Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa Richard Joseph
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Predators 2021 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 PREDATORS 2021 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Azerbaijan 167/180* Eritrea 180/180* Isaias AFWERKI Ilham Aliyev Born 2 February 1946 Born 24 December 1961 > President of the Republic of Eritrea > President of the Republic of Azerbaijan since 19 May 1993 since 2003 > Predator since 18 September 2001, the day he suddenly eliminated > Predator since taking office, but especially since 2014 his political rivals, closed all privately-owned media and jailed outspoken PREDATORY METHOD: Subservient judicial system journalists Azerbaijan’s subservient judicial system convicts journalists on absurd, spurious PREDATORY METHOD: Paranoid totalitarianism charges that are sometimes very serious, while the security services never The least attempt to question or challenge the regime is regarded as a threat to rush to investigate physical attacks on journalists and sometimes protect their “national security.” There are no more privately-owned media, only state media assailants, even when they have committed appalling crimes. Under President with Stalinist editorial policies. Journalists are regarded as enemies. Some have Aliyev, news sites can be legally blocked if they pose a “danger to the state died in prison, others have been imprisoned for the past 20 years in the most or society.” Censorship was stepped up during the war with neighbouring appalling conditions, without access to their family or a lawyer. According to Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh and the government routinely refuses to give the information RSF has been getting for the past two decades, journalists accreditation to foreign journalists. -
Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? the Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming
= = = = = = = Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? The Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming Bo Rothstein Rasmus Broms = = = = = = = = = QoG WORKING PAPER SERIES 2010:24= = THE QUALITY OF GOVERNMENT INSTITUTE Department of Political Science University of Gothenburg Box 711 SE 405 30 GÖTEBORG December 2010 ISSN 1653-8919 © 2010 by Bo Rothstein and Rasmus Broms. All rights reserved. Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? The Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming Bo Rothstein Rasmus Broms QoG Working Paper Series 2010:24 December 2010 ISSN 1653-8919 Abstract The absence of a single democracy in the Arab-Muslim world has become a “striking anomaly” for scholars of democratization. The lack of democratization in this part of the world cannot be seen as caused religion as such since there are by now several states with a majority of Muslims that have become democracies. Several other explanations such as values, culture, economic development, rulers’ access to natural resources or the history of colonialism have been refuted. We present a novel explanation for this puzzle that is based on historical variations in “temple financing”. In Northwestern Europe, religion and also secular services managed by local religious institutions have been financed “from below” creating local systems for semi- democratic representation, transparency and accountability. In the Arab-Muslim region, religion and local secular services have been financed “from above” by private foundations that have lacked systems for representation and accountability. It is thus not religion, but how religion has been financed, that is the explanation for the lack of democracy in the Arab-Muslim world. -
Malawi: Recent Developments and U.S
Malawi: Recent Developments and U.S. Relations Nicolas Cook Specialist in African Affairs December 11, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42856 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Malawi: Recent Developments and U.S. Relations Summary President Barack Obama’s Administration and a number of Members of Congress have welcomed Malawian President Joyce Banda’s accession to power, largely because she has reversed a number of contentious decisions taken by her predecessor, Bingu wa Mutharika, who died in early April 2012 while serving a contentious second term. Banda’s status as Africa’s second female president, an internationally recognized women’s rights advocate, and a leader with personal socioeconomic development expertise has also drawn U.S. and other international support. There are also some indications that Banda may pursue a foreign policy aligned with selected U.S. regional policy goals. In August 2012, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton traveled to Malawi for discussions of economic and political governance and reform and to highlight bilateral development cooperation projects. In September Banda addressed a gathering of Members of Congress at a forum on U.S.-Malawian and broader U.S.-African relations. Malawi, a former British colony, is a small, poor country in southeastern Africa that underwent a democratic transition from one-party rule in the early 1990s and has long relied on donor aid. Under Mutharika, however, Malawi’s ties with donors had been damaged over concerns related to economic management, undemocratic governance trends, and Mutharika’s acrimonious stance toward donors. Upon taking office, Banda—who had served as Mutharika’s vice president and therefore succeeded him upon his death—made a range of economic and governance reform pledges and related policy decisions. -
Think (Capitalist) and Grow Rich
CCK-19 INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS Think (capitalist) .and grow rich Casey C. Kelso Lusaka, Zambia May 1993 Peter Bird Martin Institute of Current World Affairs 4 West Wheel ock Street Hanover, New Hampshire, USA Dear Peter- Alfred Chioza's greed got away from him. The Zambian businessman turned farmer planted 22 acres of burley tobacco. He expected huge profits in the new free-market agricultural economy, so he figured more acres meant more money. Maybe. But it also meant a tobacco glut of horror film proportions. Now, at harvest time, the brown leaves are tied into clumps and not only packed into two huge thatch-roofed barns at his farm in Zambia's Eastern Province. Stacks of drying tobacco fill the tractor sheds, displace cars from the carport and rise to the rafters of his guest house. Inside Chioza's home, leaves hang from ceiling lights. Behind a little pass window opening onto the kitchen, densely packed tobacco ascends to the ceiling. Last year, Chioza was a wheeler-dealer selling imported South African goods at a 500 percent mark-up in the capital, Lusaka. This year, he lives in a newly built house in the countryside, where he is watching his tobacco harvest fill every available space. "I may be a farmer bearing an 'L' badge for 'learner' on my back, but I believe there is a lot of future in farming now," he said. Chioza's change in attitude underscores a dramatic transformation of agriculture taking place in Zambia. For decades, many Zambians thought of farming as the demeaning and unremunerative toil of a peasant or as the unattainable economies of scale of huge, white-owned commercial farms. -
Two 'Transitions': the Political Economy of Joyce Banda's Rise To
Two ‘transitions’: The political economy of Joyce Banda’s rise to power and the related role of civil society organisations in Malawi Clive Gabay (2014) Two ‘transitions’: the political economy of Joyce Banda's rise to power and the related role of civil society organisations in Malawi, Review of African Political Economy, 41:141, 374- 388, DOI: 10.1080/03056244.2014.901949 On Friday November 2nd 2012, the front pages of most Malawian newspapers carried a story about sacks of famine-relief maize being distributed in rural areas of Malawi stamped with the initials of the president, Joyce Bandai. Banda had assumed the presidency in contested circumstances, when her predecessor, Bingu wa Mutharika, had suddenly died from a heart attack in April 2012. As vice president, Banda had quit the president’s party to form her own party (the Peoples’ Party) prior to these events. Members of Mutharika’s Democratic Peoples’ Party (DPP) thus manoeuvred to have Mutharika’s brother installed as president (Singini, 2013: 85-86), even though this would have flouted the constitution, which stated that the vice-president should assume presidential office in case of the sitting president’s demise. A constellation of forces, including military, civil society, judicial and media support for the constitutional provision (Yi Dionne and Dulani, 2012), meant that the constitution prevailed and Banda was installed as president. This paper assesses the situation in Malawi in part with reference to published and unpublished claims and allegations, which should not be inferred as representing the views of the author. In combination with what was the most vibrant anti-government protests for nearly 20 years, Banda’s ascent was interpreted by the Western political establishment as representing an optimistic new turn in Malawian politics and the region more broadly, following Mutharika’s steady descent into authoritarianism. -
Deliberation As an Epistemic Endeavor: Umunthu and Social Change In
Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology A dissertation presented to the faculty of the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Fletcher O. M. Ziwoya December 2012 © 2012 Fletcher O. M. Ziwoya All Rights Reserved. This dissertation titled Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology by FLETCHER O. M. ZIWOYA has been approved for the School of Communication Studies and the Scripps College of Communication by Claudia L. Hale Professor of Communication Studies Scott Titsworth Interim Dean, Scripps College of Communication ii ABSTRACT ZIWOYA, FLETCHER O. M., Ph.D. December 2012, Communication Studies Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology Director of Dissertation: Claudia Hale This dissertation examines the epistemic role of democratic processes in Malawi. In this study, I challenge the view that Malawi’s Local Government model of public participation is representative and open to all forms of knowledge production. Through a case study analysis of the political economy of knowledge production of selected District Councils in Malawi, I argue that the consultative approach adopted by the Councils is flawed. The Habermasian approach adopted by the Councils assumes that development processes should be free, fair, and accommodative of open forms of deliberation, consultation, and dissent. The Habermasian ideals stipulate that no single form of reasoning or knowledge dominates others. By advocating for “the power of the better argument” Habermas (1984, 1998a, 1998b, 2001) provided room for adversarial debate which is not encouraged in the Malawi local governance system. -
Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa This simulation, while focused around the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict, is not an attempt to resolve that conflict: the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) already has a peace plan on the table to which the two parties in conflict have essentially agreed. Rather, participants are asked, in their roles as representatives of OAU member states, to devise a blueprint for preventing the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict from spreading into neighboring countries and consuming the region in even greater violence. The conflict, a great concern particularly for Somalia and Sudan where civil wars have raged for years, has thrown regional alliances into confusion and is increasingly putting pressure on humanitarian NGOs and other regional parties to contain the conflict. The wars in the Horn of Africa have caused untold death and misery over the past few decades. Simulation participants are asked as well to deal with the many refugees and internally displaced persons in the Horn of Africa, a humanitarian crisis that strains the economies – and the political relations - of the countries in the region. In their roles as OAU representatives, participants in this intricate simulation witness first-hand the tremendous challenge of trying to obtain consensus among multiple actors with often competing agendas on the tools of conflict prevention. Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn -
The Chair of the African Union
Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation. -
Charisma and Politics in Post-Colonial Africa
CENTRE FOR SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Sishuwa Sishuwa CSSR Working Paper No. 446 January 2020 Published by the Centre for Social Science Research University of Cape Town 2020 http://www.cssr.uct.ac.za This Working Paper can be downloaded from: http://cssr.uct.ac.za/pub/wp/446 ISBN: 978-1-77011-433-3 © Centre for Social Science Research, UCT, 2020 About the author: Sishuwa Sishuwa is a post-doctoral research fellow in the Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa, at UCT. His PhD (from Oxford University) was a political biography of Zambian politician and president Michael Sata. Charisma and politics in post-colonial Africa Abstract This paper examines the interaction between charisma and politics in Africa. Two broad groups of charismatic political leaders are discussed: those who came to the fore during the era of independence struggles and saw themselves as an embodiment of their nation states and having a transformative impact over the societies they led, and those who emerged largely in response to the failure of the first group or the discontent of post-colonial delivery, and sought political power to enhance their own personal interests. In both instances, the leaders emerged in a context of a crisis: the collapse of colonialism, the disintegration of the one-party state model and economic collapse. Keywords: charisma; leadership; colonialism; one-party state; democracy. 1. Introduction The concept of charisma entered the lexicon of the social sciences more than a century ago and is credited to German sociologist Max Weber (1864-1920). -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
How Ethnic Armies Shape the Capacity of Presidents to Defy Term Limits
Military Loyalty and the Failure of Democratization in Africa: How Ethnic Armies Shape the Capacity of Presidents to Defy Term Limits Kristen A. Harkness School of International Relations University of St. Andrews1 Open Access Copy—Please Do Not Cite Forthcoming in Democratization Abstract: The military plays a crucial role in furthering or hindering democratization in Africa. Beyond direct intervention through coups, armies more subtly and perniciously condition the political trajectory of states through their loyalty. Leaders who can rely on unwavering military support for protection against internal unrest face fewer risks and greater chances of success in rolling back liberalization and entrenching authoritarian practices. Constructing ethnic armies, which tie the fate of soldiers to the regime, is a profoundly powerful way to affect such loyalty. Through a mixed methods analysis of presidential bids to challenge term limits, including a paired comparison of Senegal and Cameroon, I demonstrate that ethnic armies triple the chances of success and, in so doing, encourage defiance in the first place: 82% of presidents back by ethnic armies attempt to defy their constitutions and extend their hold on power, as opposed to 31% of other leaders. Conversely, ethnically diverse armies are far more likely to defend constitutional politics and constrain leaders to abide by term limits. The ethnic composition of the military thus critically shapes the prospects for African liberalization. Key Words: democratization, term limits, civil-military relations, ethnic politics, African politics Many African countries took their “indispensable first steps” toward liberalization2 and free and fair elections after the end of the Cold War.3 Long-time dictators were voted out of office, multi-party competition replaced single party regimes, and respect for civil liberties and human rights increased. -
1,385,298 2,199 Refugees/ Asylum Seekers USD 29,611,512
EXTERNAL UNHCR NIGERIAWEEKLY UPDATE 18-25 June, 2015 HIGHLIGHTS HIGHLIGHTS Summarize, in a few bullet points, the main activities conducted by UNHCR during the reporting period in operations covered in this updates and their impact on beneficiaries. Make sure the sentences are result-oriented and concise. Details on the activities listed in this section can be added in the Achievements section. Also place emphasis on the expansion of UNHCR’s presence, airlift of NFIs, distributions, most at risk groups of population, etc. KEY FIGURES Examples: 1,385,298 -UNHCR distributed plastic sheeting to 500 households in operation 1 since January; Internally Displaced Persons in North East(IOM and NEMA, -Five schools have been established since January in operation 2, thus increasing refugee June 2015 DTM) children’s access to primary school from 10 per cent to 50 per cent; -UNHCR together with the authorities conducted a rapid assessment in XXX site where they identified 175 unaccompanied minors. 2,199 refugees/ asylum seekers Refugees and Asylum as of 31 May 2015 FUNDING UNHCR Representative to Nigeria & ECOWAS, Angèle Dikonguè-Atangana (center), and NHRC President, Prof Bem Angwe (left), appending their signatures to the agreement, 25 USD 29,611,512 June. Abuja Garriba©unhcr Requested for the situation On 25 June, UNHCR and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to strengthen collaboration, promote and share experiences with a view to facilitating capacity-building. UNHCR and the Federal Capital Territory Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) distributed non-food items to Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Abuja. UNHCR and NEMA have planned CCCM trainings in Maiduguri and Damaturu for 30 protection actors and state representatives.