by initiating a blame game about who is responsible for an unsatisfactory state of affairs (Clegg 2015), or by conferring authority to effect changes to an existing status quo (Sending and Lie 2015). -
Associational Life Under Authoritarianism: the Saudi Chamber of Commerce and Industry Elections
This is a repository copy of Associational Life under Authoritarianism: The Saudi Chamber of Commerce and Industry Elections. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/92453/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Kraetzschmar, HJ (2016) Associational Life under Authoritarianism: The Saudi Chamber of Commerce and Industry Elections. Journal of Arabian Studies, 5 (2). pp. 184-205. ISSN 2153-4764 https://doi.org/10.1080/21534764.2015.1129723 This is an author produced version of a paper published in Journal of Arabian Studies. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Unless indicated otherwise, fulltext items are protected by copyright with all rights reserved. The copyright exception in section 29 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 allows the making of a single copy solely for the purpose of non-commercial research or private study within the limits of fair dealing. The publisher or other rights-holder may allow further reproduction and re-use of this version - refer to the White Rose Research Online record for this item. Where records identify the publisher as the copyright holder, users can verify any specific terms of use on the publisher’s website. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Associational Life under Authoritarianism: The Saudi Chamber of Commerce and Industry Elections HENDRIK J. KRAETZSCHMAR Abstract: This article is concerned with the dynamics of internal leadership elections in one of Saudi Arabia’s oldest and most prominent network of professional syndicates, the Chambers of Commerce and Industry (CCIs). -
International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding.