THE EU, NATO and the European System of Liberal-Democratic Security Communities
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U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion
U.S. JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION U.S. JAPAN Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA 1819 L St NW #300 Washington, DC 20036 [email protected] U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY SASAKAWA USA SASAKAWA PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin and Daniel E. Bob ISBN 9780996656764 51000 > 9 780996 656764 U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin Daniel E. Bob Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA is an independent, American non-profit and non- partisan institution devoted to research, analysis and better understanding of the U.S.-Japan relationship. Sasakawa USA accomplishes its mission through programs that benefit both nations and the broader Asia Pacific region. Our research programs focus on security, diplomacy, economics, trade and technology, and our education programs facilitate people-to-people exchange and discussion among American and Japanese policymakers, influential citizens and the broader public in both countries. ISBN: 978-0-9966567-6-4 Printed in the United States of America. © 2017 by Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA LCCN Number applied for Sasakawa USA does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views expressed herein are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sasakawa USA, its staff or its board. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by and means without permission in writing from Sasakawa USA. Please direct inquiries to: Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Research Department 1819 L Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20036 P: +1 202-296-6694 This publication can be downloaded at no cost at http://spfusa.org/ Cover photo: © EPA/Barbara Walton Contents Preface .............................................................................................................................v Dennis Blair and Yasushi Akashi INTRODUCTION U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion ............................................ -
The European Union: Where Is It Now?
Duquesne Law Review Volume 34 Number 4 Conference Proceedings: The Duquesne University School of Law Instititue for Judicial Education's and the Supreme Court of Article 9 Pennsylvania Conference on Science and the Law 1996 The European Union: Where Is It Now? John P. Flaherty Maureen E. Lally-Green Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/dlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation John P. Flaherty & Maureen E. Lally-Green, The European Union: Where Is It Now?, 34 Duq. L. Rev. 923 (1996). Available at: https://dsc.duq.edu/dlr/vol34/iss4/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Duquesne Law Review by an authorized editor of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. The European Union: Where is it Now? Hon. John P. Flaherty* Maureen E. Lally-Green** TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .............................. 926 Part One: A Brief History Lesson .............. 927 A. The Late 1940's through 1958 ............. 928 1. General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GAAT) (1947) ..................... 928 2. Benelux Customs Convention (1948) ...... 928 3. Council of Europe (1948) ............... 929 4. Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) (1948) ............ 930 * BA Duquesne University; J.D. University of Pittsburgh; Justice, the Su- preme Court of Pennsylvania (to be elevated to the position of Chief Justice of Penn- sylvania, July 1996). ** B.S. Duquesne University; J.D. Duquesne University; Professor of Law, Duquesne University School of Law. Both authors have been instrumental in the development of an academic pro- gram between the Duquesne University School of Law and the Law School of Uni- versity College Dublin in Dublin, Ireland on the topic of the law of the European Union. -
(2001/C 235 E/018) WRITTEN QUESTION E-3750/00 by Ioannis Marínos (PPE-DE) to the Council
C 235 E/14 Official Journal of the European Communities EN 21.8.2001 (2001/C 235 E/018) WRITTEN QUESTION E-3750/00 by Ioannis Marínos (PPE-DE) to the Council (1 December 2000) Subject: Incorporation of the WEU within the EU On 13 November 2000, the Defence Ministers of the Western European Union (WEU) and the Foreign Ministers of the European Union met in Marseilles with the future of the WEU as the main topic on the agenda. At this joint ministerial session the decision was taken to incorporate the WEU’s activities within the EU, and this decision was ratified. As is well known, Turkey (together with other countries outside the European Union) participates in the WEU as an associate member and staff (both military and political) with Turkish nationality are involved in its activities. The same is true of Eurocontrol (the body responsible for air traffic control in Europe) in which Turkey participates as a full member and where Turks serve as senior and top-ranking administrative officials. The EU is moving towards a decision to absorb this body and create a new service along the lines of the above body to coordinate air traffic in our continent in a more efficient and organised manner. According to reports in the European press, this service will also be given responsibility for control over Member States’ F.I.R. areas which are currently reserved for defence purposes only and which are to be transferred to civil aviation. Could the Council provide information on the future status of officials of all types with nationality of countries -
The Evolution of a Common EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy
Chronology: The Evolution of a Common EU Foreign, Security and Defence Policy March 1948: Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and the UK sign the Brussels Treaty of mutual defence. April 1949: The US, Canada and ten West European countries sign the North Atlantic Treaty . May 1952: The European Defence Community treaty is agreed by the six ECSC member states. It would have created a common European army, and permitted West Germany’s rearmament. In August 1954, the French National Assembly rejects the treaty. October 1954: The Western European Union (WEU) is created on the basis of the Brussels Treaty, and expanded to include Italy and West Germany. West Germany joins NATO. December 1969: At their summit in The Hague , the EC heads of state or government ask the foreign ministers to study ways to achieve progress in political unification. October 1970: The foreign ministers approve the Luxembourg Report , setting up European Political Cooperation. They will meet every six months, to coordinate their positions on international problems and agree common actions. They will be aided by a committee of the directors of political affairs (the Political Committee ). July 1973: The foreign ministers agree to improve EPC procedures in the Copenhagen Report . They will meet at least four times a year; the Political Committee can meet as often as necessary. European Correspondents and working groups will help prepare the Political Committee’s work. The Commission can contribute its views to proceedings. October 1981: Measures approved in the London Report include the crisis consultation mechanism: any three foreign ministers can convene an emergency EPC meeting within 48 hours. -
U.S. Democracy Promotion from Bush to Obama
Working Paper N. 1 US DEMOCRACY PROMOTION FROM BUSH TO OBAMA (EUSPRING) April 2015 WORKING PAPER NO. 1 U.S. Democracy Promotion from Bush to Obama Emiliano Alessandri, Oz Hassan, Ted Reinerti The German Marshall Fund of the United States; the University of Warwick, UK. EUSPRING – WORKING PAPER N. 1 INTRODUCTION Throughout the twenty-first century the United States (U.S.) has attempted to balance its traditional national security interests, whilst also seeking to promote the long-term transformation of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) towards democracy based on liberal values. With the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks providing a catalyst for policy change, the U.S. has moved away from its twentieth-century policy of pursuing a regional status quo and instinctively balking at political change. Yet, the U.S. has not abandoned its reliance on autocratic regimes that cooperate on more immediate national security interests such as counter-terrorism, counter-proliferation, and the free-flow energy sources into the global market. Rather, U.S. democracy promotion in the MENA has become incremental by design and is characterized by its gradualist and often- collaborative nature. U.S. foreign policy in the MENA is, therefore, depicted by a cautious evolutionary stance rather than supporting revolutionary shifts in power. Whilst the 2003 invasion of Iraq has tarnished public perceptions of “democracy promotion” and the legitimacy of the U.S. projecting its values beyond its shores, there is more substance to democracy promotion than “regime change” and the soaring rhetoric of the G.W. Bush administration’s Freedom Agenda. As a matter of fact, the G.W. -
Death of an Institution: the End for Western European Union, a Future
DEATH OF AN INSTITUTION The end for Western European Union, a future for European defence? EGMONT PAPER 46 DEATH OF AN INSTITUTION The end for Western European Union, a future for European defence? ALYSON JK BAILES AND GRAHAM MESSERVY-WHITING May 2011 The Egmont Papers are published by Academia Press for Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations. Founded in 1947 by eminent Belgian political leaders, Egmont is an independent think-tank based in Brussels. Its interdisciplinary research is conducted in a spirit of total academic freedom. A platform of quality information, a forum for debate and analysis, a melting pot of ideas in the field of international politics, Egmont’s ambition – through its publications, seminars and recommendations – is to make a useful contribution to the decision- making process. *** President: Viscount Etienne DAVIGNON Director-General: Marc TRENTESEAU Series Editor: Prof. Dr. Sven BISCOP *** Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations Address Naamsestraat / Rue de Namur 69, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Phone 00-32-(0)2.223.41.14 Fax 00-32-(0)2.223.41.16 E-mail [email protected] Website: www.egmontinstitute.be © Academia Press Eekhout 2 9000 Gent Tel. 09/233 80 88 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.academiapress.be J. Story-Scientia NV Wetenschappelijke Boekhandel Sint-Kwintensberg 87 B-9000 Gent Tel. 09/225 57 57 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.story.be All authors write in a personal capacity. Lay-out: proxess.be ISBN 978 90 382 1785 7 D/2011/4804/136 U 1612 NUR1 754 All rights reserved. -
European Union Constitution and Its Effects on Federalism in the EU
The European Union Constitution and its Effects on Federalism in the EU NICHOLAS P. ZALANY* Since its unveiling in May 2003 and approval by the Intergovernmental Conference in June 2004, the European Union Constitution has sparked intense debate. If ratified by Member States, the Constitution will inaugurate a new era in the distribution of power between the EU institutions and Member State governments. This Note will examine the Constitution in the historicalcontext of EU integrationand examine how its changes vis-6-vis current EU governing treaties affect federalism in the EU. It will be shown that any decline in Member State sovereignty that may resultfrom certainprovisions of the Constitution is justifiable in light of the needs to streamline the functioning of the EU in the wake of enlargement and to ensure greater coordination in the areas of common foreign and security policy andjustice and home affairs. I. INTRODUCTION The future of the European Union (EU) stands to be shaped in a profound manner by the EU Constitution agreed to by European heads of state on June 18, 2004.1 This document represents the culmination of the most ambitious reorganization in the EU's half-century of existence. 2 While the Constitution has met with criticism,3 European heads of state and the framers of the Constitution recognized the need for the EU to codify the series of overlapping and often opaque treaties that have governed the EU over the course of its history.4 In addition to rendering pre-existing treaties more coherent and accessible to ordinary Europeans, the Constitution introduces many new measures designed to enhance the functioning of the EU institutions in the wake of enlargement from fifteen to twenty-five * B.A., Case Western Reserve University, 2002. -
The Concept of Security Communities, As One of the Aforementioned Formulations
REVISITING SECURITY COMMUNITIES AFTER THE COLD WAR : THE CONSTRUCTIVIST PERSPECTIVE Hasan Ulusoy* History shows that ‘security, whether defined narrowly or widely, is a scarce commodity’.1 Therefore, it is generally observed that in face of security threat perceptions, states feel the necessity to combine their efforts to strengthen their own security by acting together. This brings us to the concept of collective security, which has been widely debated in the literature of international relations, both in practice and in theory, during which scholars have attempted to provide several formulations to ensure collective security, in the context of international relations theory. This articles revolves around the concept of security communities, as one of the aforementioned formulations. It will focus on the concept in view of theoretical perspectives, in which the constructivist approach will be the main emphasis, with a view to assessing the viability of security communities at the global level 2 in the post-Cold War context. The study, which aspires to examine the theoretical and empirical viability of security communities at global level in view of constructivist approach, is in fact three-fold. * First Secretary, Embassy of the Republic of Turkey, Bern, Switzerland. Ulusoy is also a Phd candidate in the fields of international security. 1 J.C. Garnett, ‘Introduction: Conflict and Security in the new world order’, in M.J. Davis, ed., Security Issues in the Post-Cold War, (Edward Elgar, London, 1996), p.10. 2 Related studies generally argue for the existence of regional formations in different parts of the world that can be regarded as security communities. -
“The Infrastructure of American Democracy Promotion”
The Democracy Bureaucracy The Infrastructure of American Democracy Promotion A discussion paper prepared for the Princeton Project on National Security Working Group on Global Institutions and Foreign Policy Infrastructure by Thomas O. Melia Institute for the Study of Diplomacy Walsh School of Foreign Service Georgetown University September 2005 Comments and corrections are welcome. Contact author with comments at: [email protected] I come from a country where, as late as mid-1989, while all around us totalitarian icebergs were cracking and thawing, the stupid, repressive regime remained strong. Together with other people of a similar mindset, I was in prison. Yet by the end of that same year, I was elected the president of a free Czechoslovakia. Seemingly unshakable totalitarian monoliths are in fact sometimes as cohesive as proverbial houses of cards, and fall just as quickly. Vaclav Havel, Washington Post, June 15, 2005 Introduction George W. Bush has elevated the long-standing American interest in the spread of democracy worldwide to an urgent national security objective by integrating it with the fight against terrorism. President Bush, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and other senior U.S. officials have spoken with increasing frequency and conviction since September 11, 2001 of democracy promotion as critical to rooting out one of the major sources of anti-American terrorism – by ridding the world of the dictators who either support terrorism or provoke it by their repression. Indeed, with his Second Inaugural Address, Bush effectively altered the meaning of the bureaucratic short-hand “GWOT” from a Global War on Terrorism to a more encompassing Global War on Tyranny. -
PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY PROMOTION What We Can Learn from History for Securing the Future of Democracy DEN JEWEILIGEN KAPITELNAMEN HIER EINSETZEN
ANALYSIS Democracy promotion should become more political, more historically aware and capable DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS of dealing with conflict, and in doing so should reflect more strongly the wealth of historical experiences accumulated by PROGRESSIVE democratisation processes. DEMOCRACY Democracy promotion must devote more attention to the relationship between PROMOTION democracy and capitalism. What We Can Learn from History for Securing the Future of Democracy ,Embedded’ democracy pro- motion is needed in order to Matthias Jobelius, Jochen Steinhilber better understand the dynamic September 2020 of social conflicts. Democracy is a story. Successful democracy movements require powerful narratives. DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY PROMOTION What We Can Learn from History for Securing the Future of Democracy DEN JEWEILIGEN KAPITELNAMEN HIER EINSETZEN Contents 1. IS WINTER COMING? EXTERNAL DEMOCRACY PROMOTION FACES NEW QUESTIONS 3 2. SIX LESSONS FROM HISTORY 6 2.1 ‘Too early to tell’: Democratisation still has a long way to go 6 2.2 ‘Circumstances transmitted from the past’: Every democratisation follows a different course 7 2.3 Distribution conflicts and power resources: Democratisation is never conflict-free 8 2.4 Democracy requires strong democratic institutions – and people who protect them 8 2.5 ‘Disembedded’: Capitalism is not democratic 10 2.6 The power of ideas: Democracy requires a narrative 11 3. SIX GUIDELINES FOR PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY PROMOTION 14 3.1 From democratic interventionism to embedded democracy promotion 14 3.2 Identify and promote change agents 15 3.3 Strengthen the effective power of democratic forces 16 3.4 Establish transformative institutions 18 3.5 Dare to promote economic democracy 18 3.6 Develop narratives for democracy promotion for our time 19 4. -
EUROCONTROL History Book December 2010
EUROCONTROL History Book December 2010 By John McInally Head of Organisational Development 1991 - 2010 EUROCONTROL Table of content Introduction 5 Executive summary 9 History of EUROCONTROL - Timeline 1910-2008 17 Part 1 1958-1966 25 Genesis of EUROCONTROL, original vision, sovereignty defined Part 2 1966-1986 75 EUROCONTROL continues with revised/reduced mandate Part 3 1986-1997 119 Amended Convention proves insufficient, matse takes key decisions, EUROCONTROL acts to revise Convention Part 4 1997-2008 191 Early Implementation, EUROCONTROL Adapts to Single European Sky, Growing Concentration on the Network Annex 1 Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the Permanent Commission 293 Annex 2 Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the Committee of management 295 Annex 3 Directors General of the Agency 298 Annex 4 Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the Provisional Council 299 Annex 5 Chairmen of the Civil-military Coordination Committee and military ATm Board 300 Annex 6 Ratification of the revised Convention 301 3 Introduction Introduction This History is a description of the key institutional, legal and organisational events and decisions that have determined the progress of the EUROCONTROL Organisation and its Agency through the past fifty years. It is a record, in one document, of the circumstances surrounding these events and the nature of the performance of EUROCONTROL against what was required of it. Who makes up the audience for this history? It is principally aimed at those past and present Eurocontrollers, including State representatives, as well as those who have been involved with EUROCONTROL at different times through the consultation groups and working arrangements. The reader should note therefore that this is a “History”. -
International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding.